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A Study of the English Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
Stuart Henderson
MA by Research
University of York
Archaeology
October 2018
1
Abstract
This project will examine in detail the English parchment industry between 1650 and
1850 locating the main centres of production reconstructing the process of parchment
manufacturing both locally and nationally as well as assessing whether it is possible to
conclude the origins of the materials used in its manufacture The results of this project
should prove vital in providing context to the results of a number of post-medieval
hDNA studies on parchment as well as providing historical data on a previously
unstudied industry in history
2
Contents Abstract 2
Contents 3
List of Tables 6
List of Figures 7
Acknowledgements 8
Declaration 9
Chapter 1 Introduction 10 11 Aims 10 12 The Research Question 12 13 Objectives 12 14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire 15
Chapter 2 Literature Review 16 21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850 16 22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry 18 23 New Areas of Research 22
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry 24 31 Uses for Parchment 24 32 Who was Selling the Skins 24 33 How was Parchment Manufactured 28 34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker 31 35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry 33 36 The Price of Parchment 35
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices 35 362 Gregory Clark Prices 37 363 Witherby Publishing Group Data 41 364 Conclusions 42
37 Salt Prices 43
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers 45 41 Review of Sources 45 42 The Scale of the Industry 47 43 Map of Parchment-Makers 50
431 Review of the Data 53 44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies 56
3
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws 59 51 Parchment Taxation 59 52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment 63 53 Who is enforcing these laws 65 54 Effects on Parchment Quality 68 55 Conclusions 70
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds 72 61 Sourcing Sheepskins 72
611 Fat Content 72 612 The Age of Sheep 74 613 Diet and Environment 75 614 Wool Sheep 77
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used 78 615 Conclusion 79
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds 81 621 The DownlandsSouth 82 622 The Wolds 87 623 Lowland Vales 88 624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture 90 625 Fenlands 93 626 Moorlands 95 627 Londonrsquos Hinterland 96 628 Conclusion 97
Chapter 7 Conclusions 100 71 Conclusion 100 72 Discussion 101
Appendices 104 Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data 105 Appendix 2 Parchment Quality 107 Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions 108 Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages 109 Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected 110 Appendix 6 National Directories 111 Appendix 7 Local Directories 112 Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data 113 Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location 114
4
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws 116 Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws 119 Appendix 12 Flaying Laws 123 Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws 128 Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 129
Bibliography 131
5
List of Tables
Table 1 Campbellrsquos London Tradesmen 31
Table 2 Parchment-Maker Insurance Policies 1770-1779 57
Table 3 Sheep Breeds Overview 85
6
List of Figures
Figure 1 Depiction of the Research Process 14
Figure 2 Thorold Rogers Parchment Prices 1858-1683 36
Figure 3 Gregory Clark Parchment Prices 1274-1706 38
Figure 4 Salt Prices 1500-1850 43
Figure 5 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1900 50
Figure 6 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1650 51
Figure 7 Map of Parchment-Makers 1651-1700 51
Figure 8 Map of Parchment-Makers 1701-1750 52
Figure 9 Map of Parchment-Makers 1751-1800 52
Figure 10 Map of Parchment-Makers 1801-1850 52
Figure 11 Map of Parchment-Makers 1851-1900 52
Figure 12 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Figure 13 Net Produce of Stamp Duties 1807 61
Figure 14 Fibre Groupings - Dead Sea Scrolls 77
7
Acknowledgements I would like thank my thesis advisor Dr Jonathan Finch of the Archaeology Department at
the University of York for all his help and support throughout this project I would also
like to thank Matthew Collins Sean Doherty Sarah Fiddyment and Matthew Teasdale for
including me in their conversations on their research surrounding the lsquohidden history of
parchmentrsquo
I would also like to express my gratitude to my family for proof-reading my project and
apologise for the many hours they will never get back and for the wealth of sheep and
parchment knowledge they will carry around with them for years to come
8
Declaration I declare that this thesis is a presentation of original work and I am the sole author This work has not previously been presented for an award at this or any other University All sources are acknowledged as References
9
Chapter 1 Introduction
11 Aims
lsquoThe assumption has been made that parchment was made in the region of the place in which
the document was written However certainly as early as the seventeen-nineties it was clear
that the parchment had not necessarily been made locally a parchment of that fate from
Hereford bore the name of a London stationerrsquo
(Ryder 1963 541)
The aim of this project is to develop the first detailed overview of the post-medieval
English parchment industry This particular industry is one routinely overlooked by
historians and archaeologists and this work constitutes the only in-depth investigation
of the parchment industry of this period However not only is there ample evidence on
which to create a detailed outline of the size location and processes of this industry but
that this research will greatly contribute to our understanding of the past from both the
new data it will provide on this time period as well as potentially contributing new
material to the debates surrounding the agricultural revolution and the neglected area
of stockbreeding but also by providing essential historical context for groundbreaking
new studies on historical DNA (hDNA) found in parchment
However being that this is the first detailed review of this industry there is very little
academic literature to highlight the key components of the industry as well as the key
factors shaping the industry As a result this project is divided into two sections Firstly
the piecing together of the history of the industry assessing the size and structure of
the industry and the various processes that occurred during production Having
established the outline and processes of the industry and any changes over time the
second section will explore the driving factors shaping the development on the industry
Put simply the results of the first section should raise important new questions that
need to be asked of the historical record and section two will attempt to answer these
questions taking the study beyond the industry itself to address questions from
broader research agendas
10
A review of the key changes in this industry particularly those concerning the price of
materials the objectives of manufacturers and the fluctuations in the progress and
efficiency should prove significant in further developing our understanding of the
post-medieval agricultural change and the wider-economy more generally Furthermore
this research will help us to understand when paper became the primary lsquohardwarersquo for
recording information It will also offer new data to interpret the chronology and
geography of the agricultural revolution through the hitherto neglected area of livestock
improvement All the areas discussed above are topics that will be reviewed in this
project and from which a good understanding of the location and processes of the
parchment industry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century will be developed
Perhaps however as stated earlier the most consequential aspect of this research will
support the advancement of these scientific techniques currently deployed in the field
of archaeology to be applied in the study of the post-medieval period The research of
hDNA analysis appears the most quintessential use for this research though it is by no
means limited to this area alone The recent investigative fervour surrounding the
scientific study of parchment through the analysis of hDNA as well as chemical and
spectrographic analysis (discussed further in section 25 of the literature review) should
benefit from research of this nature greatly supporting its application on the
post-medieval period
11
12 The Research Question
What was the structure size and geography of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 and what light can the results throw onto wider research goals in a variety of
disciplines including hDNA studies historical archaeology and agricultural history
relating to the chronology and geography of agricultural improvement
13 Objectives
To complete a literature review of both materials written recently and those written
during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries The sources reviewed can then be used
to conduct a detailed overview of the structure of the parchment industry looking
primarily at the parchment manufacturing process the uses for parchment the
socio-economic status of the industry and the overall condition of the industry during
these centuries This will involve reviewing a variety of external factors such as changes
in law taxation the price of various agricultural products the paper industry and
transport
Once completed a more detailed analysis of the data can be undertaken reviewing
correlations in the data and assessing which factors were most significant in shaping the
development of the parchment industry In order to conduct such an analysis a detailed
review of the agricultural landscape between 1650 and 1850 must be completed
primarily investigating the location of various sheep breeds and the various agricultural
systems to which they most suited Any information on the geography of the parchment
manufacturing industry and the identification of any centres of production will not only
offer further information on this previously unstudied industry but more specifically
provide greater validity to post-medieval hDNA studies by offering further clarity on the
origin of parchment samples Furthermore this work will assess the key factors in the
changing industry and their effects on parchment quality over time
Finally a review of the impact of this research Reviewing if this new information
contributes to current debates surrounding agricultural improvement more specifically
12
the timing and significance of an agricultural revolution as well as how it affects the
results and methodologies of future hDNA studies
13
Figure 1 shows the research process that will be adopted This process should allow for
detailed analysis of the location of the industry while also allowing for the review a
significant number of external factors shaping the industry This form of research allows
for the more successful adoption of the chaicircne opeacuteratoire method (see section 15) and
should also provide a solid bedrock of information on a variety of topics on a subject
otherwise untouched in the historical and archaeological literature
14
14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire
lsquoWithout fertilizer no harvests without livestock no fertilizer which has such an immediate impact without seeded pastures no livestock finally without the elimination of fallowing no
or very few seeded pastures all is linked in agriculture its system must be totalrsquo
Instruction to the National Convention 1794 (Cited in Mazoyer and Roudart 2006 313)
Much of the data surrounding the production of parchment is intrinsically linked to
other areas of study There is likely a number of inter-relationships between a variety of
processes within the parchment industry and the broader agricultural economy For
example the price of sheep mutton and wool would have shaped the market and must
be understood to be able to understand the dynamics of the parchment industry
Furthermore issues such as changes in agricultural systems cultural changes legal
changes foreign policy changes would all have been entangled in the shaping and
development of the industry There are likely very clear links between many features of
the parchment industry and the wider English economy many not listed here though
the nature of these relationships is not always immediately obvious
By using the methodological tool of chaicircne opeacuteratoire it is possible in many cases to
unravel the logical sequences that caused and affected certain changes In other words
the correlations found between various linked markets can be analysed and used to
make logical conclusions as to what happened Perhaps the clearest description of this
process can be found in Frederic Selletrsquos 1993 paper Chaine Operatoire The Concept and
its Applications which states this method lsquoaims to describe and understand all cultural
transformations that a specific raw material had to go throughlsquo (Sellet 1993 106)
Knowing the importance and manufacturing processes of certain materials allows
inferences to be made as to the certain practices that were occurring as well as to
understand the logical steps taken to achieve these outcomes and to then map and
understand various industries and agricultural practices
15
Chapter 2 Literature Review
21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
The post-medieval parchment industry has remained lsquohiddenrsquo in the both the historical
and archaeological record The primary resources are often sources that briefly touch
upon the parchment trade though the parchment industry was not usually their
primary concern Such documents included encyclopaedias essays on livestock farmers
letters tours of England texts on the subject of the leather trade and legal documents
to name a few examples Although these indirect sources are relatively numerous there
is a dire need of recording comparing and contrasting as well as a detailed analysis
testing their validity Unfortunately validity has proved to be a significant issue with the
key components of the industry often being closely guarded secrets amongst
