MICHAEL DIEHLJENNIFER A. WATERSJ. HOMER THIEL

Acculturation and theComposition of the Diet ofTucson's Overseas ChineseGardeners at the Turn of theCentury

ABSTRACT

Archaeological excavations in Tucson, Arizona, revealed por­tions of an overseas Chinese gardeners' household that wasoccupied between 1892 and 1905. Several features, includingtwo water storage barrels, an outdoor hearth, an activity sur­fac e, and tra sh-filled pits provided an abundance ofmacrobotanical and faunal information, and fragments of foodcooking, storage, and service vessels. Analyses of the datasuggest that the occupants of the household maintained a tra­ditionally diverse diet by preparing new foodstuffs in traditionalways. Some imported Chinese foods were purchased, despitetheir probable high costs, helping to recreate meals eaten in thegardeners' homeland.

Introduction

During the autumn of 1995, archaeologistsfrom Desert Archaeology excavated an historicperiod house located on Spruce Street, at thebase of Sentinel Peak in Tucson (Thiel 1996).The intramural and extramural activity surfaces ofan immigrant Chinese gardeners' household com­prised one component of the site (AZ BB:13:6[ASM])(Figure 1). This component was mostlikely occupied between 1892 and 1905. Histori­cal records indicate that gardeners first moved tothis area in the 1880s and continued farming intothe 1920s.

The excavation of this household accorded aunique opportunity to study one aspect of theprocess of acculturation on Tucson's overseasChinese in the first decade of the 20th century.This article describes analyses of macrobotanicaland faunal remains and vessels for food storage,cooking and consumption. The examination of

Historical Archaeology, 1998, 32(4):19- 33.Permission to reprint required.

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the artifact assemblages shows that the gardenersadapted to local environmental and economicconstraints by preparing non-traditional fooditems, while retaining traditional cooking prac­tices, and by purchasing some imported foods.The effect may have been the preservation oftraditional cooking concepts and cultural valuesand beliefs related to the preparation of food,despite the constraints of an economy that wasoriented towards the tastes and demands of thedominant Euroamerican culture.

Traditional Chinese Meals and the Desire toMaintain a Diverse Diet

The important role of food in Chinese culture,and ethnic notions about the relationship betweenfood and health, combined to promote a strongdesire, resilience, and flexibility among the over­seas Chinese in the maintenance of traditionalcooking practices. Traditional Chinese cooking isorganized, in part, around a two part structurethat includes fan (starch portion) and Is 'ai (meatand vegetables), and "hot" and "cold" humoredfoods in balanced proportions (Chang 1977:6-7,10). The maintenance of a balance between hotand cold, and fan and Is'ai, is in turn linked toChinese recommendations for the maintenance ofproper health. Balanced diets are generally con­sidered healthful. In contrast, excess or deficit inany food category may lead to suffering.

The maintenance of traditional cooking prac­tices was motivated by other customs and beliefsas well. In a 1974 study of Chinese-Americanand immigrant residents of Tucson, Howard(1974) documented eight customs (foods served)and beliefs (symbolic interpretations of particular ·foods) associated with weddings. She also stud­ied the foods associated with 86 other customsand beliefs, pertaining to limnal transitions suchas birth, one year ceremonies, puberty, adulthood,and death, and with states of being such as hap­piness, fertility, prosperity, and health. For ex­ample, many of Howard's informants noted thatpomegranates and lotus seed soup were served tonew brides at the end of wedding ceremonies, in

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order to "signify the desire for" many children(Howard 1974:71). Still other customs wereobserved in celebration of certain calendricalevents . From Howard's study it is clear thatboth overseas Chinese, and second and third gen­eration Chinese Americans, maintained a complexset of beliefs and practices that associate specificfoods with the operation of the cosmos.

Anecdotal evidence suggests that the diets ofcontinental Chinese laborers may have promotedbetter health than the diets of contemporary west­ern European laborers. Spence (1977:267) notedthat according to British observers in China, mid­19th century Chinese tea pickers seemed healthierthan European laborers. The Chinese had amore diverse diet that compared favorably withthe diets of contemporary Scottish laborers inGreat Britain. The latter consumed a very nar-

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

row diet comprised chiefly of starch in the formof porridge, bread, and beer.

Cultural practices that promoted a dietary bal­ance of starch, meat, and vegetables were carriedto America (Jaffa 1901). Northern European rail­road workers constructing the Western Pacificrailroad consumed a less diverse diet that wassomewhat devoid of vegetables, yet Chineseworkers on the same crews maintained traditionalpractices:

The Chinese railroad laborers' diet: dried oysters, aba­lone, cuttlefish, bamboo sprouts, mushrooms, five kindsof vegetables, pork, poultry, vermicelli, rice, salted cab­bage, dried seaweed, sweet rice crackers, sugar, fourkinds of dried fruit, Chinese bacon, peanut oil and tea.(Meanwhile the Caucasian laborers ate a less balanceddiet of beef, beans, bread, butter and potatoes and drankwater instead of tea . ..)(Kraus 1969:46).

_ I.JU'LANATlOH _

_____I .....--

I-.1..... _ ................... -.

