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Activation of social norms in social dilemmas: A review
of the evidence and reflections on the implications for
environmental behaviour
Anders Biela and John Thgersenb, ,
aGteborg University, Department of Psychology, Haraldsgatan 1,
SE-405 30 Gteborg,SwedenbAarhus School of Business, Department of
Marketing and Statistics, Fuglesangs Alle 4,8210 Aarhus V,
Denmark
Received 23 August 2005; revised 3 February 2006; accepted 6
March 2006.Available online 11 May 2006.
Abstract
Taking rational choice theory for granted, cooperation in social
dilemmas may be seenas mysterious. In one-shot dilemmas where
subjects unknown to one another interactand make their decisions
anonymously, cooperation could even be regarded as lunacy.Several
authors have challenged this view, though. Research has also
identified variousfactors that imply why people cooperate or defect
in social dilemmas and whatmotivations that might guide the
decision in one way or the other. Here, a closer lookwill be taken
at social norms as a reason for departure from rational choice, a
factor thatrarely has been recognised in the social dilemma
literature. Social norms imply that
people should manifest a prescribed behaviour or not manifest a
proscribed behaviour.Furthermore, social norms are often guiding
behaviour in specific contexts, and manytimes they need to be
activated. Such an activation process is often unconscious andonce
a norm has been activated, people tend to keep following the norm
that has been
primed. We wish to add to the social dilemma literature by
suggesting what kinds ofnorms that are likely to be activated under
different conditions such as one-shot vs.iterated dilemmas, but
also separate domains of social life.
Keywords: Social norms; Social dilemma; Environmental
behaviour
JEL classification codes: C710; Z130Psychological classification
codes: 3000; 4070
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Fig. 1. Factors influencing the activation of norms in social
dilemmas.
Article Outline
1. Introduction2. Cooperation in one-shot social dilemmas and in
iterated games2.1. One-shot social dilemmas2.2. Iterated games3.
General interaction norms3.1.Norms elicited by the behaviour of
others3.2.Norms elicited by the situation3.3. Implications for
environmental behaviour
4. Benevolence norms4.1.Norms elicited by the situation4.2.
Survey research5. Summary and
implicationsAcknowledgementsReferences
1. Introduction
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Taking rational choice theory for granted, cooperation in social
dilemmas may be seenas mysterious. In one-shot dilemmas where
subjects unknown to one another interactand make their decisions
anonymously, cooperation could even be regarded as lunacy.Several
authors have challenged this view on theoretical (e.g.,Dawes,
1980andDawes,1988) as well as on empirical grounds (Clark,
1998,Dawes and Thaler, 1988 and
Frohlich et al., 2004), however. Research has also identified
several factors that explainwhy people cooperate or defect in
social dilemmas (e.g., Komorita & Parks, 1994) andwhat motives
might guide the decision in one way or the other (Messick et al.,
1983 andWilke, 1991). Here, a closer look will be taken on social
norms as a reason for departurefrom rational choice. Although
attempts to give social norms a more prominent place inthe
explanation of cooperation are rare (Kerr, 1995) the significance
of norms has beenrecognised in the social dilemma literature
(Bicchieri, 1990,Bicchieri, 2002,Ostrom,1990 andVon Borgstede,
2002).
Social norms evolve to regulate social life. In particular, they
arise when individualactions cause negative side-effects for others
(Coleman, 1990) and serve the function of
restricting egoistic impulses in favour of collective outcomes
(Biel, Eek, & Grling,1999). Social norms imply that (certain)
people should manifest a prescribed behaviouror not manifest a
proscribed behaviour. Violation of social norms is met by
sanctions.Social norms may become internalised, in which case
sanctions (in the form of guiltfeelings or pride) are administered
by the individual him or herself. Internalised normsare called
personal norms (Schwartz, 1977 and Schwartz and Howard, 1982).
Asdefined by Cialdini and Trost (1998, p. 152): Social norms are
rules and standards thatare understood by members of a group, and
that guide and/or constrain social behaviourwithout the force of
laws. Furthermore, social norms are often guiding behaviour
inspecific contexts, and many times they need to be activated. Such
an activation processis More often than not unconscious, it does
not involve much thinking or even achoice on the part of subjects
and once activated, it will show some inertia, in thesense that
unless a major change in circumstances occurs, people will keep
followingthe norm that has been primed (Bicchieri, 2002, p. 198).
Bicchieris characterisation ofsocial norms has much in common with
habitual behaviour. Just as habits are functionalfor the individual
in reaching his or her goals, norms arise and operate in groups
because they are functional for the group (Kerr, 1995). Habitual
behaviour is activatedby relevant cues in the environment and the
sequence of acts reveal itself with littleattention paid by the
actor (Verplanken & Aarts, 1999). In social contexts, people
searchtheir memory to find similar situations and expectations
about proper behaviour(Bettenhausen and Murnighan, 1991 and
Pillutla and Chen, 1999).