parchment-makers In 1775 Lalande highlighted this issue when writing his
Encyclopaedia stating lsquoanyone writing an article on the mechanical arts will learn after
having for some time gone from workshop to workshop with cash in his handrsquo that they
will often be paying for lsquothe most preposterous misinformationrsquo (Cited in Blom 2005
47)
This project constitutes the first detailed investigation into the parchment industry
during this period and so almost all information pertaining to the industry will prove
important and therefore a significant amount of information has been collected The
following chapters will therefore include a comprehensive review of all the major
processes and influences of the parchment industry hopefully creating the foundation
for future studies in this area
Firstly in regards to how parchment is made there are a number of texts from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which describe the process (see Ballard 1882
65-66 Houghton 1728 326 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456
Chambers 1728 351 Saxl 1954 94 Blanch 1774 42-43) However these descriptions
require thorough analysis particularly as none of the authors referenced above were
actually parchment-makers themselves The work of Chambers (1728) and Smellie
16
(1771) are encyclopaedias and perhaps therefore were less likely to have been
particularly thorough investigative pieces on the parchment trade similar issues of
validity remain with the Saturday Magazine article (The Saturday Magazine 1838) Ballard
(1882) and Blanchrsquos (1774) works are descriptions of the leather trade only briefly
reviewing the parchment industry though these texts share strikingly similar
descriptions of the manufacturing process Finally Houghtonrsquos work is perhaps the most
useful Written in 1694 though not published until 1728 it was written after an interview
with a parchment-maker reciting the production process in great detail These few
primary sources often share material details but they provide a vital historical platform
from which to build a fairly thorough understanding of the process and whether it
changed over the centuries
Just as there are few contemporary descriptions of the production processes so there
are also only a few texts describing the industry on a macro-scale Those that do exist
appear to only describe the process of the materials through the industrial system For
example Houghton (1728) and an article in The Saturday Magazine (1838) describe
parchment-makers purchasing their skins directly from butchers (Houghton 1728 326
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134) However there are various different descriptions of
the process For example Chambers and Smellie described the process as being started
by the skinner and finished by the parchment-maker (Chambers 1728 351 Smellie
1771 456) while a later text describes the skins as being purchased directly from the
abattoirs or slaughter-houses (Poole 1852 275) and Knight who describes the London
industry wrote about a lsquoskin-salesmanrsquo who acted as an agent between the sellers and
the fellmongers (Knight 1842 26) who then sold to the parchment-makers Finally
Hagadorn states that from the sixteenth century onwards English parchment-makers
purchased their skins from fellmongers (Hagadorn 2012 169) though it should be noted
that he draws this conclusion by referencing two texts neither of which supply
compelling evidence but instead simply outline the jobs of fellmongers (see Kite and
Thomas 2006 72 Thomas 1983 6) However Hagadorn does show evidence of Parisian
parchment-makers purchasing their skins locally (2012 170) which could perhaps
reflect the English model The directories and insurance records of the Sun Office and
Royal Exchange insurance groups two of the larger insurance groups that emerged
around the turn of the eighteenth century may also offer some insights into the roles of
17
parchment-makers during this period Overall the literature differs greatly on the
process of the exchange of materials and whether there are differences over time
geographical regions or simply authors who are mistaken as to how the process occurs
is not clear The primary sources therefore provide a conflicting picture of how the
industry functioned at least on a macro-scale again highlighting the need for greater
research in this area
A number of primary sources do provide some indication as to the scale and location of
the industry For example Chambers describes parchment as making a lsquovery
considerable article in the French commercersquo with large quantities being sent to
lsquoEngland Flanders Holland Spain and Portugalrsquo in the late 1720s (Chambers 1728 351)
a claim supported in The Saturday Magazine (1838 134) Despite this little is known
about the exact quantities or where they were transported to within England Also in
regards to where it was being made in England it is clear that large quantities were
being made in Bermondsey London (Knight 1842 18 Pendred 1785 33 37 Yeomans
2006 134) This area had a long history of tanning and with Knightrsquos detailed 1842
description of the parchment industry in the area (Knight 1842) it is possible to say with
confidence that this was a major centre for parchment production
Unfortunately however this appears the majority of the literature on the topic The
historical information on the post-medieval parchment industry is incredibly
fragmented with only a small number of texts referring to the industry and often only
in a few pages Of the more detailed summaries that do exist many describe different
systems with the majority of them have never been subject to any academic scrutiny
However a full review and analysis of these texts should begin to offer outlines of some
of the major aspects of the industry providing a reasonable overview of its history
22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry
There is a significant lack of any modern literature on the parchment industry between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries This is an issue perhaps best highlighted
recently by the lack of reference to any such documents in a number of modern studies
on hDNA in which providing an historical context for results would otherwise be
essential (see Teasdale et al 2015 Collins et al 2015 Campana et al 2010) Despite this
lack of literature there are a number of texts on parchment in the Middle Ages and
18
perhaps more importantly there are also a number of texts on the medieval
manufacturing processes which could prove useful for a later historical study of the
industry (see Clarkson 1992 Gullick 1991 Bicchieri et al 2008)
A number of texts on hDNA analysis highlight the need for greater research on the
parchment industry (Burger et al 2000) Species determination and STR-genotyping
from ancient DNA in art and artefacts have provided a comparison of the genetic status
of animals or plants with historical data and have greatly increased our knowledge lsquonot
only about the material itself but also about domestication cultivation planting and
herding practicesrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Bower et al write that if an extensive DNA
database of known provenance was created then future studies showing identical or
very similar hDNA identities could use it to determine the origin of their own samples
(Bower et al 2010)
Campana et al write however that their results showed multiple hDNA signatures in
other words that their results were affected by the environment in which the skins and
parchment were kept during production (2010 1324) an issue that can begin to be
combated once a better understanding of the post-medieval parchment manufacturing
process is developed It seems safe to assume that Campana et al would have reviewed
or even re-published their results if they could answer either of these issues but clearly
the material does not exist In fact their only reference to the history of parchment is to
a text by Ronald Reed (1972) however Reed only references modern methods of making
parchment and a single recipe from 800BC Ultimately there is a significant gap in
understanding about the structure of the industry and how parchment was made
between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries Overall all these studies only cover a
very small number of primary and secondary sources on the history of the parchment
industry despite the clear benefits associated with reviewing within a more clearly
defined historical context though this appears to be due to a lack of literature on the
topic than of choice
Despite a lack of literature on these areas there does appear to have been a cluster of
work on parchment between the 1950s and 1970s though primarily discussing how
parchment is currently made and what methods and source materials contribute to the
19
manufacture of the highest-quality parchment ( Ryder 1958 Ryder 1960 Ryder 1964
Ryder 1969 Reed 1972 Reed 1975 Reed 1991 )
The state of the parchment industry has also been measured by the quality of the
parchment over time which a number of studies showing the steady decline of
parchment quality over the centuries Ryder covers 200 samples of parchment between
the eleventh and nineteenth centuries to determine the relative quality (Ryder 1991
31-32) Relatively it can be argued that seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
parchment was of the worse quality than the medieval (Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1964
70 Clarkson 1992 5) Many writers have therefore made the claim that this shows the
decline of the parchment industry and the rise of the paper industry with cheaper
lower-quality parchment being made in order to compete However few writers appear
to have considered the possibility of changes in the quality of the materials available to
be used for making parchment an area that will be reviewed in this project
Yeomans (2006) is one of the only people to map parchment-makers using parish
records Her work covers the Bermondsey area in London which was the key area for
tanning in London and most likely therefore the main centre of parchment production
for all of England This work might provide a useful methodology for the current study
and data collection as well as providing key information about the structure of related
industry in London
Similarly Hagadorn (2012) reviews the parchment industry in eighteenth-century France
discussing elements of the industry such as how parchment was made (2012 169) how
skins were preserved (2012 171) the common use of lsquoadult sheep as opposed to lambsrsquo
sourced from local butchers by French parchment-makers (2012 170) and how the
market functioned more generally This work provides a useful methodology but also a
model of how a parchment industry would operate in that time period in a culture and
economy that is relatively similar to Englandrsquos It should be noted that the French
parchment industry has been well-studied and is very well-documented a luxury not
applicable to the study of the English parchment industry Fitzsimmons for example
has studied the integration of parchment-makers in Paris with other corporations
(Fitzsimmons 2010) and this might provide an insight into the role of English guilds in
the parchment industry Indeed one might expect the French and English parchment
20
industries to share many similarities both in scale and processes making both of these
pieces of work useful in both understanding the industry and creating a methodology
for future research
In conclusion despite little information being available on the history of the parchment
industry a number of texts detailing the composition of parchment and the effects of
breed-type diet environment grease content and age on the overall quality Combining
this information with the overview of the various texts discussing parchment quality
over time will offer some insights into the possible changes occuring in sheep farming in
the past These texts should also offer a number of interesting research possibilities for
reviewing any future conclusions made on the parchment industry between the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries
However literature surrounding the history of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 is extremely rare Very little is understood in terms of the size of the industry
its geography its source materials product prices taxation laws manufacturing laws
manufacturing practices or the various processes that occurred between an animals
slaughter the manufacture of parchment and the products eventual sale More detail is
known on the London and French parchment industry though the literature here also
remains limited The overall lack of literature on this topic further highlights the need to
initiate an investigation into this significantly overlooked industry and presents a source
of historical data on a time period severely lacking in economic historic and
archaeological information
21
23 New Areas of Research
There have been a number of groundbreaking new research methods surrounding
parchment that have been developed in recent times A plethora of new scientific
methods have been adopted for instance the chemical and spectroscopic analyses of
parchment has allowed archaeologists to identify the inks and other products used on
parchment for writing or decorative purposes ( DrsquoAgata et al 2007 ) In 2000 it was shown
that historic DNA (hDNA) could be be lsquoisolated from most of the various biomaterialsrsquo
and this hDNA has the possibility to be used to lsquodetermine the organic remnantrsquos
genusspecies of origin and on the other hand to create the genetic profile of an
individual animalrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Hence this new research could determine the
breeds of animal populations used in parchment production and help to determine the
timing or existence of an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo by developing a detailed
understanding of the animals being used in the agricultural system assessing the timing
of changes in sheep breeds due to changes in farming techniques and developing a
better understanding of the various objectives of farming communities However this
technology has primarily been focused on more specific rare medieval parchment
samples (see Stinson 2011 Teasdale et al 2017 Stinson 2009 Clarke 2001) however
the studies conducted creates a number of possibilities for similar research on the