SPRUCE SiREET

Figure 1. Features excavated in the Chinese Gardeners' Household.

ACCULTURATION AND THE COMPOSITION OF THE DIET

Previous studies of consumption indicate that,to a certain degree, traditional cooking practiceswere supported by the import of traditional foodsfrom China. Evans (1980) noted that Chinesevegetables, pickled or otherwise prepared, wereimported to California in a variety of ceramiccontainers. Fragments of imported containershave been observed in archaeological depositsthroughout the western states. The presence ofChinese manufactured food containers in manyarchaeological sites (Evans 1980; Staski 1985,1993:139; Lister and Lister 1989:40-45) providestangible evidence of food importation. Ex­amples include, but may not be limited to: soysauce, dried fruits, fish, sauces, seaweed, spices,prepared vegetables , selected dried meats, andprepared eggs (Evans 1980 ; Langenwalter1980:103; Sando and Felton 1993:152).

Despite the importance of some traditionallyprepared vegetables, it is possible that access tofresh vegetables may have varied seasonally orby region and depended, in large part, on locallygrown food. For example, there are numerousaccounts of sustained efforts at gardening. Manyauthors have noted that vegetables were an im­portant component of traditional Chinese cookingand substantial efforts were invested in gardeningfor personal consumption and to serve marketdemands (Urquides 1977:70; Lister and Lister1989:59-60; Fee 1993). Apparently, immigrantswho lived in California had access to a welldeveloped market that provided locally growntraditional vegetables including a variety of Asianmelons, Chinese cabbage, ginkgo, and coriander(Kent et al. 1987).

Tucson overseas Chinese maintained extensivegardens. An account in the Arizona Daily Star(1889) noted that:

Lin Kee, who rents sixteen acres of rich land from Mr.Van Alstine, raised a good crop of corn, potatoes, sweetpotatoes, onions and chille [sic]. The potatoes are of avery large size, and a heavy load of the same wasstarted for Tombstone yesterday.

That example is particularly illustrative becauseall but one of these plants (potatoes) are found

21

in Chang's (1977:6-7) list of important basicfoods for cooking ; further, Spence (1977:264)noted the importance of "Irish" potatoes for thecontinental Chinese. In a contemporary literaryaccount of life in "the west," it was said of theoverseas Chinese:

Many are vegetable gardeners, too. In this even climateand with this productive soil, their painstaking culture,much hoeing and constant watering, make little groundvery fruitful , and they gather in three, four, and fivecrops a year. Their garden patches, in the neighborhoodof cities and villages, are always distinguishable fromthe rougher and more carelessly cultured grounds oftheir Saxon rival (Bowles 1869:400).

The importance of vegetables in the diets ofimmigrant Chinese is manifest in their efforts atmaximizing the amount of space available forgardening. Archaeologists in Idaho have identi­fied hilltop terraced gardens. These were createdwhen a judge ruled that only United States citi­zens could own Idaho land, effectively prevent­ing access to naturally occurring level ground(Fee 1993:77). Historical accounts indicate thatsome of these terraced gardens produced goodyields of strawberries (Fee 1993:79, 85) andthese were packed into regional mining camps tobe sold. Moreover, newspaper accounts that de­scribe 19th century Chinese truck gardens arecommonplace. Taken together, prior archaeologi­cal and historical studies support the generaliza­tion that Chinese demanded, and if necessarysupplied , a wide variety of meats , fresh veg­etables, and imported prepared foods for theirown consumption.

Macrobomn0alRemams

Archaeological studies of overseas Chinese di­ets through the analysis of macrobotanical re­mains are infrequent, and the data base againstwhich macrobotanical samples may be comparedis somewhat limited. In the 1960s, archaeolo­gists associated with the Tucson Urban Renewalproject collected artifacts from numerous resi­dences in areas scheduled for demolition (Lister

22

and Lister 1989). No flotation samples wereunderstandably collected, since most of the col­lections were obtained from extant living surfacesrather than archaeological deposits. Several con­tainers that held plant remains (seeds, groundsubstances) were collected (for example, Listerand Lister 1989:71, Figures 3.52e, d, e) but theircontents were not identified. Examination of19th and 20th century Tucson newspapersshowed that fresh vegetables were an importantcomponent of Chinese diets. Immigrant garden­ers grew food both for personal consumption,and for sale to local groceries and restaurants.Accounts list cantaloupes, strawberries, and toma­toes among the products sold in local markets(Lister and Lister 1989:7-8, 58-59; 89).

Farther afield, excavations of overseas Chinesearchaeological features in Los Angeles (Honeysett1993), Woodland (Honeysett and Schulz 1984),and Sacramento, California (Praetzellis andPraetzellis 1982: 121-123) produced flotationsamples, from which have been recovered a widevariety of traditional and non-traditional foodgenera and weed seeds . Excavations in LosAngeles led to the collection of 90 seeds in 7genera, including lychees, Chinese olives,peaches, peanuts, a ginkgo nut fragment, and 3varieties of melon (Honeysett 1993). Samplesrecovered during the excavations in Woodlandproduced nine varieties of common urban weeds,and seeds of four traditional Chinese fruits­winter melon and a related squash, bitter melon,and Chinese olives (Honeysett and Schulz1984:152-53). Excavations in Sacramento yieldeda mix of Asian melons, fig, tomato, peach, plum,cherry, eggplant (another traditional Asian food),and high frequencies of grape and blackberryseeds.

