Flavors from Brazil 63

Adriano Botelho

Geography of flavors: essay on the dynamics of the Brazilian cuisine

A country’s cuisine is part of the way of life of its people. It expresses not only the physical aspects of its geography

but also its human, economic, social and cultural aspects. We can, through a process of “reverse engineering”, “deconstruct” a recipe in order to find the ingredients, the cultivation techniques, the spices used, and the type of cattle breeding predominant in a certain region. But a dish is not limited to its material aspects. It is also necessary that an “archeology of the flavors” be carried out, i.e. to deduce the main climate and soil types, the ethnic groups involved, the existing migrations, the foreign influences, as well as the cultural char-acteristics. Therefore, from the typical recipes of its cuisine, we can discover many elements that compose the human and physical geography of a region. Furthermore, as in a two-way street, the previous knowledge of the geographical factors which shape a certain society can contribute to

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explain its eating habits. As Sophie Bessis1 said: “tell me what you eat and I will tell you to which God you are devoted, under which latitude you live, in which culture you were born, and which social group you belong to. Cuisine reading is a fabulous journey into the self-consciousness of each society, into the image that they have of their own identity.”

When we speak of Brazilian cuisine (or Italian, French, Chinese, etc.), we are referring to culturally established aspects that compose a food system which includes a group of tech-niques, products, habits and behaviors related to food. Nevertheless, it is not something static, for the exchanges among different people are con-stant and ever more intense, and the societies which create their cooking also change through time. Thus, as we are reminded by anthropolo-gist Maria Eunice Maciel�, a cuisine cannot be reduced to a mere collection of recipes or a list of ingredients, nor can it be transformed into for-mulas and combinations of elements crystallized in space and time.

Brazilian cuisine has been, since its begin-ning, dynamic, for it is well known that it is a product of influences from different social groups which were related, and continue to relate, (not always in harmonic fashion) throughout his-tory. In addition, due to Brazil’s vast territorial extension, its climatic diversity, its topography and soil, as well as the differences of settlement in distinct regions, it can de said that diversity is one of the aspects of Brazilian cuisine, which is expressed, geographically, through its typical re-gional dishes. However, paradoxically, another

1 The quote by Sophie Bessis was retrieved from Maria Eunice Maciel’s article, “Uma cozinha à brasileira” (A Brazilian cui-sine), Estudos Históricos, n. 33, Rio de Janeiro, 2004.

� Maciel, Maria Eunice. “Uma cozinha à brasileira” (A Brazil-ian cuisine), Estudos Históricos, n. 33, Rio de Janeiro, 2004.

aspect of our cuisine is its homogeneity in the daily food consumption of the majority of Brazilians, with small regional variations, dominated by the duo rice and beans, accompanied by manioc flour, salad and meat (beef, pork, poultry or fish).

In order to conduct a geography of flavors of Brazil, we must consider these aspects of our cuisine, related not only to typical dishes (diver-sity) but also to daily consumption (homogene-ity). Furthermore, we cannot think of Brazilian cuisine only in terms of traditional recipes, for, as mentioned before, cuisine, as a sociocultural manifestation, is part of the dynamic process that expresses the changes which a society undergoes. It is in this sense that we intend, in this article, to analyze the culinary geography of Brazil.

Typical dishes: the geography of diversity

As we look through a recipe book of Bra-zilian cooking, we soon observe the regional di-versity expressed in the different typical recipes of its cuisine. Barreado and arroz carreteiro in the South region; moqueca (capixaba, de ba-nana-da-terra), tutu de feijão, feijoada, feijão tropeiro in the Southeast region; tapioca, dried meat with baião de dois, paçoca of dried meat, buchada de bode, galinha à cabidela, bobó de camarão, sarapatel, vatapá and acarajé in the Northeast; duck in tucupi sauce, maniçoba, ta-cacá in the North Region; pequi rice; tutu with sausage, guariroba; mojica and roasted pacu fish in the Midwest are some examples.

Each one of these recipes reveals a way of life, a relationship between man and the geo-graphical environment that has been developed through various centuries and has received sev-eral influences from distinct ethnic groups. The proximity to the sea or rivers, the “mediterrane-

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Baiana making acarajé. Christian Knepper (Embratur)

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aness”, the climate, the intensity of the presence of native Indian, African and European cultures, the development of economic activities and means of communication are some of the social and geographical elements that contribute to the formation of a regional cuisine.