post-medieval period However studies of this nature as stated earlier require research
on the processes of the parchment industry and how the parchment was prepared for
example as was warranted for the studies conducted on the Dead Sea Scrolls (see Poole
and Reed 1962)
There are of course still areas of concern with this research for example Campana et al
in 2010 presented how DNA found in parchment is more complex than first thought
with the manufacturing process affecting the hDNA extracted as a result of
cross-contamination during the industrial production process (Campana et al 2010)
However as Teasdale et al (2015) discuss the form of hDNA research used by Campana
et al has lsquowell-documented deficiencies particularly with regard to controlling and
estimating contaminationrsquo and that this next generation sequencing now being adopted
generates lsquomany orders of magnitude more datarsquo (Teasdale et al 2015 2) These
methods are clearly becoming increasingly accurate and it appears to be only a matter
22
of time before they are more widely applied to a range of archaeological research
However in order to understand the results of these tests it is imperative that they be
understood within the historical context Therefore a detailed understanding of the
industry and the manufacturing techniques is required before the results of these
experiments can be fully understood It also important it be understood where
parchment samples originate in order to understand to what geographical region the
results of any hDNA studies apply As a result the commonly adopted method of
reviewing any stationers stamp or taxation stamp to determine the origin of a sample of
parchment must also be questioned
Overall it remains particularly unfortunate that despite the incredibly interesting work
on hDNA its application to the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries has remained in its
infancy due in no small part to a significant lack of historical information on the
parchment industry during this period However there is by no means a lack of
information on this area and there therefore exists a great opportunity for research in
this area
23
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry
31 Uses for Parchment
From modern collections of parchment it is clear the material was still widely used well
into the early nineteenth century for a variety of purposes However parchment was
predominantly used for legal documents for example being the material used for the
custody of charters patents acts of parliament commissions chirographs deeds and
recognizances all of which were kept by the lsquoMaster of the Rollsrsquo (Chambers 1728 208
507) as well lsquococketsrsquo which were forms for recording goods that had been taxed (1728
242) Parchment was also used in the manufacture of pocket-sized memorandums (Sibly
1808 67) while parchment off-cuts were often used for the manufacture of glue (Smellie
1771 456 Sibly 1808 112) With parchment being the material used for such a huge
variety of products it appears clear that the industry must have remained of fairly
considerable size particularly with the rapid population increase between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries (see Wrigley and Schofield 1981) Furthermore the nature of
the documents recording property acts of parliament tax apprenticeships licenses
and so on likely means parchment was a material of high status it being almost
exclusively reserved for high status documents These were also documents often
required to be kept for a long period of time testifying to the view of parchment as a
high status material and one of greater state of cultural and physical permanence
Furthermore the demand for the products listed above can only have increased over
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of the huge population increase that
occurred over these centuries and the commensurate rise in bureaucracy and litigation
As time went on however many of these documents were instead made of paper but as
we know for many modern large collections of parchment the process was perhaps
slower than many have presumed
32 Who was Selling the Skins
Unfortunately very little is recorded about the parchment industry in regard to the
processes prior to the manufacture of parchment from skins Exactly who was flaying
24
the skins and from whom parchment-makers were purchasing skins is challenging to
determine from the limited literature and primary evidence
In the seventeen twenties Houghton described skins for manufacturing parchment
being sourced from butchers (1728 326) suggesting that the butchers flayed the skins
which were then purchased by tanners and parchment-makers Similarly a number of
the laws passed during this period on the topic of flaying skins referred to butchers as
the primary sources for flayed skins For example in 1603 the lsquoAct concerninge Tanners
Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupyinge the cuttinge of Leatherrsquo refers to
butchers as those flaying animals though also refers to there being various other trades
that involved the cutting of leather (1 Jas I c22) In fact for nearly all the laws on flaying
that succeeded this Act butchers are referred to as those primarily flaying animals
Similarly in 1806 The Flaying Act Considered As Without Benefiting the Pubic most Severely
Oppressing the Butchers of London (An Impartial Observer 1806) details the damaging
effects of the flaying laws on the butchers of London The author refers to the
lsquoindustrious butchersrsquo being fined extremely large amounts of money for damaging
skins (1806 15) Finally in 1808 when the inspection of skins in London was reorganised
the Butchers Company were assigned to appoint seven people to inspect all skins (Chitty
1824 353) This law also included the Curriers Company and the Cordwainers but given
the many references to butchers and the power given to them in this law it seems very
likely that butchers were the primary flayers of carcases
A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto
with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents published in 1824 also specifically
refers to Butchers as those who flay and sell skins (Chitty 1824 347) It refers to
lsquobutchers and others who flay carcasesrsquo as desposing of the raw or salted skins to
tanners who then sell them on to other workers of skinned-goods (1824 347) However
it is not required that the skins be tanned prior to making parchment and so perhaps it
is more likely that the parchment-makers purchased their skins from the butchers or
fellmongers
Chambers (1728) however describes the process of making parchment as being lsquobegun
by the skinner and ended by the parchment-makerrsquo (1728 351) Similarly the 1771
Encyclopaedia Britannica suggests that the process begins with skinners (Smellie 1771
25
456) This could refer to butchers but a number of historical sources make a distinction
between skinners and butchers (Bailey 1784 Campbell 1747 332 339 Kent 1798)
Ultimately it can only be determined that the initial stage of the process is started with
the skinning of the animal by someone other than the parchment-makers though in the
majority of cases this was done by butchers
In regards to who sold the skins to parchment-makers the process in London is fairly
well understood In 1842 Charles Knight elaborated on the processes that occurred in
London discussing who actually sold the skins after they had been flayed He states that
the skins were sold to the various manufacturers such as the wool-staplers
leather-dressers and parchment-makers by fellmongers in the area (Knight 1842 29)
These dealers of skins were found throughout England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries Baileyrsquos (1785) directory lists over 20 listed fellmongers across
England though it was likely there were a great deal more 1
A decade later Poole wrote that the skins of sheep were lsquocarried loose from the
abattoirs and slaughter-houses to the tanneries either loose or in casks without
heading for the purpose of being tanned into leather which is used in various ways as
covers for books parchment harness ampcrsquo (1852 275) This description of the process
remains somewhat odd as parchment was not actually tanned during its manufacture
However Knight also describes these skins being transported through London stating
lsquoWho is there that has not at some time or other had his ears dinned and tormented in
the London streets by a cart rattling and rumbling over the rough stones and laden
with sheep-skinsrsquo (Knight 1842 26) Whether this occurred exclusively in London or
more widely across Englandrsquos towns and cities is difficult to determine However it does
offer another example of fellmongers plying their trade purchasing flayed skins and
selling them on the streets of London
1 It is also worth noting that a few of the fellmongers listed in Baileyrsquos 1784 directory are often listed as being both fellmongers and skinners
26
It appears that skinners and butchers almost exclusively flayed the skins and then sold
the skins either directly to tanners parchment-makers or to skin salesmen and
fellmongers who would then sell on the skins Unfortunately there is little in the
literature on the exact process It appears that many people could be involved in the
sale of parchment and skins with the materials passing through many places (and
presumably geographical locations) prior to reaching the stationer However the records
that do exist show that the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then
sold either directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell In
London in particular skins were purchased from slaughter-houses and then sold
throughout the city by skin salesmen
It also appears that in many instances fellmongers would also be parchment-makers
Despite laws preventing tanners from selling skins (see section 72) the laws did not
extend to parchment-makers The insurance policies shown in section 35 show the
secondary occupations of those listed Of the 17 individual parchment-makers listed
around 47 of them were listed as also being fellmongers This would have been of a
significant benefit to parchment-makers as they would then have access to the specific
skins required for the manufacture of high quality parchment Furthermore it would
have allowed for two sources of income a position not available to many others in the
various skin trades and perhaps necessary given the low incomes of many
parchment-makers
In conclusion the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then sold either
directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell There are also
many instances where the parchment-makers were both source the skins and use them
to manufacture parchment
27
33 How was Parchment Manufactured
lsquoGood parchment must be thin strong yet flexible and have a smooth surfacersquo
(Ryder 1991)
There are a number of historic texts on how parchment was manufactured although
there are discrepancies in some of the more precise details A particularly detailed
description of the process from the period under discussion can be found in Husbandry
and trade improvd being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle
coals hops wool ampc (Houghton 1728 325-328) which has been summarised below
As stated this is perhaps the most detailed outlining of the manufacturing process
during the eighteenth century However it is worth comparing these details with a
variety of other descriptions from various sources in order to highlight possible
variations in the process
The first step is rarely mentioned in primary texts besides an 1838 article in The
Saturday Magazine which states that the skins are first de-haired then smeared with
28
quick-lime on the flesh-side and then were lsquoFolded once in the direction of their length
laid in heaps and left to ferment for ten or fifteen dayslsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838
134) The initial step of allowing the skins to deteriorate before removing the wool is also
a standard step for modern parchment-makers and appears unavoidable both then and
now as a necessary step allowing for the wool to be removed more easily Hanging the
skins and scrapping the wool were the same as the standard process for tanning
leather They are are also steps taken in the manufacture of modern parchment
samples as well as being steps outlined in a variety of other historical texts (Yeomans
2006 33 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456)
One improvement in the manufacturing process that did occur was the lsquosplitting
processrsquo which involves splitting the skin and using only the flesh-side for parchment
(Plenderleith amp Werner 1971 45 Ryder 1991 31 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134)
though this was a change that appears to have occurred very early in this period In fact
parchments lacking follicle remains with lsquoan open mesh of coarse collagen fibres
suggesting the flesh side of a split skinrsquo have been found in samples as early as the
thirteenth century though becoming common from the sixteenth century onwards
(Ryder 1969 534-535)
Putting the skins in a lime pit washing them and then stretching the skin over a frame
were also clearly standard steps in making parchment and are confirmed elsewhere in
the literature (Reed 1991 26 Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1983 730-731 Hagadorn 2012 169 ) However
many washed skins on site while others appear to have cleaned skins in fresh running
water This appears true at least in 1619 when complaints are recorded about
parchment-makers washing skins in Northamptonshire rivers (Page 1930 26-30) This
may explain the evolution towards the increased usage of pits for cleaning skins There
is also an example of an individual named Mr Cogan who washed skins in running fresh
water in Bristol claiming that although slower this would sufficiently soften the skins
(Ballard 1882 70) Although seemingly not the norm at least in London this may have
been adopted by many in the English countryside though presumably not in major
cities due to the issue of severe pollution of local water supplies
29
There are only a small number of sources that detail how long the skins were required
to be in the pit (or pits) with the overall amount of time varying depending on the skins
used Watt (1906) describes having to leave greasy skins in a lime-pit for a week or even
ten days (Watt 1906 439) suggesting the period of time they were left in these pits