The sources of some of these seeds areascertainable. Peaches, plums, cherries, and pea­nuts have been grown in North America for over200 years. Blackberries are common throughoutthe continent. The Asian melons may have beenimported as seeds , and cultivated in the LosAngeles area; Honeysett noted that winter melonand bitter melon were grown in the Sacramento

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

Valley during the 19th century (Honeysett andSchulz 1984:152-153). The date of introductionof ginkgo trees to North America is not known;however, Kent et al. (1987:161) suggested thatthe recovery of a ginkgo fruit from features inRiverside's "Chinatown" indicates that at leasttwo trees (a male and female) must have beencultivated by 1893. Honeysett (1993:401) notedthat broiled or roasted ginkgo nuts are a tradi­tional ceremonial food that require preparatoryprocessing to remove the fruit pulp. The oliveswere probably prepared overseas and imported tothe United States (Honeysett and Schulz1984:153). The same may have been true forginkgo nuts.

The Kent et al. (1987) study is noteworthy be­cause of the extensive ethnohistorical researchinvested in the descriptions of seeds and tissue(58 taxa comprising 32 genera) of 7,469 speci­mens. As the authors noted, since the specimenswere captured by dry recovery techniques, theassemblage may be biased in favor of larger tis­sues.

Faunal Remains

Documentary research suggests that pork wasthe preferred meat in 19th century China, al­though many different animals were eaten insmaller quantities (Gust 1993:185). Beef was notcommonly consumed because laws prohibited theslaughter of cattle and water buffalo for food(Simoons 1991 :303). It is probable that immi­grants carried the preference for pork with themas they moved to the United States.

It is clear that the overseas Chinese living insome parts of the western United States ate morebeef than pork. As an example, pork is under­represented in Arizona urban Chinese assem­blages when compared to faunal assemblagesfrom other western states. A study of faunalspecimens from Phoenix's second Chinatown in­dicates that beef consumption prevailed over porkconsumption (Rogge et al. 1992). The majorfood taxa, in order of abundance, included cow(57%), chicken (12%), and sheep and pig (less

ACCULTURATION AND THE COMPOSITION OF THE DIET

than 10% each). In the immigrant Chinese fau­nal assemblage from the Tucson Urban Renewalproject (Gust 1993), cow elements comprised themajority (56%) of the assemblage, and pig ele­ments comprised 27%. Other taxa were presentin small numbers, each comprising less than 10%of the assemblage (Gust 1993:183-187).

Gust (1993:208) also examined archaeologicalfaunal assemblages from California and Nevada.The assemblages from Sacramento and Wood­land, California, and Lovelock, Nevada, had largeamounts of pork (from 39% to 87%), a largeproportion of chicken, higher status meat cuts,and fewer butchering marks on pig bones. Incomparison, the assemblages from Ventura, Cali­fornia and the Tucson Urban Renewal Projectwere dominated by beef and bore more evidenceof butchering marks on pig bones (indicatingsmaller, cheaper portions) and generally lowerquality meat cuts. Gust (1993:208) implied thatthe Chinese in Ventura and Tucson were lessaffluent than other Chinese in the West and as aresult were not able to buy as much pork. Inanother study, the urban Chinese faunal assem­blage recovered from excavations in EI Paso,Texas (Staski 1993:141; 1985) contained a largeproportion of cow bones, with beef being thesecond most important contributor to the diet.Staski attributed the high quantity of beef in thediet to the effects of acculturation on the Chinesepopulation in EI Paso.

Imported Foodstuffs and Beverages

Large quantities of beverages and preparedfoods were exported from China to the UnitedStates. The main consumers of these items wereexpatriate Chinese (Lister and Lister 1989). Theproducts were available through Chinese operatedstores that were present in many westem commu­nities. They can be identified through the pres­ence of brown glazed stoneware containers.

Containers recovered archaeologically in theTucson Urban Renewal project and throughoutthe West include the following items; spoutedjars (Nga Hu) that held soy sauce, liquor, vin-

23

egar, and peanut oil; liquor bottles (Tsao Tsun);wide mouthed jars (Fut How Nga Peng) thatcontained preserved tofu, sweet bean paste,beans, pickled turnips, cabbage, shrimp paste,sugar, and other condiments ; globular jars(Ching) used to hold liquor, pickled carrots, scal­lions, salted cabbage, melons, cucumbers, ginger,and salty duck eggs; and straight sided jars(Jiung) containing preserved tofu, maltose, andmedicinal herbs (Lister and Lister 1989; Yangand Hellman 1996). The contents of these jarshelped immigrants to recreate the flavor and va­riety of foods they knew in their homeland.Immigrants may have used these items sparinglysince they were probably quite expensive.