Two types of norms will be addressed: general interaction norms
and benevolencenorms (Kerr, 1995). The former kind of norms
provides rules of interaction andexchange. They are based on shared
beliefs about how people ought to behave in agiven situation.
Rewards and sanctions are administered by other group members or
bythe individual him or herself. While general interaction norms
promote group memberswelfare indirectly, benevolence norms
prescribe behaviour that benefits others directly.Benevolence norms
are private and internalised prescriptive norms. These norms
areactivated when individuals believe that important values are
threatened (e.g.,Stern,Dietz, Abel, Guagnano, & Kalof, 1999).
Here, sanctions and rewards are initiated by theindividual him or
herself only.
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7/30/2019 Activation of Social Norms in Social Dilemmas
4/26
In this paper we will review social dilemma research on the
importance of these kindsof norms, focusing on research of interest
for environmental behaviour in particular.Most research on general
interaction norms is experimental by nature, although studiesof
local common-pool resource dilemmas add to the knowledge base. Most
research on
benevolence norms, on the other hand, is survey based. After a
brief discussion of
cooperation in one-shot social dilemmas and iterated games, we
proceed with anexamination of literature on the influence of norms
on cooperation and comment uponits relevance for behaviour in
environmental dilemmas. We also offer some suggestionsabout which
kinds of norms that are likely to be activated under different
dilemmaconditions and how they might promote or obstruct
environmentally friendly behaviour.
2. Cooperation in one-shot social dilemmas and in
iterated games
2.1. One-shot social dilemmas
In a one-shot public-good social dilemma, participants can
choose between keepingresources to themselves or contribute to a
common pool. Given that enough participantscontribute, the good is
manifested and all are free to use it. In a resource dilemma,
all
participants can harvest from a common resource, but the group
runs the risk ofexcessive harvesting, leading to depletion of the
resource. Both kinds of dilemmasembrace a mixed motive. One can
either pursue individual or collective interests.Furthermore, the
decision situation is set up such that the individuals rational
choice isto pursue his or her individual interest, defection, but
if all or most participants defect,all are worse of than if they
had cooperated and met the collective interest (Dawes,1980). The
one-shot character of the dilemma implies that choices are
madesimultaneously and privately.
Over the years, experiments on one-shot social dilemmas show a
cooperation ratesomewhere between 40% and 60%.1 For example, Kerr
and Kaufman-Gilliland (1994)reported a cooperation rate of 57%. In
his meta-analysis of over 100 social dilemmaexperiments, Sally
(1995) reported an average rate of cooperation of 47% across a
widevariety of conditions. Of course, cooperation is contingent
upon many things. Forinstance, contribution rates may differ
between discrete contributions, all or none, andcontinuous
contributions, where people can contribute any amount they wish.
Ifanything, contributions seem to be greater in the latter than the
former condition (e.g.,
Suleiman & Rapoport, 1992). Evidently, around 50% approach
the experimental socialdilemma with an intention to cooperate. It
should be recognised that in experimentaldilemmas participants are
aware of the nature of the dilemma. Furthermore, the resourceis
represented by points or some small sum of money to gain or lose.
The resource is ofminor importance to those involved. Finally, the
behaviour of others is unknown to the
participants. Hence, the intention to cooperate can, loosely
speaking, be attributed toindividual characteristics. Cooperators
have been characterized as persons that have a
pro-social value orientation (cf. Van Lange, Otten, de Bruin,
& Joireman, 1997) and/orput a trust in others propensity to
cooperate (Yamagishi, 1986). Of prime interest in thepresent paper
is how norms may contribute to this base-rate cooperation around
50%,and under what conditions they may contribute to an increase or
decrease of the
cooperation rate.
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7/30/2019 Activation of Social Norms in Social Dilemmas
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Several authors have noticed the positive effect of
communication on the cooperationrate (Dawes et al., 1977, Ostrom,
1998 and Sally, 1995). This effect is not related to justany kind
of communication, but only communication that is relevant for the
situation athand. In later studies (Dawes et al., 1988 and Orbell
et al., 1988) the importance ofgroup identity was emphasised to
account for the higher rate of cooperation. As people
communicate, a group identity is activated that enhances the
importance of groupwelfare over individual welfare. This
explanation was challenged by Bicchieri (2002),who instead proposed
that communication elicits social norms. The supporting
evidencecomes from studies of iterated games.
2.2. Iterated games
Should group identity account for higher cooperation rates, then
this effect would bevisible whenever group identity is made
salient. This is certainly not the case (Bicchieri,2002). One piece
of evidence put forth comes from a study of iterated games
byKiesler,Sproull, and Waters (1996). Here, the subject
communicated or did not communicate
with another subject; either a human confederate or a computer.