would have been variable depending the levels of grease in the skins Also modern
parchment-makers lime the skins for a far shorter period than three weeks and yet it
appears the manufacturing process despite mechanisation has remained very similar
The skins were limed numerous times and in different pits or the same pit with
different solutions and the process seems to have been clearly understood by writers
both then and now however the time taken liming the skins appeared to differ
significantly
The final steps in the process from stretching the skins to the pumice are described in a
number of other texts (see Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1969 532 Plenderleith and Werner 1971 45)
However the time it would have taken for the skins to dry was dependent on the
weather and the skins used
In conclusion the range of literature offers a very clear and detailed overview of the
history of the manufacturing process of parchment with the process remaining very
similar over time However the profession of parchment-maker was a difficult and
required a great deal of skill and training
30
34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker
Unfortunately there are very few primary sources that allude to the socio-economic
position of parchment-makers However it is also important to consider that perhaps
most parchment-makers were located outside of major cities (discussed section 43) and
so would have proven difficult for writers of the time to judge the scale and revenue of
the industry
Campbellrsquos lsquo The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades
Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and
Westminsterrsquo offers overviews of the sums given with apprenticeships the cost of setting
up as a Master and the working hours on a wide variety of professions in London
However even in a text as thorough as this even Campbell confesses to his inability to
determine the incomes of journeymen parchment-makers (Campbell 1747 321)
Campbell does however list some key figures that may prove useful (see Table 1) His
data shows the fees surrounding parchment-making as being some of the lowest of any
London-based skin-related profession This data combined with the quote from
Campbell (1747 321) appears to show the profession was one of little financial merit
with Campbell describing the profession as requiring lsquoneither strength nor ingenuity nor
is there much profit attending it and very little of it manufactured in town so little at
least that after the strictest enquiry I cannot find what wages is given a Journeymanrsquo
(Campbell 1747 321) However parchment-making was clearly a fairly highly-skilled
trade with prior apprenticeship training and an in-depth knowledge of the production
31
required to partake in the profession Campbell however was unlikely to have actually
known the parchment manufacturing process it being a widely protected trade secret
and so his opinion appears conjectural However Campbell does clearly show that
parchment-making at least within the city of London was a profession of relatively low
income
This conclusion is further supported by The Book of Rates which shows the excise licence
for parchment-makers cost as little as pound1 which was far lower than most professions
and again lower than related professions (Anon 1787 109) though this may be due to
the already high stamp duty set on parchment (discussed section 51) However any
aspiring oil leather dressers would have had to pay double the rate of a
parchment-maker and a tawer of leather would have paid five times this amount (1787
109) However the fact the government felt capable of issuing both licensing costs and
stamp duty indicates the market still made enough money firstly to survive the costs
but also that it made enough money to profitably enforce nationwide licences and tax
However when comparing the costs with similar professions of the time it seems safe
to conclude that for many parchment-makers the profits remained relatively small
The incomes shown in the Witherby data (see appendix 1) do however show some
parchment-makers were making huge sums of money by the end of the eighteenth
century Perhaps a huge spectrum existed for profit-making potential with small and
large parchment works coexisting however it may also suggest that the incomes of
parchment-makers increased significantly during the eighteenth century with a rise in
litigation and legislation However perhaps a more likely situation is that the already low
incomes of parchment-makers coupled with the intensive taxation and regulation of the
market may have forced smaller parchment works out of business Overall despite a
lack of data on this area it is possible to see either an increase in profits for the period
or a huge range in the levels of production of the various parchment firms
32
35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry
It is important to note that the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries were a time that
most writers consider to have seen the steady decline of the use of parchment and the
beginning of the dominance of the paper industry (Lyall 1989 11-29 Ryder 1991 26
Reed 1991 217) Though this is not necessarily a reflection of the socio-economic status
of parchment which as shown earlier was still widely used for a variety of purposes
most of which were documents of major significance However it is often remarked for
example that after the introduction of paper the quality of parchment declined and the
parchment industry fell into serious decline (Rogers 1887 601 M L Ryder 1964 Ryder
1991 Clarkson 1992) It is rarely disputed that a causal relationship exists here however
a widespread number of other factors appear to have been ignored after the finding of
such a lsquoneatrsquo correlation in the historical data This decline could also be the result of a
forced change in manufacturing methods a change in the quality of the source
materials used in its production government policies or due to a decline in demand for
specifically high-quality parchment and shift to a more homogenous product
Furthermore more recent research has shown that the quality of parchment appears to
have actually increased between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries followed by a
second sudden decline in quality around the turn of the eighteenth century (see
Appendix 2) indicating the introduction of paper and the subsequent decline of
parchment is not the whole story Certainly the introduction of paper could explain this
initial decline however answers still need to be found for this second fall in quality for if
parchment quality and the state of the industry is intrinsically linked there are clearly
other factors that contributed to the eventual collapse of this industry
A direct link is often drawn between the rise of the paper industry and the subsequent
decline of the parchment industry However as Trolander states lsquoactually what drove the
rise in paper initially was improving economic conditions in England during the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries which created demand for skilled religious and
state administrators who relied on paper as a medium for record keepingrsquo (Trolander
2014) Furthermore if accepted that there were consistently around 15 million living
sheep each year (as stated in Apostolides et al 2008 43) then it could have proven
cost-effective to have produced parchment during this period with the huge supply of
33
skins lowering the cost of this key source material Also although the rise of paper
would have naturally affected what some parchment-makers were producing many
began developing new uses for their parchment lsquoTo meet this sudden new challenge of
the printed book parchment-makers of the sixteenth century found an outlet for their
product by using it as a full binding material to cover the early paper editions an activity
which they themselves largely undertook and developedrsquo (Reed 1991 217) Parchment
was still heavily involved in the production of books and yet there still exists lsquoa chasm in
our knowledge of the origins of the skin materials used in the construction of booksrsquo
(Neate et al 2011) which is further evidence of the importance of this research Finally
the significant population increase between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Brownlee 1915 221-222 Wrigley and Schofield 1989 577 Wrigley 2011 170-171)
needs to be considered Provided that parchment maintained any remotely significant
usage during these centuries the demand for the product was likely to have increased
substantially Again understanding what parchment was used for during seventeenth to
nineteenth centuries is therefore very subsequential
Overall it is clear that traditional parchment products were in decline during a period
when the use of paper was increasing across England The term lsquotraditional parchment
productsrsquo being key here as it appears parchment was beginning to be used in different
ways in order to survive though the extent of what parchment was actually used for
remains mostly unknown This also brings into question the traditional view of the
parchment industry falling into decline as a direct result of the widespread introduction
of paper A review of the changing parchment quality transaction sizes and number of
parchment-makers would answer many of the questions surrounding this debate In
fact a review of these details would offer a far clearer picture of the widespread
introduction of paper across England as well offering more information for those
studying the changes occurring in the English book trade Furthermore the traditionally
held view of the widespread adoption of paper being the direct and final cause of the
decline of the industry should be questioned
34
36 The Price of Parchment
The price of parchment is a source of data rarely used by writers when discussing the
agricultural revolution despite its value in offering insights into an entire unstudied
industry the value of livestock and the various leather and skin trades However despite
the potential gains there exists two key issues with the data on parchment prices Firstly
that parchment prices from the eighteenth century are difficult to obtain and secondly
that parchment often came in a variety of quantities making comparisons of price over
time difficult For example some sales were of individual parchment skins some by the
dozen and others by rolls a legally defined term meaning twenty skins (The Saturday
Magazine 1838134) This being said there is a number of fairly comprehensive datasets
on parchment prices
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices
Rogerrsquos lists a significant number of parchment transactions before 1682 but none
thereafter (Rogers 1887 575-606) This perhaps reflects the decline of the parchment
trade and a belief that the later prices were not important enough to include or perhaps
that the industry moved away from production for universities from which Thorold
received most of his prices (Rogers 1887 v) Similarly it could be a result of prices were
no longer recorded in the same materials and sources as after a 1711 act (9 Ann c11)
parchment prices were being set by the government with the government also
becoming the almost sole buyer of parchment (discussed in section 51)
Figure 2 presents a graph of the parchment transactions in Rogerrsquos work with the values
converted into pence in order to better illustrate the changes over time and to allow for
simpler data comparisons Furthermore transactions of vellum have been removed as
well as two transactions for parchment rolls (though they can be found in Appendix 3)
35
36
The transactions collected show the price of parchment to have increased though at at
a fairly slow rate (see figure 2) There are a number of very high transaction values
perhaps being the sale of very high quality parchment for specialist products
Unfortunately with transactions as small as these significant variability can occur
However Rogers does state that there was a 114 increase in the price of parchment
between his collection of 1541 to 1582 parchment transactions and his 1583 to 1702
data (Rogers 1887 794) though did not publish these transaction values in any later
volumes
Ultimately the prices collected by Rogers show that the price of parchment could vary
quite significantly with some transactions showing a dozen skins selling for considerably
more than others though the price of parchment seems to have remained stagnant for
much of this period Even the 114 increase does not constitute a huge increase when 2
compared to other price rises of the time When adopting the same periods of
comparison to Clarkrsquos collection of prices (Clark and Lindert 2006) mutton increased by
14972 between 1541 to 1582 prices compared to the 1583 to 1702 prices Barley
increased by 10546 and oats by 9084 However if the price of parchment had failed
to increase by any significant amount by 1682 (as shown in figure 2) and then increased
by 114 by 1702 parchment must have had a very sudden increase in price
362 Gregory Clark Prices
These prices are from a spreadsheet compiled by the economic historian Gregory Clark
from the University of California a document later re-formatted and converted to metric
by Professor P Lindert (Clark and Lindert 2006) Unfortunately the original source of
parchment prices has not been listed with the only other instance of these prices being
presented by Professor Clark were in an unpublished conference paper titled lsquoTowards a
Global History of Prices and Wagesrsquo (Clark 2004) This collection of prices is however one
of the most comprehensive collections available and spans admittedly with some gaps
from 1274 to 1706 (see figure 3)
2 It is also worth considering that the variability of prices was perhaps an indication of the variability of parchment quality
37
38
Similar to the results of Rogerrsquos 1887 work the prices shown in Clarkrsquos work present a
long history of a slowly ascending price for parchment followed by a sudden price
increase by the end of the eighteenth century This sudden increase perhaps being an
increase in prices being set by parchment-makers as a result of the advent of new forms
of taxation on some parchment products However Hughes (1941) writes lsquothe contracts
have been made with only two or three great stationers or others entered into
partnership with them who engross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it