Analyses

It has been established that the overseas Chi­nese held strong beliefs that related food to life,the universe, and just about everything. How­ever , exigencies of life in Tucson must haveimposed some constraints or limitations on theirability to maintain these traditions and beliefs .For example, there is no history of rice or soy­bean farming in the Tucson Basin. Traditionalvegetables such as Chinese cabbage were likelydifficult to obtain. They were certainly not cul­tivated by the majority of Tucsonans. Moreover,the climate is not well suited for their growth,and contemporary newspapers conspicuously lackany mention of vegetables that might have beengrown specifically for consumption by the Chi­nese community. The Southern Pacific Railroadprovided the only means for the movement ofproducts to Tucson from West Coast cities, andthe rates charged by the railroad for movingfreight would have substantially inflated the costof imported foods.

How did Tucson's overseas Chinese adapt toenvironmental and economic constraints, whilemaintaining traditional beliefs and practices? Theexcavation of the Spruce Street locus resulted inthe collection of numerous faunal specimens,fragments of vessels, and flotation samples thatyielded macrobotanical remains. The examination

24

of these assemblages provided an opportunity tocatalogue and assess some of the Chinesepeople's adaptive responses to life in the desertSouthwest.

Archaeological Findings

Excavation of the gardeners' household waslimited to an area measuring 15 x 70 ft. (4.6 x21 m) beneath Spruce Street (Figure 1). The sitewas located during test trenching along the southside of the street. During data recovery, the as­phalt street surface was removed and strippedwith a backhoe, exposing a cobble compound

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

foundation and several pit features. Subsequenthand excavation resulted in the delineation of therectangular compound (Feature 120/2001), twopartially buried barrels (Features 117 and 2005),a probable outdoor hearth (Feature 2014), a smalllatrine pit (Feature 2002), and a trash-filled bor­row pit (Feature 124/2004). Postholes found in­side the compound suggest that a ramada-likestructure once stood in its interior. Of the10,842 artifacts, 10.8% (n=I,171) were made inChina, representing a minimum of 62 individualitems. Subsequent installation of a drainage sys­tem destroyed the remaining portion of the sitebeneath Spruce Street, however the site extends

TABLE 1FREQUENCIES AND UBIQUITIES OF SEEDS FROM THE CHINESE GARDENERS' HOUSEHOLD

TaxonAcacia Acacia sp.Loco Astragalus sp.Saltbush Atriplex sp.Mustard Brassica sp.Pepper Capsicum sp.Saguaro Carnegiea giganteaGoosefoot/ Pigweed

ChenopodiumlAmaranthus sp.Composite family CompositaeSquash Cucurbita sp.Brittlebush Enci/ia sp.Spurge Euphorbia sp.Grass family GramineaeSunflower Helianthus sp.Miner 's lettuce Lactuca sp.Legume family LeguminosaeCholla/Prickly pear Opuntia sp.Rice Oryza sativaPanic grass Panicum sp.Buckwheat family PolygonaceaePurslane Portulaca sp.Buckwheat Rumex sp.Nightshade family SolanaceaeSolanum / Physalis typeDropseed Sporobolus sp.False purslane Trianthema sp.Wheat Triticum sp.Unidentified seedsMaize Zea mays

Frequency'I42379

24I205I51

511553333136I4338235I74262

Ubiquity?0.330.670.330.670.330.67

0.670.330.330.330.330.330.330.310.330.670.330.330.331.000.330.331.000.331.000.330.670.67

Most Likely UseGreen podsSeeds, greensSeeds, leaves as teaSeeds as flavoring agent, greensSeeds flavoring agent, fruit as vegetableFruit

Seeds, greensSeeds, flowers, greensFruit, seedsunknownunknownSeeds as grainSeeds, greensGreensGreen podsFruitSeeds as grainSeeds as grainSeeds, greensSeeds, greensSeeds, greensFruitFruitSeeds as grainSeeds, greensSeeds as grainunknownSeeds as grain

'Frequency from 15 flotation samples.2Ubiquity (proportional frequency ofpresence vs. absence) across 3 features.

ACCULTURATION AND THE COMPOSITION OF THE DIET

beneath a vacant lot to the south, and additionalfeatures probably are present in this area.

Macrobomn0alRemams

To what extent are the flotation samples fromthe household on Spruce Street indicative of at­tempts to maintain traditional cooking practices?The evidence suggests that the occupants madeextensive efforts at incorporating locally growablefoods into a traditional cooking pattern. Fifteenflotation samples were recovered from the ar­chaeological deposits of the Chinese householdon Spruce Street (Diehl et al. 1996). The plantsthat were recovered from the flotation samplesare listed in Table 1.

Apparently, the Spruce Street Chinese main­tained an essentially traditional cooking style thatbalanced fan and ts 'ai, despite the lack of tradi­tional Chinese vegetables. This was accom­plished largely through the use of common NewWorld crops, including cucurbits and chiles. Thearray of edible vegetables, particularly greens,was augmented, however, by the use of severallocally obtainable wild plants, such as Lactucasp. (cf. serriola, probably "Miner's lettuce") .The green tissues of this plant may have servedas a substitute for unavailable Chinese vegetablesin the ts 'ai component of traditionally preparedmeals.