The subject and thepartner interacted in six rounds. In four of
these, discussion took place. Discussionimplied that a proposal
about cooperation was put forth. In the rounds of nocommunication,
the cooperation rate dropped significantly compared to
whendiscussion took place. Bicchieri argues that should discussion
trigger a group identity,then commitments to cooperate should have
been carried over to rounds with nocommunication. Since it did not,
a norm of commitment and promise keeping is a morecredible
explanation.
Although it may take more than two persons to evoke a group
identity, we do believe inBicchieris general conclusion that norms
act as default social rules in social dilemmas.Indirect evidence in
support of this conclusion comes from studies showing
thatexpectations about others cooperation and own cooperation are
strongly interrelated(Dawes et al., 1977 and Messick et al., 1983).
More direct evidence comes from a
prisoners dilemma study where participants experienced
cooperation or competition inrepeated games (Bettenhausen &
Murnighan, 1991). Feedback about the other players
behaviour, a confederate, contributed to the establishment of a
norm for properbehaviour. In the next round of games, participants
were paired with a new member;confederates excluded. Participants
applied the norm when interacting with a new
participant, and also expected others to do the same. Hence, in
new and homogenousgroups those who cooperated in the first round
continued to do so, while those who
defected stayed defectors. In heterogeneous groups, when the
established norm waschallenged, cooperation fell in between the two
homogenous groups.
3. General interaction norms
3.1. Norms elicited by the behaviour of others
Based on work by James March and on Messicks (1999) AIR
hypothesis, anappropriateness framework to decisions in social
dilemmas was recently advanced(Weber, Kopelman, & Messick,
2004). This framework identifies three factors of
significance for cooperation: classification of the situation,
the identity of the decisionmaker, and identification of rules and
heuristics that may guide behavioural choice.
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7/30/2019 Activation of Social Norms in Social Dilemmas
6/26
Among these three factors, classification of the situation is
the principal point. Is this adilemma situation or not? In terms of
norm activation, the appropriateness frameworkhas much in common
with how Bicchieri frames the dilemma situation. In any
situation,an individual will search for cues to interpret the
situation. This is often done as aninstance of a well-known schema,
mentally stored. Once a situation is categorized as
fitting a particular schema, behavioural norms and role
expectations will be elicited (seealso Bettenhausen &
Murnighan, 1991). The question is then: which cues will elicitwhich
schemas?
Since behaviour often takes place in a social context, the
behaviour of others is likely toinfluence which behavioural
decision an individual takes. If people are kind to you, youare
likely to respond with kindness. A favour is often reciprocated.
Part of the reasonmay be that by observing the behaviour of others
social rules are inferred.
In contrast to a one-shot dilemma where people act once and
simultaneously, socialinteraction reflects that behaviour unfolds
over time. Without invoking a norm
explanation, the difference between simultaneous and real-time
contributions wasinvestigated in a public-good dilemma (Goren,
Rapoport, & Kurzban, 2004). Underreal-time conditions,
participants are informed about the decisions of other
participantsas they make the decision (i.e., real time) rather than
just the aggregate result after all
participants have made their decision, as is usually the case in
laboratory research. Onemajor finding was considerably higher
levels of contribution under real-time thansimultaneous
contributions. Since the former procedure more closely mirrors
real-lifecontributions to voluntary public goods, earlier studies
using simultaneous contributionscould have overestimated
free-riding tendencies. We suggest that the difference
between real-time and simultaneous contributions conditions
could be the result of thenorm of reciprocity being made more
salient under real-time conditions. Seeing otherscontribute would
require one to cooperate in kind. Before we turn to the norm
ofreciprocity, the consistency norm and norms about fairness will
be briefly discussed.
Above, the importance of communication for cooperation was
spelled out. It has beensuggested that communication in groups
elicit a commitment norm (Kerr, 1995). Once
people have committed themselves to a course of action, they are
expected and likely toact consistently (Cialdini, 2001). The
importance of this principle is evident in socialdilemma research.
A study by Orbell et al. (1988) found a strong relationship
betweencommitment and cooperation rates. To the extent that group
members in the discussiongroups promised to cooperate, the actual
proportion cooperating was high. Similarly,
did they promise to defect they also defected. Keep in mind that
promises were public,while the actual choice was made
anonymously.
As proposed by Kerr (1995), to free-ride in a social dilemma is
to violate the norm ofequity. In order to receive something from a
public good, one should contribute withsome kind of input.
Furthermore, if group members experience that inequity exists in
aresource dilemma, those that are treated wrongly are prepared to
take action (Allison &Messick, 1990). In line with a welfare
state ideology, studies also show that to theextent that citizens
perceive that resources for social welfare are distributed in a
fairmanner they are also willing to contribute the resource (Biel
et al., 1999andEek andBiel, 2003). In addition, people who are
better off contribute more than people with
smaller endowments. Taken together, norms for distributive
justice seem to have adouble entrance. Once a decision situation is
recognised as a social dilemma, norms
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