in their power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo with this
being true at least until 1711 (Hughes 1941 248) Unfortunately the prices end 1706 and
a review of the original source material could help to shed light on these dramatic price
changes and the sudden lack of parchment prices There is likely some connection
however with the High Treasury beginning to set prices in 1711 as well as becoming the
exclusive purchasers of parchment To conclude however the market appears fairly
stable with the prices only increasing slowly and furthermore appear to support the
prices collected in Rogerrsquos listed transactions
Even when comparing Clarkrsquos prices to the inflation in the prices of goods from the
period as well as the average wages of the period the increase in the price of
parchment appears fairly substantial (see Appendix 4) However when comparing the
percentage increase in the average value of Clarkrsquos 1541 to 1582 parchment prices with
the average value of his 1583 to 1702 prices in a similar method to Rogers the value of
the parchment actually decreases by 98 There is however a spike in the prices of
parchment in Clarkrsquos work similar to the Rogerrsquos price spike with Clarkrsquos appearing to
occur around 1683 with the following year seeing a 100 increase in the price of
parchment Both of these datasets seem to show the price of parchment as being
stagnant for hundreds of years before a quite sudden spike roughly around 1683-1684
This considerable stagnation in prices may indicate a decline in the demand for
parchment and in part a decline of the industry more broadly It may also however
show an ability by parchment-makers to dramatically lower prices through increasingly
efficient methods of production and drastically increasing supply or lowering quality
though this appears unlikely given manufacturing methods remained consistent for
39
several centuries The results of this section will be revisited in the conclusion to
understand these changes within the context of other changes occuring in the market
40
363 Witherby Publishing Group Data
This section will review the data from the Witherby Publishing Group (see appendix 1)
collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018) The records show a
number of transactions that occurred with four parchment-makers during the
eighteenth century with fairly significant sums of money being exchanged
The data appears to show that a very different type of parchment market had emerged
by the end of the eighteenth century with parchment-makers generating very significant
incomes Unfortunately there is no information on the quantities of the parchment
being sold but even if one grants a significant increase in the price of parchment the
four individuals listed are clearly making a considerable quantity of parchment This is in
stark contrast to the few dozens being sold in various parts of the county as shown in
Rogerrsquos 1887 work
Furthermore it indicates that the price of parchment must have increased for if the
price of parchment remained stagnant and the price of parchment skins remained
similar to earlier centuries these four individuals would be making incredibly vast
amounts of parchment For example the average price of a single sheet parchment
during the seventeenth century according to Rogers data (1887) was just under a
shilling If the value for parchment had remained similar until the later eighteenth
century Noah Crook for example a parchment-maker from the Witherby data would
have been manufacturing between 7000 to 10000 sheets of parchment a year
The Witherby data provides a clear indication that the price of parchment must have
increased during the eighteenth century Furthermore it shows a possible changing
market structure in the industry The four individuals from the Witherby data were
making very significant sums of money and producing very large quantities of
parchment and yet prior to the eighteenth century the transactions sizes appear to
have been far smaller and from a variety of parchment-makers Perhaps this marks the
rise of larger parchment works and a move away from smaller-scale parchment-makers
41
364 Conclusions
Overall the nature of the records on the prices of parchment is sporadic containing
fairly substantial gaps in information The general consensus across the datasets
however shows a fairly stagnant market until towards the end of the seventeenth
century when there appears to have been an increase in the price of parchment Even
when compared to the general inflation in the prices of goods from the period the
increase in the scale of parchment production at least per site appears fairly
substantial Unfortunately the prices available in the literature stops a few years prior to
new legislation being enacted whereby parchment prices were to be set by the High
Treasury
The setting of prices coupled with the implementation of various laws surrounding the
production of parchment that were being set throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries appear the likely culprits of the increasing prices as inferred from the Witherby
data Furthermore a nineteenth-century writer under the pseudonym lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo wrote that these laws surrounding the quality control of parchment
production and the flaying of skins was expected to reduce the price of goods but that
instead they caused a number of goods to increase in price (An Impartial Observer 1800
20)
42
37 Salt Prices
The price of salt would have been a major influencer on the development of the
parchment industry Without the application of salt to skins the majority would have
only lasted between two to three days before they would become unusable Each skin
at least in more modern skins requires roughly two cups of salt for every pound of hide
and each skin to be salted twice (Churchill 1983 20) This is a fairly considerable quantity
of salt
In 1643 a Board of Excise was created an issued an early tax on salt This tax appears
likely to account for the early rise seen above It was withdrawn 1660 but reinstated in
1693 (6 Wil amp Mar c7) This tax was then continued and in some particular cases were
increased in 1696 (7 amp 8 Wil c31) The tax was then extended again 1698 (Pulteney
1731 8 ) In 1702 the salt commission was founded which overlooked and enforced the 3
tax on salt This tax on home produced white salt was by this point several times its
market value and was twice the rate on imported foreign salt (The Salt Association
2018)
3 This law was passed under 9th and 10th years of King William however I have yet to find the exact chapter pertaining to this extension of the law for this period of time There are however many extensions made in the 9amp10 Wil c44 law and so perhaps it is this law to which Pulteney refers
43
In 1730 the commission was ceased and the salt tax ended (3 Geo II c20) and this
would explain the very sudden dip in the price of salt around this period shown in figure
4 Lord Carteret when speaking in the House of Lords stated that in regards to the
various taxes set up and the effects they had on the lsquomanufacturers and artificiersrsquo of the
country stated lsquono tax lay so heavy upon them as this tax upon saltrsquo (Parliament House
of Lords 1742 66) After the country was lsquofree from such a heavy burdenrsquo (Parliament
House of Lords 1742 67) the prices again rose to pre-taxation prices Then despite
protests the duties on salt were reinstated in 1732 (5 Geo II c6) this being the likely
cause of the return to high salt prices post-1732 In 1798 the salt commission was
abolished and in 1825 the tax on salt was removed though the price remained fairly
high during this period most likely as consequence of the Napoleonic Wars
The high prices for salt during this period likely restricted many parchment-makers to
sourcing skins locally with any skins sourced further than a days travel likely being in an
unusable state by the time it arrived
44
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers
This section will present 676 records of parchment-makers between 1600 and 1900
from a variety of record-sets including apprenticeships probate records baptisms
directories marriage records records on crimes militia lists data from the Witherby
Publishing Group an unpublished site report and a variety of references to
parchment-makers from various authors The records go beyond 1650 and 1850 scope
of this project in order to further assess the validity of pre-census materials assessing
whether the numbers prior are particularly low or show any clear record-keeping biases
41 Review of Sources
Overall it is the census data that provides the most significant proportion of the records
in the data collected (see appendix 5) However these records only cover the period
after 1851 Prior to this period probate records and baptism records constitute the
majority of the records employed in this study the latter being used in preference to
probate records where possible with baptism records being produced when the
parchment-makers were still alive and engaged in the trade
The majority of all these records have been sourced from the ancestry website
Findmypastcouk Websites of this nature constitute perhaps the most significant
participation in the digitisation of the historic record turning the process into a
financially viable business model As such many of these sites now almost exclusively
own access to the digitised forms of these records which although present the issue of
paywalls to research projects of this nature provide the opportunity to collect and
interpret huge datasets in a relatively short period of time Until the archives sector or
academic community finds a viable method to digitise these records and make them
more accessible to the general public and academic institutions use of ancestry
websites such as Findmypastcouk are almost unavoidable However as this project
hopes to show use of sites such as this present the incredible importance of lsquobridging
the digital gaprsquo as termed by The National Archives in their current national digitisation
project (The National Archives 2018)
45
The records collected of the eighteenth century are primarily made up of apprenticeship
and probate records (see Appendix 4) These two records types are consistently found
throughout the various periods Partly as a result of the various duties associated with
such documents but also due to the importance of inheritance land and the nature of
parchment-making as being a highly skilled profession However there is the issue of
geographical bias in these records One such example may be York which holds a very
significant number of apprenticeship records due in part to the City of York Freemen and
Apprentices records that span over eight centuries This may bring into question the very
significant number of records found here prior to the eighteenth century however with
the records being kept all the way up until 1930 the later lack of records does offer
further validity to the eventual decline of the northern parchment industry at least in
the Yorkshire region
The eighteenth century records offer a greater variety of records types This is mostly in
part to the new and improving forms of records being kept and issued This allowed for
the use of more baptism and marriage records as oppose to probate records with the
former offering greater historical validity having been recorded when the
parchment-maker listed would have still been alive Regardless these probate records
do offer some insights into the socio-economic position of parchment-makers during
the time period with a seeming trend appearing to show a growing number of wealthy
parchment-makers over time however a more detailed analysis of these documents is
required There is also an increase in directory records with the recording and
publishing of trade directories becoming an increasingly common undertaking during
the period However there is an significant lack of parchment-makers being listed in
these directories both national (see Appendix 6) and local (see Appendix 7) This
highlights two key points Firstly the lack of parchment-makers in major towns and
cities where most trade directories covered And secondly it further highlights how
lsquohiddenrsquo parchment-makes are in the historical record and the need for the use of
digitised local record sets
Finally the nineteenth century offers the largest number of records with 424 records
during this century alone The records collected do go beyond what is considered the
46
scope of this project (1650-1850) however this use of later higher volume of records
should highlight any errors with the data that immediately preceded it
42 The Scale of the Industry
Upon on first glance 676 parchment-makers listed over a 300 year period seems rather
few at least when considering that the 1841 census lists 5957 tanners and 6982
tanners operating during 1841 alone (A Vision of Britain 2018) Furthermore parchment
is still being used for a wide variety of products during this period (see section 31)
There are are a variety of possible reasons for this figure It may be a lack of
representation of parchment-makers in the historical record Already it has been shown
parchment-makers were rarely mentioned in various trade directories (see Appendix 6
and 7) This appears significantly in part due to parchment-makers operating outside of
major towns and cities This appears very likely given the various smells and pollutants
involved in parchment production as well as the need by many for a fresh water supply
meant many were restricted to operating outside of major cities Parchment-makers
were also required to send the finished products to inspectors on the outskirts of towns
and cities (see section 52) and so there may have been little benefit to actually
operating within larger towns and cities to pay higher rents and to then send the
product out of town for inspection then taxation in London and eventual sale by
stationers What forms of record-keeping existed during this period being even more
sparse in the English countryside The only major cities in which parchment-makers
were consistently found in the historical record namely Salisbury York and London we
find a significant number of records
Furthermore perhaps many did not list their occupation as a parchment-maker Unlike
butchers curriers and tanners it was legally permissible that parchment-makers
glove-makers and a number of other light leather producers could work other