Chinese use of wild plants incorporated otherspecies as well. The other wild plants whosegreens or fruits may have been consumed, andthat are represented in moderate to high frequen­cies, include goosefoot and pigweed seeds andpresumably, greens; purslane, and false purslane.Altogether, 12 of the 26 taxa identified in theChinese component may have been consumed as"greens" or as in the case of legumes , greenvegetables.

Other vegetative tissues were used, includingnightshade or groundcherry fruits (Solanum sp.or Physalis sp.). Cheno-ams, dock (Rumex sp.),and Polygonace (buckwheat family) are especiallynoteworthy because they are among the plantgenera mentioned among the traditional Chinesestaples by Chang (1977:6-7). Moreover, the use

25

of saguaro (Carnegia sp.) and prickly pear(Opuntia sp.) cactus fruits clearly indicates theimportance of locally obtainable foods for main­taining a diverse diet. Their use is probably aphenomenon that is, among the overseas Chinese,unique to the Sonoran desert biotic province.Finally, of course, maize (Zea mays), rice (Oryzasativa), and wheat (Triticum sp.) are traditionalChinese agricultural grains . Maize was intro­duced to China during the 17th century (Chang1977).

Taken together, the flotation samples from thehousehold on Spruce Street suggest that multiplestrategies were pursued in an effort to retain tra­ditional cooking practices (and presumably, be­liefs). Well known agricultural grains wereavailable, and little adjustment was required tofind ingredients for the fan (starch) component ofthe diet. For the ts 'ai component, however,many traditionally used vegetables were notavailable, and these were replaced by localplants. These included the substitution of NorthAmerican plants for analogous, but unavailabletraditional plants, as was the case with the wildgreens of cheno-ams and miner's lettuce. How­ever, it is also clear that the maintenance of tra­ditional cooking practices did not prevent theincorporation of entirely new and unfamiliarfoods, such as cactus fruits.

Faunal Remains

To what extent did Tucson's Chinese modifytheir culinary practices with respect to meat con­sumption? The evidence suggests that low socio­economic status and the scarcity of pork pro­moted a higher consumption of beef. Despitetheir high reliance on beef, the meals ofTucson's Chinese gardeners included meat froma diversity of animals.

Composition of the Faunal Assemblage

Meat was an important component of the dietof the Chinese gardeners' household. The animalbone recovered indicated that a number of wild

26 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

TABLE 2FAUNA (NUMBER OF IDENTIFIED SPECIMENS) FROM FEATURES IN THE CHINESE GARDENERS'

HOUSEHOLD

FeaturesTaxon 124/2004 2000.00 2002.00 TotalFish (Class Osteichthyes) 45 45Turtle (Order Testudinata) 2 2Medium bird (chicken size) 5 2 9 16Ducks (Family Anatidae) 2 2Chicken (Gallus gallus) 1 1Ravens and crows (Corvus sp.) 1Jackrabbits (Lepus sp.) 1Medium rodents (ground squirrel/wood rat size) 5 5New World rats and mice (Family Cricetidae) 1 1Deer mouse (Peromyseus sp.) 1 1Dog (Canisfamiliaris) 6 6Artiodactyls (Order ArtiodactyI) 21 4 9 34Deer (Odoeoileus sp.) 4 1 5Sheep/goat (Ovis aries/Capra hireus) 2 2 4Cow (Bos taurus) 132 16 13 161Pig (Sus serof a) 25 3 8 36Unidentifiable small mammal (rodent/rabbit size) 2 3 19 24Unidentifiable medium mammal (dog size) 2 1 I 4Unidentifiable large mammal (sheep/goat/pig size) 11 3 24 38Unidentifiable very large mammal (Cow/horse size) 8 33 41Indeterminate mammal (size class unknown) 122 25 23 170Indeterminate animal (class unknown) 2 I 3Feature Totals 338 62 201 601

and domesticated species were eaten by the oc­cupants of the site. The following taxa probablywere consumed as food : fish, turtle, duck,chicken, jackrabbit, dog, deer, sheep/goat, cow,and pig (Table 2). Rodents, such as rats andmice, were eaten by the poor in China (Simoons1991 :320-321), but the rodent bones found at thesite probably do not represent food items, theywere fresh and appear to be recent intrusions .The raven/crow element also was probably not afood item. Indeterminate mammals comprised46% of the animal bone in the assemblage.These probably came from domestic artiodactyls,but they could not be identified further becauseof their extremely fragmented condition.

Domestic animals provided most of the meateaten by the household. Cow bones comprised50% of the identifiable faunal assemblage. This

proportion indicates that beef was the main meatconsumed, similar to other Chinese faunal assem­blages found in Arizona (Rogge et al. 1992; Gust1993). High quality beef cuts such as sirloinand short loin (Table 3) represented 37% of thecow elements from the Spruce Street site. Theremaining identifiable cow elements representedlow quality meat cuts and included cervical ver­tebrae, rib shafts, and scapula fragments, as wellas elements from the lower legs and feet.