Just an observation: from the studies of the regional cuisines of Brazil, we can conclude that the five administrative macro regions defined by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statis-tics (IBGE) conceal, within them, a large physical and cultural diversity, thus diverging from the classical definition of region developed by the traditional school of French Geography, which transformed this unit of analysis into a basic ele-ment for the study of this subject.

When we refer to northeastern cuisine, for example, we cannot refrain from considering that there are, at least, two distinctive cuisines: one from the coastal region and the other from the interior.

The first, which originated from the sugar-cane civilization of the 16th Century, is based on the contributions of the social groups that inhab-ited the northeastern coastline (especially the African, slaves; and the Portuguese, mill own-ers, owners of large plantations, employees of the Crown and merchants). The fact that it had greater contact with Europe through its sugar trade should also be considered when we study the characteristics of its cuisine. The traditional recipes of vatapá, acarajé and caruru – that use spices originally from Africa in their preparation – reveal not only the strong African presence in the cuisine of this part of Brazil, but also the in-tensive trade between Brazil and the African con-tinent in the colonial period.

The second, which originated from the cat-tle and goat husbandry activity and was based

economically on extensive raising system, was marked by the semi-arid climate and by the lack of permanent rivers. Furthermore, the weight of slavery was much smaller than in the coastal area and, consequently, the indigenous influence was stronger, alongside the Portuguese. The signifi-cant use of dried meat, a conservation technique brought by the Portuguese, and of manioc flour, a trait of indigenous influence on Brazilian cook-ing, are basic elements of food in the interior of the Northeast. Paçoca of dried meat is an em-blematic example of the combination: dried meat mixed with manioc flour.

The Midwest cuisine displays the influ-ence of the populational flows that met in this region, almost always coming from other parts of the country, mixing their regional elements. Influences of cuisines from São Paulo and Minas Gerais can be detected in Goiás, from the North-east and North in Tocantins and from São Paulo in Mato Grosso do Sul.

The cuisine of the North region is based on fish and manioc, with typical fruits, like as-sai and Brazil nuts, which are being widely used. The ubiquity of the hydrographic net of the re-gion and the strong presence of the indigenous culture explain, in part, its specificities. Tucupi, for example, is a typical element from the cuisine of Pará. It is made with wild manioc and jambu (paracress), a typical leaf that has an anesthetic property, causing a light quivering sensation on the tongue. Tucupi and jambu are part of two typ-ical delicacies: tacacá and duck in tucupi sauce.

The typical cuisine of the Southeast of Bra-zil also has great variety. In Espírito Santo, for example, the traditional basis is fish and other seafood. Moqueca capixaba is their most well known dish. The typical cuisines of São Paulo and Minas Gerais are, however, strongly influ-

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enced by the internal trade carried out by their people during the colonial period. Feijão tro-peiro is its most well known expression. Beans mixed with manioc flour, torresmos, sausages, eggs, garlic, onions and spices was the basic food for the mule guides, responsible for transporting traded goods between Central Brazil, the coast of Rio de Janeiro and the South, being the tradi-tional supplier of cattle and charque (dried-beef). The use of native vegetables, fruits and tubers is typical of Minas Gerais cooking, as well as the use of beef, pork and poultry. On the other hand, Rio de Janeiro cooking is marked by a strong Portuguese influence, noted by the presence of codfish. Another strong point of Rio de Janeiro cuisine is the complete feijoada, which became one of Brazil’s export dishes, symbolizing Brazil-ian cuisine itself.

The South of Brazil depicts, in its cuisine, the human panorama that characterized its oc-cupation: the presence of Portuguese in the ex-treme south and on the coast, of Germans and Italians in the central mountainous area and of Slavs in the state of Paraná. In the extreme South, the northern border of the Pampas, denominated by Fernand Braudel as the “beef civilization”, the extensive cattle raising activity determined the general consumption of bovine meat under the form of churrasco. The Portuguese origin on the coastline of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná can be found in dishes based on fish and other seafood, and in the barreado, a typical dish from the coast of Paraná, which consists of meat cooked for a long period in an earthen pot, served with rice and manioc flour. In the moun-tainous region of Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul, the subtropical climate and the presence of German and Italian immigrants guaranteed the use of wine and wheat in the local cooking, and also of originally European recipes.