professions such as tanning cutting or selling skins or manufacturing other leather
goods (see section 52) For example many parchment-makers listed in section 45 were
also fellmongers There was also strong connections between parchment-makers and
glove-makers Many were organized together in various guilds in many locations over
long periods of time For example York between at least 1144 and 1419 (Hoffman 2011
184 Saxl 1954 18) Salisbury between 1613 until at least 1757 (Haskins 1912 80 204
47
737) London (Saxl 1954 18-19) Norwich (Crouse 1768 175) Chester (Freemen of
Chester 1992 18) Warwick (Craig 1960 287) and Paris (Fitzsimmons 2010 13) are just
some places where parchment-makers and glove-makers had been organised together
Glove-makers would have had in most cases the necessary tools while also using
similar types of light skins primarily sheepskins Finally parchment manufacture was a
highly skilled occupation though many of the laws of the period allowed for those
without apprenticeships to work on parchment provided they were under the
supervision of trained parchment-makers Perhaps many people working on parchment
were listed as lsquolabourersrsquo or lsquoservantsrsquo and were not themselves listed as
lsquoparchment-makersrsquo in the historical record
However the number of parchment-makers collected in the data presented in section
43 appears to actually represent a fairly accurate overview of the number of
parchment-makers These numbers after all do not offer insight into any changes in the
scale of production in various parchment works The 1841 census for example only lists
297 parchment-makers over the age of twenty in all of Great Britain with only two
operating in Scotland (A Vision of Britain 2018) There is no huge increase from the data
collected and this census data Furthermore this number is fairly significant when
compared to the paper industry The 1841 census lists 933 paper-makers Paper now
produces the majority of materials for the book trade and as the primary writing
material However Trolander estimates only one third of paper was produced for these
purposes with the rest being produced for other products (Trolander 2014 27) It is
perhaps a surprise then that an industry producing a material for so many uses
producing across the country (2014 28) unlike the parchment trade only employed just
over twice the number of producers Especially considering the fairly laborious process
that was still involved in paper production during the period (see Campbell 1747
125-126)
The Witherby data (appendix 1) also shows parchment-makers of the period producing
very high volumes of parchment Furthermore the parchment industry employed a
fairly significant number of manufacturers in spite of the industry only operating out of
a relatively small number of production centres The various economic motivations for
larger parchment works particularly the contracts between the High Treasury and larger
firms shows that the scale of production increased (discussed in chapter 5) In other
48
words the number of listed trained parchment-makers may be relatively low in the
historic record however the levels of production at these firms may have increased
significantly
Overall the data shows that the parchment industry was remained an industry of
significant economic importance There remained a significantly large highly-skilled
workforce operating in England The scale of this industry further highlights the need for
this research and highlights a significant source of future data and historical
information
49
43 Map of Parchment-Makers
This section reviews the maps made on the database created All the maps are shown
below however an interactive map is also available online at
httpsdrivegooglecomopenid=1cYHpfVWXK77s8yffkx3q6gN4ho8j8Eu6ampusp=sharing
An overview of the data is also available in appendix 8 with a detailed tabled of the
specific towns and cities recorded in appendix 9 and the types of records used during
each period is located in appendix 4
50
51
52
431 Review of the Data
The maps highlight several key aspects of the data Firstly a lack of parchment-makers
in the far south-west and the north of England In particular it appears there were a
fairly significant number of parchment-makers operating in York until the end of the
seventeenth century though there was a very sudden decline in these numbers over
time This likely suggests a decline in what was once a fairly major centre of parchment
production perhaps unsurprising due to a once flourishing book trade (Palliser and
Selwyn 1972 207) and the once high number of those purchasing legal and religious
materials in the region (see Winters 2012) The subsequent decline of the parchment
industry was perhaps therefore related to the decline of the book trade industry that
had occurred in the region however there a number of other possibilities are discussed
in the second half of this project
Secondly the data shows a fairly consistent number of parchment-makers in the
Midlands The figures here are not significantly high however they remain relatively
constant during between 1601 and 1900 The parchment industry may have survived in
this region due to the number of developing urban centres however if population
density and demand for local parchment supplies were directly correlated it would be
expected that this trend would continue in the more northern regions It could be stated
that this is the result of bias within the documentary records however the trend
continues very clearly in the later census data of 1851 and 1861 Perhaps the most
significant early conclusion that can be made is that there is no correlation between
developing urban centres and centres of parchment production
The data instead shows some very clear centres of production in the south of England
primarily in the regions stretching from Somerset to Middlesex and between Middlesex
through to Cambridgeshire and Suffolk In fact there appear to have been some very
clear towns and cities that were centres for the production of parchment between 1650
and 1850 (see Appendix 9) The top ten locations with records of operating parchment
works account for just under 44 of all parchment records from all the data collected
The parchment-makers listed in Salisbury Sherborne Marlborough Malmesbury and
the neighbouring town of Charlton represent a significant proportion of the data with
115 of the parchment-makers for these five locations alone Salisbury in particularly was
53
consistently a city with relatively significant number parchment-makers and was famous
for its production of parchment at least during the nineteenth century (Aubrey and
Britton 1847 95) Malmesbury also had a history of parchment-making being an area
which around c1800 had very few industries of significance besides lsquothe manufacturing
of leather gloves parchment and glue (Moffatt 1805 162 167) Aubrey and Britton offer
a possible theory that this was the result of lsquostrong watersrsquo in the region well-suited for
the washing skins (1847 95)
Sawston Cambridgeshire and Bury St Edmunds also offer interesting results Sawston
for example shows very few records being found for parchment works in the region
until the nineteenth century after which the data suggests the development of relatively
large parchment industry emerged A similar trend exists with the town of Bury St
Edmunds with only one record appearing between 1601 and 1800 though with 20
records appearing in nineteenth century It appears something has occurred that has
either allowed for or supported the growth of two large centres of production during
the nineteenth century
The persistent number of records in Middlesex and Surrey (primarily Bermondsey and
Southwark) is however of little surprise The boroughs inside the City of London offered
significant benefits to parchment producers being able to source from local abattoirs
as well as providing access to a incredibly vast trade network both nationally and
overseas The city also had a significant local market being the one of the largest cities
in Europe with a large demand for legal documents particularly from the central
government However a significant tanning industry had long been associated with the
settlements just beyond the outer reaches of London Yeomans highlighted the
eighteenth and nineteenth century existence of a parchment industry in this area as well
as its two major periods of production (Yeomans 2006) These industrial suburbs were
outside the punitive guild taxes enforced in the city of London offering even greater
financial benefits to parchment-makers and other workers of skinned goods
Overall the data shows a number of very clear centres of parchment production over
the period as the nexus for a fairly significant parchment industry across the country as
a whole Despite the traditional belief that the parchment industry fell into significant
decline following the widespread adoption of paper (as discussed in section 34) it
54
appears a significant number of parchment-makers were still operating at least until the
late eighteenth century The majority being located in South West England the Fenlands
regions and London or at least in very close proximity to London
55
44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies
A key source of information on the locations of parchment-makers can be found in The
British Book Trades 1775-1787 which lists a number of insurance policies taken out by
parchment-makers with the Sun Fire Office and The Royal Exchange insurance companies
(Maxted 1992) These records are by no means extensive the records only cover twelve
years during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and they also only represent
two of the insurance companies during a time when at least six were operating in
London and eight in the provinces (Maxted 1992 vi) However these policies state
where the parchment-makers were located as well as offering a more detailed insight
into the value and size of the firms and any secondary occupations the individuals held
Interestingly they further validate a number of the centres of production presented in
section 33 with Salisbury Malmesbury and St Margarets (in Marlborough) all listed
Coventry (10 parchment-makers) and Leicester (7) are also listed these also being areas
with a slightly higher than average number of parchment-makers (see Appendix 8)
Perhaps more surprisingly is the number of parchment-makers listed with high value
insurance policies Particularly as although different for the Royal Exchange the Sun Fire
Office only insured against fire until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickson 1960
110) This means that five individuals (records 10 12 16 17 21) held fire insurance
policies of a very high value particularly when compared to a number of other
insurance policies of those in other professions (see Maxted 1992) The value of these
policies is a clear indicator of the size and value of some of the parchment works in
operation during this period as well as further highlighting a number of key centres of
production
56
57
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844
To further test the validity of the previous data collected from primary sources (section
43) below are figures published by HM Stationers Office (HMSO 1844 1-237) This data
shows there to have been relatively few parchment-makers operating throughout
England during the nineteenth century identifying 357 parchment-makers though only
302 of them being over the age of 20 likely due in part to the number of young
parchment-makers in training as apprentices This data supports the location of many of
the major centres of production across the south east below a line from the Wash to
the Bristol Channel It further shows the lack of any parchment manufacturing industries
in the North of England or the south West The spreadsheet containing this information
is available on the CD included in this project
-
58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws
Despite the often sporadic nature of many of the records of the seventeenth eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries there still remains a reservoir of information in records
pertaining to tax and law The history of parchment industry can be in part ascertained
from what is found in these records The significant events and changes that occured in
the parchment industry as well as many of the main economic pressures of the period
can be determined by a review of this information The period was marked by increasing
levels of government regulation of various industries and the parchment industry was
no exception Taxation in particular played a key role in driving market forces and with
the growing development of early capitalism and the improved trade and transport
networks all these areas will have played key roles in shaping the parchment industry
during this period
51 Parchment Taxation
The 1688 revolution had plunged the country into lsquofinancial commitments on a level
previously unimaginablersquo (Beckett 1985 287) and as such the period of 1650 to 1850
was subject to a plethora of new and extensive taxation laws in order to raise money for
the crown In 1694 the Bank of England was established and this can perhaps be seen
as the focal point from which after a wave of various money-making government acts
were created primarily centred around the implementation of temporary taxation laws
the majority of which were later extended or made permanent
However no review of the laws specifically pertaining to the taxation of parchment
exists As such a review of all laws pertaining to parchment has been conducted and an
overview of parchment taxation laws can found in appendix 10 with a table of acts in
appendix 11 This history of these laws must first be understood before reviewing the
effects they had on the market
The laws passed implementing duties on various parchment-based products similar to
many products and materials taxed during this period were very extensive There were
a number of laws passed during the seventeenth century with many legal documents
59
being subject to various stamp duties along with strict organisational changes only
allowing trained individuals to partake in certain skinned-based activities for example
tanning flaying and parchment-making However the most significant and extensive act
occurred in 1711 during the ninth year of Queen Annersquos reign (9 Ann c11) As stated in
appendix 10 all parchment would now be taxed and was required to be sent to London