Pig bones comprised only 6% of the assem­blage. A thoracic vertebra and a few innominatefragments represented high quality pork cuts fromthe loin and ham, respectively. All the rest ofthe identified pig elements represented lowerquality cuts (Table 3), including cranial elements,feet, hocks, and shoulder area fragments. Mostof these cuts contained little meat and probably

ACCULTURATION AND THE COMPOS ITION OF THE DIET

were used to flavor soups and other dishes. Thelocations on the skeleton of the recovered cowand pig elements are shown in Figures 2-3.

Other domestic animals, including sheep orgoats, dogs, chickens, and ducks were recoveredin much smaller numbers. None exceeded 10%of the assemblage. The Chinese gardeners alsomade use of local wild fauna. The presence ofjackrabbit and deer bones suggest that the occu­pants of the Chinese gardeners' household huntedin mesquite bosques along the Santa Cruz River.

Finally, a relatively large number of fish bonesof indeterminate species were recovered. Whenone considers the actual meat weight representedby these bones, however, it is apparent that fishcontributed far less meat to the diet than beef orpork.

The butchering marks on the faunal materialfrom the Gardeners' site indicate that most of thecuts were produced us ing tr aditional

27

Figure 2. Beef elements recovered from the ChineseGardeners' Household (illustrated by Ron Beckwith).

Euroamerican equipment and butchering practices.Saw cut s represented 77% of the butcheringmarks rather than the traditional cleaver marksnoted in some Chinese faunal assemblages (Gust1982:109). Saw cuts also comprised the major-

TABLE 3BEEF AND PORK CUTS AND QUALITY FROM THE CHINESE GARDENERS' HOUSEHOLD

COWElement' Cut Quality' NISPJ Pig Element Cut Quality" NISPLumbar vertebra Short loin High I Thoracic vertebra Loin High IRib, proximal (1-5) Rib High I Innominate Ham High 2Ilium Sirloin High I Occipital Cranial Low 5Femur Round High 23 Malar/zygomatic Cranial Low ICervical vertebra Neck Low 6 Maxilla Cranial Low IThoracic spine (1-5) Chuck Low I Mandible Cranial Low 2Rib, shaft (1-5) Cross rib Low 5 Teeth Cranial Low 8Rib, shaft (6-12) Short rib Low 14 Indeterminate Cranial Low 2

skull fragmentScapula, glenoid Arm Low I Rib, distal Spare ribs Low IScapula, blade Chuck Low 6 Scapula, blade Boston butt Low 3Humerus Arm Low 3 Humerus Shoulder Low 2Radius Foreshank Low I Radius Shoulder hock Low 2Ulna Foreshank Low 2 Ulna Shoulder hock Low 2Tibia Hindshank Low I Tibia Ham hock Low ICalca neus Hindshank Low I Third metacarpal Foot Low ITarsal Hindshank Low 3 Metapodial Foot Low IMetapodia l Foot Low 1 Second phalanx Foot Low 1Total 71 Total 36

'Does not include unidentifi able elements (n = 90).' Based on Schulz and Gust (1983:48).JNumber of identified specimens."Based on Levie (1963) .

28

ity of butchering marks in the Chinese assem­blage from El Paso (Staski 1993:140). Sourcesthat document late 19th century butchering byoverseas Chinese in the United States suggestthat they adopted American butchering methodsand tools over time (Gust 1993:193-207).

Economics, Acculturation, and Meat Use

The large proportions of beef and the presenceof Euroamerican meat cuts in the Tucsongardener's faunal assemblage reflect a pattern ofacculturation in the face of major economic con­straints and the vagaries of supply. The primacyof beef in the assemblage is likely a consequenceof economic conditions and resource availability.

Given their immigrant status and occupation, itis suggested that the members of this householdwere part of Tucson's lower economic class.Relatively inexpensive, low quality meat portionsrepresent 63% of the beef elements . The pigelements come from low quality cuts of meat in91% of the sample. Despite the local widespreadavailability of beef it is clear that most of themeat used was relatively inexpensive.

The results of other archaeological projects inTucson suggest that pork was not as abundant asbeef. In general, pig bones have been recoveredin small numbers and only from households withrelatively high income levels (Mabry and Ayres1994; Thiel et al. 1994).

Figure 3. Pork elements recovered from the ChineseGardeners ' Household (illustrated by Ron Beckwith) .

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

A review of the history of the local livestockindustry suggests that the general unavailabilityand higher price of pork affected meat selection.Local cattle ranches were the source for most ofthe beef sold. Butcher reports from the 1890sindicate that hundreds of cattle were slaughteredper year in the Tucson area (Pima CountyButcher Records n.d.), Many of the large cattleranches in the 1890s ran tens of thousands ofanimals on their ranges. For example, the Em­pire Ranch, located in the Cienega Valley south­east of Tucson, supported nearly 40,000 head ofcattle in 1898 (Dowell 1978). Pork was not asabundant as beef in either Pima County or thestate as a whole. The data examined on hogproduction in late 1800s Arizona suggest that thehog industry was not as developed as the cattleindustry. The agricultural census of 1900 lists624 hogs in Pima County and 18,103 hogs in thestate . In contrast, 99,719 cattle are listed onfarms and ranges in Pima County and a total of607,454 cattle were found in the state (UnitedStates Bureau of the Census 1902). Small hoggrowing operations could not effectively competewith the large cattle ranches.