The diversity of regional cuisines, and within the macro regions, is a result of the com-bination, throughout history, of geographical, social and cultural elements. They are an expres-sion of the identity of Brazilians who live in dif-ferent parts of the country. In addition to region-al cuisine, an expression of diversity, Brazilian cuisine is a factor of national unity, through the identification of the duo of rice and beans as the typical dish of Brazilian daily subsistence, i.e. as an element of national identity.

The everyday rice and beans

Beyond the regional differences, the daily dish eaten on almost all tables of the country is the duo rice with beans, accompanied by a salad, some kind of meat and manioc flour. The Aurélio dictionary of the Portuguese language defines the duo feijão-com-arroz (beans with rice) as “of everyday use; common; usual”. It is a true ele-

The diversity of regional cuisines, and within

the macro regions, is a result of the combination,

throughout history, of geographical, social and cultural elements. They are an expression of the

identity of Brazilians who live in different parts of

the country.

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The duo rice and beans is the base for the nourishment of Brazilians, overcoming regional and social differences.

Flavors from Brazil 69

ment of national identity, which embraces the people from North to South.

Beans are the basic food for Brazilians. Its cultivation was already known, in its several va-rieties, in Brazil before its discovery and in Eu-rope and Africa. Therefore, there were very few obstacles for its assimilation by Brazilian cuisine. According to the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (Embrapa), the current average con-sumption of beans is 1�.7 kg per Brazilian per year. In a research carried out by DataFolha in the Municipality of São Paulo, 34% of those in-terviewed responded, spontaneously, that their favorite dish was rice with beans, and 76% de-clared eating it frequently. The preferences of the consumer are regionalized and differentiated mainly by color and type of grain.

It is rich in protein and is the main ingre-dient in the diet of the poorer population. The common bean plant is cultivated throughout the year, in most states, offering a constant supply of the product in the market. This occurs both in subsistence crops as well as in those that employ advanced techniques. It should be noted that bean production is also easier for the small fam-ily producer, because it can be planted in small properties, using little technology and the family workforce, in contrast to traditional monocultur-al plantations like soybeans and sugarcane.

The South region stands out in the nation-al scenario of bean plantation, followed by the Southeast, the Northeast, the Midwest and the North, respectively. The vast dissemination and the global use of beans, together with the con-stant supply and accessible prices, are important factors that explain the overall success of this seed within Brazilian eating habits.

Rice, in its turn, came to replace manioc flour as the main companion to beans. Manioc flour, in some regions (mainly North, Northeast

Ready-made dish of rice with beans, fried egg and steak

Delfim Martins / Pulsar Imagens

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and Midwest regions), is a third indispensable ingredient at the table. Rice was introduced in Brazil in the first few centuries of Portuguese col-onization and, slowly, gained importance within Brazilian eating habits, becoming an essential el-ement of our daily cooking. It is one of the most nutritionally balanced foods, offering 20% of en-ergy and 15% of protein of the daily per capita ne-cessities; it is, also, an extremely versatile culture, that adapts itself to different soil and climate con-ditions. It is cultivated all over the country, and was even adapted to the less humid areas (dry land rice). Despite the relative dissemination of rice culture in the territory, about 60% of the Bra-zilian production comes from the South region. The country is known to be the largest producer outside the Asian continent, being among the ten largest world producers.

Thus, we can explain the relative homoge-neity of the daily diet, not only because of cultur-al influences of distinct social groups that formed Brazilian society, but also due to agricultural and agrarian conditions. The duo rice and beans is the basis for the nourishment of Brazilians, over-coming regional and social differences because it is a subsistence food, rich in nutrients, adapted to the climate and soils of almost the entire coun-try, able to be cultivated in small properties, of constant supply and accessible prices. However, new eating habits emerge with the increase of urbanization in our society, with the transforma-tions of the socioeconomic structure and of cul-ture, and with the increase in international flows and exchanges.