for inspection and the issuing of duties Furthermore the movement of skins the
network of the parchment trade and the market value of parchment was now all
essentially under the total control of the government
This is hugely significant in the development of the parchment industry Any
parchment-maker situated in or around London was now at a great advantage After
this act stationers would now purchase parchment (set at a fee fixed by the High
Treasury) and have the parchment issued with the necessary duties in London and then
distribute the parchment across England sending the parchment to one of the many
stationer offices set up across the country With the distribution network of parchment
almost exclusively owned and run by the government and with the market value set far
lower the survival of a parchment work could only be achieved with an increased
market share reduced production costs and a steady demand for parchment from a
local government-run stationer The reduction in production costs being of particular
significance and a standard only achieved with an increased scale of production a local
supply of high quality skins (likely purchased in relatively high quantities) the improving
efficiency of the manufacturing processes (though combined with a likely reduction in
parchment quality) and minimal land rents and local tax rates
Stationers were also certainly capable of stockpiling parchment supplies further
increasing government control of the market The industry was therefore likely subject
to great fluctuations in the levels of demand with the now almost exclusive purchaser of
parchment (the government) offering beneficial treatment to larger parchment works
The government could control how much it purchased and at what price and
consequently at least from the parchment-makers perspective the market was likely to
have been incredibly volatile with huge barriers to entry
Over the next century the laws covering the taxation of parchment became increasingly
extensive (see appendix 10) The result of these increasing duties and various attempts
60
to improve their implementation would have placed further strain on the smaller
parchment works and further incentivising the development of southern-based larger
parchment works capable of increased economies of scale and of providing a steady
supply to government stationers
However the actual success of these laws must be questioned The persistent re-issuing
of old duties the development of new duties stamps and regulations as well as the
continuous attempts to strengthen the governments market control brings into
question the success of previous laws Conversely with the necessity that all parchment
be stamped and the continued implementation of new stamps and increasingly difficult
to bypass regulations any black market would likely have declined significantly over
time
Furthermore it must also be considered that the extent of these laws and the incredible
amount of government investment may
instead indicate the success of these laws
By the early nineteenth century the
amount of money being made from stamp
duties on various products made almost
exclusively from parchment was
considerable (see figure 13) and with the
government controlling the value and
production of parchment very large sums
of money were clearly made The fact that
these laws were continuously enforced and
reissued over the course of a century
under the separate rule of four separate
monarchs may be a testament to the
success of profit made by the government
and the continuous attempts to access
further profits in already lucrative market
though at the likely expense of the success
of the industry itself The highly regulated
and difficult conditions were only
61
completely abolished in 1815 likely as a result of widespread social unrest of the period
and the various petitions made by many of the various members of the workers and
traders of skinned goods (see appendix 12) and not due to any failing in regards to the
funds raised for the government budget
62
52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment
lsquoThe examiners have attained the faculty of discovering the most trifling and frivolous reasons
for inflicting punishment for unavoidable offences insomuch that the said fines are now
nearly doubledrsquo
(An Impartial Observer 1800 23)
From the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century the implementation of a
series of increasingly intrusive laws surrounding the flaying of animal skins is apparent
A detailed overview of these laws had been conducted and is available in appendix 12
as well as a table outlining the specific laws available in appendix 13
The act of 1603 was the first act regulating the quality of skins and various skin-based
products and remained the only major defining regulatory act for over a century (1 Jac
c22) The law was likely a response to the decline of the guilds as well as the
significantly declining overall quality of parchment that had occurred in the previous
century (see Appendix 1) The steady improvement of parchment over the seventeenth
century and the lack of any newly issued laws regulating parchment manufacture
appear a testament to the success of this law
However the later eighteenth century manufacturing regulatory acts appear a response
to the 1711 law (9 Ann c11) the act essentially granting control of the movement price
distributors and tax rates of parchment giving government almost complete control of
the market The implementation of these laws was likely to enforce the maintaining of
high quality parchment despite a reduction in the market value of parchment overall
Essentially the government put parchment-makers in the position of being legally
required to produce high quality parchment but for a far lower price However the
persistent failure of the laws success with the decline of parchment quality during the
eighteenth century (see Appendix 1 Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70
Clarkson 1992 5) may be the likely cause of the reissuing and intensification of the
various regulatory measures
The repeated implementation of similar laws also seems to show the persistent failures
of the laws preceding them or at least that this was the belief of the governments of
the time These laws were likely to have deeply affected the parchment market as
63
growing government regulation of the various professions involving the manufacture of
goods from animal skins grew exponentially during these two centuries setting strict
manufacturing guidelines and limitations as well as the implementation of widespread
fines This period in general saw an ever-increasing level of intervention by government
in various industries and markets the various laws surrounding the flaying of skins were
therefore part of a larger regulation of standards and markets by government
Unfortunately even in spite of the incredible magnitude of the changes that occurred
over the following century it was clear the changes were not sufficient to see any
significant improvement or even maintaining of parchment quality (see Appendix 1) In
1806 a book was published by lsquoAn Impartial Observerrsquo titled The Flaying Act Considered
As Without Benefiting the Public most Severely Oppressing the Butchers of London
(1806) This text widely criticised the 1803 law (43 Geo III c127) introducing the new
fines and inspections to London stating all parchment must be taken to Leadenhall
Market for inspection if manufacture within a 15 mile radius of the site The Act also
instituted a fine of 2s 6d for anyone in possession of neglected or damaged skins with
an extra half penny for every damaged skin Below is a quote from lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo on the subject of these fines
lsquoNothing stronger proves the inattention of the industrious butcher to what was passing
parliament than the very great disproportion of fines this act enforces for it will hardly be
credited that sheep and lamb-skins which (independent of wool) are on a fair average
worth only seven-pence halfpenny from the butcher to the purchaser are liable to a fine of
three-pence which with the salesmanrsquos charge and inspectors fee amounts to four-pence
farthing while the severity of the examiners has been extended to censure nearly one-third of
all brought before themrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 15)
The laws had clearly made the production of leather and parchment very risky affairs
due to the incredibly severe fines The author of this text continues to discuss the failure
of the law to understand the parchment-making process They describe the operation of
converting sheep skins to parchment as lsquoa very delicate operationrsquo and one that causes
lsquofrequent cuts and gashesrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 19) This being considered as
well as the fact that inspectors were paid for every skin found to have been damaged
(Chitty 1824 351) it appears very likely these laws would have resulted in a great
64
number of (often unwarranted) fines The law incentivised officers to consistently find
cuts and blemishes on skins in an industry where cuts and blemishes were almost
inevitable Defects in the skins were not always immediately visible depending on the
physico-chemical treatment that had been applied in the vat however in many cases the
defects could only be recognised later when the material was actually put to use
(Minard 2011 150) The smaller parchment works of the period particularly those
without large contracts with stationers must have struggled significantly during this
period If only a small number of skins were considered damaged the parchment works
would receive very significant fines and the possible seizure of much of their stock
It is also worthy of note that the lsquoImpartial Observerrsquo also refers to many of the flayers
outside of London as being often untrained and consequently being the primary source
of damaged skins (An Impartial Observer 1806 5-6) This may indicate the high level of
specialisation in London and the failure of early laws to ensure high quality flayed skins
outside of London However it may also have simply proven pragmatic to state this as
the author may be attempting to have the 1803 law retracted while hoping to continue
profiting from the highly intrusive laws affecting the rest of England
By the time these laws were eventually repealed (after a significant number of petitions
from various groups) the effect on the parchment industry must have been substantial
Even if laws preceding the 1800 act (39 amp 40 Geo III c67) which implemented the
creation of inspection points be set up outside each city had been widely ineffective the
effect on the industry between 1800 and 1815 at a minimum must have been very
significant A huge number of smaller parchment works must have collapsed or been
forced to merge with other firms The widespread fines and inspections and the
incentivisation of inspectors to find damaged skins would have put further strain on the
market with only the larger firms capable of creating a more homogenous product and
able to afford the inevitable fines capable of surviving
53 Who is enforcing these laws
The 1603 act (1 Jac I c22) states that all leather goods within three miles of London
must be inspected and sealed before they can legally be sold Eight individuals were
therefore appointed to inspect and tax skins and hides these individuals were
65
designated the role ofrsquo lsquosearcher and sealerrsquo and these individuals were changed each
year They would each record all sales of leather hides and skins as well as recording
the name of the buyer and seller the price of the leather and any issues regarding the
quality of the products Any individual selling products sold that had not been lsquosearched
and sealedrsquo would have their goods confiscated In the event of goods being seized the
company of cordwainers the company of curriers and the company of tanners would
each elect two individuals with no connection to the accused who would examine the
goods and determine whether the goods were lsquosufficient and serviceablersquo Strangely
however the law does not discuss the maintaining of these laws beyond the three mile
radius of London set out in the act suggesting those outside of London were perhaps
beyond the scope of any government regulation of product quality If true there would
have been a fairly significant incentive to produce parchment outside of the city of
London
Then in 1694 the Treasury established a number of offices (see appendix 14) and hired a
number of commissioners to distribute stamped parchment throughout the country in
order to maintain this new tax they were what Hughes calls lsquoretailers of stamped paperrsquo
(Hughes 1941 247) It is fortunate that it appears the first list of these distributors was
recorded (see Appendix 15) According to the Calendar of Treasury Books there were
thirty-six distributors of stamped parchment and paper across England and Wales
spread across almost every county However it appears there may have been a number
of stampers an even smaller number of officers and only a single inspector of
parchment (see Shaw 1935 636-648) As a result of this system it appears the Treasury
would sign contracts with certain parchment-makers to insure the steady supply of
parchment throughout England (Hughes 1941 248-252) The contracts were made with
only two or three great stationers and others who entered into partnership with these
stationers who lsquoengross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it in their
power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo (Hughes 1941
248) These contracts greatly benefited the stationers however claiming an allowance of
six percent of each stamped paper or parchment batch sold while many of these
distributors lsquotransgress muchrsquo in charging higher prices than was permitted (1941 252)
It appears to have been a grossly inefficient system and one fraught with corruption
though one that greatly encouraged the reduction of parchment production costs
66
Each county had an office with a commissioner of stamps and these commissioners
were reported to have stamped all the parchment and paper legally used in England at
this time as well as to have made a record of such activities An investigation into these
individuals and the volumes of parchment they stamped in their respective counties
would offer further evidence of key centres of parchment production and usage in