Charles Henry Veil, an early Arizona entrepre­neur, related his experiences with hog farming inthe late 1800s. Although Veil's account is an­ecdotal , it points out that raising hogs was arisky business in Arizona at the time. In 1874,Veil purchased all 600 hogs in the Phoenix area.He first described the undertaking as "a lot ofwork and expense before the job was finished,yet it was a money maker" (Veil 1993:156). Hesold his pork products to the government-pre­sumably the Army, given that he had Army con­tracts to purchase his flour. Veil took up hogfarming again in the late 1880s. This time hishogs multiplied so rapidly that they nearly atehim out of house and home (Veil 1993:157) .When the herd reached approximately 1,350 heattempted to sell them, but the local market wassaturated and there was no demand. They weresold at a loss.

The absence of a robust local hog industry wasnot alleviated by the arrival of the railroad. The

ACCULTURATION AND THE COMPOSITION OF THE DIET

first train of the Southern Pacific Railroad arrivedin Tucson on 20 March 1880 (Mabry 1994:3).This improvement in transportation did not stimu­late the local hog industry, nor is it likely thatimported hogs would be purchased cheaply. In1886, the Southern Pacific Railroad began to in­crease its already exorbitant freight rates (Bailey1994:115). In the fall of 1889, cattlemen inCochise County, Arizona drove their cattle toDeming, New Mexico, in order to bypass theSouthern Pacific segment of the route fromWilcox to Deming (Bailey 1994:119). Manycattle ranchers in Cochise County organized cattledrives to California in 1889 and 1890 to protest

TABLE 4FOOD STORAGE , PREPARATION , AND SERVICE

VESSELS FROM THE CHINESE GARDENERS 'HOUSEHOLD

Vessel Class FrequencyFood and beverage storageChinese spouted jar 6Chinese wide mouthed jars I IChinese jar lids 5Euroamerican catsup bottle IChinese liquor bottle 5Euroamerican stoneware beer bottle IEuroamerican glass beer, wine, and liquor bottles 21Euroamerican beverage bottles 6Euroamerican milk bottle ITin cans present

Food preparationPapago jars 3Papago bowls 4Papago-unknown form 27

Food serviceChinese bowls 12Chinese tea or liquor cups 9Chinese sauce dish 2Chinese ceramic spoon 3Chinese vessel-unknown form 2Mexican bowls 8Euroamerican bowl 25Euroamerican cup 8Euroamerican glass tumblers or stemware 4Euroamerican plate 4Euroamerican saucer 9Euroamerican basin 5

29

Figure 4. The gardeners purc hased many items manufac­tured in China inc luding a spouted jar, a sauce dish , a ricebowl, medicine bottles, a liquor cu p, a ceram ic spoo n, apadlock , and an op ium tin (photograph by Helga Teiwes).

the high freight costs (Bailey 1994:121; Dowell1978); nearly 3,000 head arrived in California onthese drives. Driving hogs on the hoof to mar­ket over long distances was not an option opento hog producers . Hogs require feed and fre­quent watering, whereas cattle could survive suchtrips by eating grass and other vegetation alongthe trail. The Arizona hog industry was not sus­tainable in the face of competition from the cattleindustry.

Economic status, resource ava ilability, andadaptat ion to the larger society's foodways areinterrelated and probably all contributed to thehigher beef than pork consumpt ion by the Chi­nese Gardeners' household. "The Chinese wayof eating is characterized by a notable flexibilityand adaptability" (Chang 1977:8). Despite theirhigher consumption of beef, the overseas Chinesein Tucson maintained their trad itional dietarypatterns, using a diverse range of meat productswhile adapting to local conditions.

30

Food Storage, Preparation, and ServingContainers

Food and beverage storage, preparation, andservice vessels were cross-mended to help deter­mine the minimum number of vessels, their func­tion, and to examine where vessels were manu­factured. The vessels indicate that despite use oflocal or Euroamerican containers, the Gardeners'household made an effort to maintain traditionalfood preparation and serving practices (Figure 4).Chinese food and beverage containers representedalmost half of the glass and ceramic storage ves­sels. Sauces and condiments packaged in stone­ware jars helped the Chinese flavor foods andrecreate accustomed dishes (Table 4).

Despite the effort to maintain traditional prac­tices, it is clear that Tucson's overseas Chineseadapted to the availability of different foods anddifferent food preparation hardware. Most of therecovered alcoholic beverage bottles held contentsbrewed in Europe and the United States. Thesebeverages probably served as a replacement forChinese liquors, which were probably more ex­pensive , and consumed only on important occa­sions. In addition, a milk bottle and a ketchupbottle suggest that other Euroamerican foods wereconsumed. Many unidentifiable tin can frag­ments, which could be either Euroamerican orChinese, were also present.