New eating habits for Brazilians?

In the decade of 1940, only 30% of the country’s population was urban. Nowadays, 80% of Brazilians live in cities. Urbanization rep-

resents a change in the traditional cultural habits of Brazilian society. New customs are spread by mass communication and by populational mo-bility, stimulated by internal migration. Tradi-tional social relations are replaced by new, gen-erally more dynamic, ones. Ideas circulate faster, transforming centuries-old regional ways of life. Among such changes, new ways of eating make headway in our society. The intense urban life-style, for men and women, is one of the factors that explain these changes.

Along with the intense urbanization ob-served since 1950, we should also consider the development of the food industry to keep up with new family structures and new demands of city dwellers. Thus, we observe an increase in the industrialization of food products consumed at home, with the proliferation of frozen and de-hydrated food, ready-made cookies and doughs, sauces and dishes, etc. More than just fulfilling the demands of the contemporary world, the food industry creates new demands for the con-sumer through aggressive marketing strategies.

Besides food industrialization, fast food restaurants have multiplied in order to meet the needs of the portion of the population that can-not go home to take their meals. Fast food has become part of daily Brazilian eating habits, be it through self-service establishments; through bars which serve “ready-made plates” or sandwiches; or through international junk food chains.

The other side of the coin of the industriali-zation and mass production of food is the upraise of regional and foreign cuisines. The taste for something “different” and “exotic” is one of the characteristics of post-modern cultures of large cosmopolitan centers all over the world, and Bra-zilian metropolises are no exception to this rule. We can, therefore, refer to the “Disneylandiza-

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tion”3 of world cooking, since simulacra of dif-ferent world cuisines proliferate throughout the globe. The intensification of trade and financial relations and the development of means of com-munication and transport have contributed to in-crease the consumer’s sense of proximity to dif-ferent parts of the world. Cooking, a sociocultural expression of different societies, could not avoid being affected by these worldwide changes.

Finally, the act of eating itself has long ceased to simply satisfy our physiological needs. However, besides being an expression of culture, as discussed before, eating is ever more inserted

3 The reference to Disney is due to the innovative aspect of one of its parks, Epcot Center, that simulates different areas of cit-ies like Mexico City, Paris, Rome, Tokyo and Beijing where one can experience “artificially” life in each of these cities, includ-ing the possibility of savoring the typical delicacies of each one of these countries. The practice of simulating other cultures is one of the characteristics of the so-called post-modern culture.

in what Baudrillard4 called the “consumer soci-ety”. Cooking is affected by trends and follows market rules, submitting its cultural authenticity to the imposing homogeneity of tastes, becoming more so dictated by mass media and by needs ex-ternal to the consumer. “High cuisine” becomes a form of social differentiation and of expressing a certain status, whereas food advertised by big fast food chains or by food industry corporations refer more to a way of life than to food itself. An example is the increase in light food products that sell a healthy lifestyle and seek a body shape appropriate to dominant social standards.

In this sense, a new chapter of Brazilian cuisine is about to be written due to these chang-es. Would we be heading to an impoverishing homogeneity that could represent the end of re-gional cooking? Would Brazilian eating habits be undergoing a fundamental change, in which the daily rice and beans loses its place to other dishes? Or would regional cuisine undergo a rediscovery and re-appreciation, becoming more accessible to Brazilians and foreigners?

The answers to these questions only time will bring. However, we should remind ourselves that Brazilian cuisine is marked, historically, by diversity, by the influence of distinct human and natural aspects embraced by our country. Chang-es in our eating habits and in our cuisine are part of wider social, economic, and cultural changes that compose, as mentioned before, a dynamic process. The direction these changes can take, in turn, depends on the lifestyle the Brazilian peo-ple choose to live.

Adriano BotelhoDiplomat; Master and Doctor in Human Geography,

University of São Paulo.

4 Baudrillard, Jean. “Consumer society”.

The other side of the coin of the industrialization

and mass production of food is the upraise of regional

and foreign cuisines. The taste for something

“different” and “exotic” is one of the characteristics of post-modern cultures of large cosmopolitan centers

all over the world, and Brazilian metropolises are no exception to this rule.