Evidence for food preparation was limited, pos­sibly because many of the implements werenever broken or discarded at the site. A total of34 local Native American jars and bowls wereused to cook foods and store water. SeveralEuropean or American ceramic wash basins mayhave been used in the kitchen or to serve food.Food was prepared on an outdoor hearth.Nearby, two barrels were set into the ground tohold water.

A total of 91 food serving implements waspresent. Of these, 31% were of Chinese manu­facture or design. There is a remarkable similar­ity in form between the Chinese andEuroamerican ceramic assemblages at the garden­ers' house. The gardeners used Euroamericanforms as substitutes for Chinese vessels, replac-

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

ing Wintergreen and Bamboo bowls with undeco­rated hard paste earthenware bowls from Englandor the eastern United States. It is enlightening tonote that only four plates were recovered fromthe site-a much lower number than found atcontemporaneous Euroamerican, Mexican-Ameri ­can, or African-American sites in Tucson (Thieland Desruisseax 1993; Thiel et al. 1994). Ap­parently, the gardeners were not serving meals onplates , not surprising given their propensity forusing bowl s during meals; for example, Jaffa(190 I) illustrated Chinese gardeners dining inCalifornia, and only bowls are visible on thetable.

Discussion

Evidence recovered from the Chinese garden­ers' household in Tucson suggests that these in­dividuals maintained a traditional diet by usingfamiliar foodstuffs and vessels and by replacingmissing items with innovative ingredients andanalogues. Despite the apparent low economicstatus of the gardeners, they mitigated the con­straints imposed by the local dominance of non­traditional foods by preparing and serving thesefoods in a traditional manner. Moreover, themaintenance of a diverse diet was promotedthrough the use of locally-available wild plantand animal foods.

Macrobotanical remains suggest that traditionalagricultural grains, including rice, maize, andwheat, provided the mainstay of the starch com­ponent of the diet. Of these, rice was neverlocally grown and its use may indicate the will­ingness to incur unusually high costs, since mostimported products were relatively expensive inearly Tucson. The meat and vegetable compo­nent of the diet was augmented by the use ofwild greens , including cheno-ams, and perhapsMiner 's lettuce. The use of cactus fruit consti­tutes a unique effort among archaeologicallyknown overseas Chinese to maintain their diversediet by incorporating non-traditional wild foods.

The study of the faunal assemblage also sug­gests that the Chinese gardeners balanced theprevailing economic circumstances with the desire

ACCULTURATION AND THE COMPOSITION OF THE DIET

for a diverse diet. Despite a traditional prefer­ence for pork, fowl, and seafood, the primarysource of meat for the household was beef, andmost of the meat cuts were traditionalEuroamerican cuts. The occupants of the house­hold ate more beef than groups of overseas Chi­nese in other areas of the West. The preponder­ance of beef in the faunal assemblage was a re­sult of several factors, including the Chinese gar­deners low socio-economic status and the limitedavailability of pork and seafood. Despite a gen­eral reliance on beef it is clear that the Chinesegardeners made an effort to maintain a diversediet and to use some meat from traditionalsources. As is indicated by the faunal assem­blage, their meals sometimes included meat froma variety of animals, such as fish, ducks, anddogs, as well as pigs, sheep, and chickens; indi­cating an attempt to recreate the diet of theirhomeland. The use of wild game parallels theiruse of wild plants in an effort to maintain a di­verse diet.

Finally, food storage, preparation, and servicecontainers indicate that the Chinese were prepar­ing and serving foods in traditional manners, al­though they were often forced to use non-tradi­tional Mexican, Native American, andEuroamerican vessels . Chinese ceramics wereused when possible, but were often replaced bycheaper, locally available ceramics. Foodstuffsand beverages manufactured in China helped re­call memories of meals eaten in China.

Conclusion

Diet ary factors are only one aspect in themaintenance or loss of ethnic identity. However,it is possible that, among people who wish tomaintain a distinct ethnic heritage, dietary prefer­ences may be consistently conservative in theface of acculturation. Evidence recovered fromthe Tucson Chinese Gardeners ' household sug­gests that the occupants went to great lengths tomaintain traditionally diverse diets, and to prepareand present meals in a traditional manner, despite

31

the expense associated with the use of certainimported prepared foods, imported vessels, andfresh pork. Although household members mayhave dressed in western clothing, used westerntools, and become enmeshed in the economy ofTucson, archaeological evidence suggests that thegardeners maintained their cultural identity byrecreating the dietary practices that they enjoyedin the faraway homeland.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The A-Mountain archaeological project was sponsoredby the City of Tucson and co-ordinated by theengineering firm of Parsons-Brinckerhoff, Inc. DesertArchaeology personnel who contributed to thisendeavor included Patricia Castalia, Jean Kramer, LisaEppley , Allison Cohen Diehl , James Heidke , JennyAdams, Robert Ciaccio, Sam Baar IV, and Laura Cerny.Additional assistance was provided by James Ayresand Teresita Majewski. Three anonymous reviewersprovided helpful comments on the draft paper. WilliamDoelie, president of Desert Archaeology, Inc., providedsupport for the research and production of this paper.

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