England though as of yet it has not been possible to locate these documents Also for
most of this period it seems all parchment was required to be inspected at least once a
day for quality and tax purposes (Leadbetter 1755 339 Ashworth 2003 246) and so
perhaps even more data exists The nature of these laws also highlights the high
volumes of parchment still used across England a point further supported by the fact
that as late as 1714-1715 parchment was still generating huge sums of money from
stamp duties (see Shaw and Slingsby 1957 385)
The 1710 act (9 Ann c11) offers greater clarification on this issue This law states that
officers were appointed to weigh the skins and issue the necessary duties as well as
mark the hides skins and parchment to denote the charging of a duty The act does not
however specify if these officers are inspecting the quality of the skins though a later
text indicates this to be the case In 1778 a text titled Instructions for Officers of the Duties
on Hides in the Country details how the excise officers at this time were instructed to
inspect the skins (Great Britain Commissioners of Excise 1778) It was instructed that
the excise officers must lsquoinsert in an entry-book which is to be kept at the Excise Office
copies of all the entries made by tanners tawers ampcrsquo (1778 5) and furthermore that
they must weigh and mark the skins (1778 7) However it appears these officers were
also required to investigate the quality of the skins lsquoWhen you discover that any Tanner
Tawer or Oil-dresser ampc has diminished shaved or impaired his skins contrary to law
between the time of taking them out of the materials and weighing them or has
neglected to keep his hides or skins that not been duly markedrsquo officers must in such
cases lsquogive notices therof as soon as possible to your Collector or Supervisor that the
offenders may be prosecuted as the law directsrsquo (1778 7-8)
Unfortunately it cannot be said with complete certainty if these officers were inspecting
the skins quality prior to this however it appears to have been a long history of those
taxing the parchment to also inspect it going back to the lsquosearchers and sealersrsquo of
67
London Furthermore as early as 1671 the English government had created offices for
excise officers places where officers who would examine and stamp skins would be
based (Hughes 1941 247) A later text even details how the excise officers of the early
nineteenth century would inspect skins quality and then stamp the skins with either an
lsquoSrsquo marking them as acceptable skins or lsquoDrsquo for damaged skins (Hughes 1941 351)
Overall then those in charge of distributing the duties on these goods were also
inspecting the materials and goods for quality This being the case a great number of
skins and parchment goods would have been inspected in London due to the number
of goods that were required to be transported there for tax purposes (see section 61) as
well as the large market for parchment in the city
However the 1800 act (39-40 Geo III c66) saw to the creation of a number of places
outside of major towns and cities specifically for the examination and inspection of
skins It was written that these assigned locations will not exceed three miles nor be less
than two miles from each city or town to which they are assigned (Chitty 1824 348) The
inspections of London also changed slightly in 1808 when it was determined that the
inspectors would be named by the Butcherrsquos Company the Currierrsquos Company and the
Cordwainers (Chitty 1824 353) who would each appoint seven individuals Ultimately
however this did not last long with the various regulations and inspectors being
removed from English law during the nineteenth century This act marks the last
attempt by the government to control the development of the parchment industry until
the repeal of the various acts between 1808 and 1815
54 Effects on Parchment Quality
There is a general consensus that parchment between the seventeenth and eighteenth
century was of far lower quality than parchment of the medieval period (Rogers 1887
601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70 Clarkson 1992 5) Current research by Sarah
Fiddyment at the University of York offers further clarity on parchment quality
(Appendix 1) This research involves reviewing a large number of parchment samples to
assess changes in quality over time based on the development of a Parchment Quality
Index (PQI) measuring the levels of damage that occurred to parchment during the
manufacturing process This research shows two very clear period of decline in the
quality of parchment
68
The first sudden decline begins around the fifteenth century and has many possible
causes though Fiddyment has presented a clear correlation with the changing
proportion of parchment to paper used in the market based on the data presented by
Lyall et al (1989 11-29) The sudden influx of paper led to the steady dismantling of the
infrastructure of the parchment-making industry and would in part explain this sudden
decline However the detrimental effects of the plague must also be considered
Parchment-making was a highly skilled profession with knowledge of the various
processes having been well-kept secrets within the profession and the dramatic
population decline in the mid-fourteenth century likely saw the loss of much of the
inherited knowledge It may have taken many generations before this knowledge was a
disseminated across England once more
However the cause of the second sudden decline between c1710 and c1830 remains
something of an historical anomaly (see appendix 1) There are a number of possible
causes for example the continued competition with paper though it appears unlikely
to have caused such a sudden decline so late The effects of the influx of the new
breeds which were generally far less suited to the production of high quality parchment
presents another plausible theory However as stated earlier the majority of the major
parchment works in the country were primarily located in regions where the older more
suitable breeds remained Furthermore the decline appears to occur before the new
breeds such as those of Ellman and Bakewell had made any noticeable impact on
English agriculture Finally there is the possibility of European wars causing the decline
in quality France in particular was a significant producer of parchment (Massey 1763
58) and a major exporter of parchment to England for a number of centuries (see
Gullick 1991 154-156 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Chambers 1728 351 ) However
there is no evidence French parchment was of significantly better quality than English
parchment and England was still importing lsquovast quantitiesrsquo of parchment around 1728
If the higher quality parchment of previous centuries had been that of French origin
then it would be expected the quality would have risen significantly again by 1728
(Chambers 1728 351)
However the most plausible primary cause of this sudden decline was the 1711 Act (9
Ann I c11) as well as many of the laws that followed it Firstly the yearly setting of
69
prices by the High Treasury was likely very detrimental to the quality of parchment In
order to set the price of a product a universal measurement needed to be established
Prices could have been set to a certain quantity of parchment for example one piece of
parchment which was set to a duty of 6 d in this Act Similarly it could be set to the
weight of parchment This being possible as all inspectors were required to weigh
parchment before denoting a duty but they would also record the value of the
parchment after weighing (9 Ann I c11) Each method fails to take into consideration
the quality of the parchment a subjective characteristic one not mentioned in any law
during the period
The results over time would be little incentive to produce high-quality parchment as
parchment-makers would receive the same price for a low quality piece of parchment as
they would from a high quality product Furthermore being unable to improve profits
with increased prices firms could now only do so with an increased market share and
reduced production costs Over time competition over a reduction in production costs
was likely more significant than any competition over parchment quality
Furthermore the strict regulations set on the production of parchment would have
great discouraged the production of higher quality parchment The risk associated with
finely flayed skins as well as over-liming skins the removal of wool the scraping of skins
and removal of fat deposits would be so high as any damaged skins would result in high
fines and the seizure of parchment and skins that it seems likely to have greatly
discouraged the production of high quality parchment The quality of parchment only
increases (see Appendix 1) after the repeal of the variety of acts pertaining to the setting
of prices and the extensive regulations surrounding the production of parchment that
occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century (see section 34) This difficult period
was likely best navigated by larger parchment works capable of producing large
quantities of a more standardised quality of parchment that though perhaps not of
great quality met the strict criteria set out in these acts while reducing production costs
55 Conclusions
Overall the various laws on taxing parchment clearly played a key role in the
development of the industry With all parchment moving through London one might
70
expect the industry to be larger in the south given the huge price implications for
transporting parchment from the more northern regions Secondly clear deals were
being struck between the Treasury and stationers and between stationers and
parchment-makers in order to make large amounts of parchment more cost-effectively
(at least in theory) Larger manufacturers and larger trade routes meant increased
economies of scale but perhaps more importantly allowed for a more efficient method
for taxation The whole system appears to have greatly incentivised the development of
larger parchment works declining parchment quality and a geographical shift to the
southern regions These developments are likely to have forced the small-scale
parchment works to either develop a partnership with larger parchment works in order
to be a part of the huge deals that existed at the time or to stop manufacturing
altogether Also the percentage based charges set on each bulk of parchment sold the
economies of scale related to industry and the steadily developing systems for
processing and distributing large amounts of parchment will have greatly shaped the
parchment industry between 1711 and 1815
71
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds
61 Sourcing Sheepskins
lsquoThese skins are difficult to describe in general terms for they differ enormously in size fat
content general quality of the fibre network and the types of epidermal structures they
elaborate depending on a multitude of biological factors of which breed age environment
diet and conditions of rearing are the most obviousrsquo
(Reed 1972 41)
The skins most ideal for the manufacture of parchment had specific characteristics that
made them better suited for the manufacturing process The quality of the skins could
be affected by a variety of possible factors Therefore it must be determined which
skins were best for the production of parchment and which breeds of sheep under
which agricultural system would be best suited to producing skins used in the
manufacture of parchment Furthermore having established the significant financial
benefits of sourcing skins locally as well as the high risks involved with using low quality
skins due to possible damages to the final product establishing which breeds were best
suited to parchment-makers is vital to a study of this nature
611 Fat Content
lsquothe surface should be firm free from grease of good even colour and as smooth as possiblersquo
(Reed 1972 125)
The fat content of an animal drastically affects the quality of the skin for its use in
manufacturing parchment During the manufacturing process parchment-makers
remove the fat hypodermic layer of the skin in order to make a smooth surface free
from grease Failure to remove the grease from the skins results in the discolouration of
the final product (Reed 1972 21-24 Saxl 1954 6) as well as the possibility of marked
ridges on the parchment (Reed 1972 132) Removal of all fragments of grease is a
difficult and time-consuming task (Reed 1972 132) particularly before the
mechanisation of the parchment manufacturing process (Saxl 1954 31-32) Significantly
72
fatter sheep would have caused even great difficulties as in many cases the fat cells
could infiltrate the connective tissue residing in the dermal layer of skin which would
have proven an even greater challenge to parchment-makers (Reed 1972 30) Reed also
stated that fat can cause weakness at the epidermal junction causing the dermal and
epidermal layers of the skin to split (1972 43) However this appears to be of most
concern in skins sourced from older sheep though one might presume that skins
originating from fast-maturing sheep may suffer from this defect at an earlier age given
the lsquorelatively unstablersquo collagen development in some fast-maturing breeds (Henrickson
et al 1984 168) The removal of grease if not completed after the initial exposure to the
lime pits many craftsmen would use gesso quicklime powdered bones or chalk (see
Reed 1972 148-149) though the most common solution was the application of
additional treatments of lime (Yeomans 2006 33) Overall the more grease that had to
be removed the longer it would take to make parchment and the process would be
more costly The increased workload may also have increased the likelihood of the
damaging of skins a particularly significant issue given the various laws surrounding
skin and parchment quality between 1650 and 1850
The fat content of sheep between the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries was likely to
have varied significantly and determining which breeds produced usable skins and
which did not is a difficult task Even today both the overall fat content and the
distribution of fat in sheep appears to be very variable (see Palop 2016 7) It also
appears very likely that parchment-makers were unable to avoid using fatter breeds of
sheep over time as many of the breeds in England and Wales grew in size during this
period due to changes in breeding practices and husbandry (Davis and Beckett 1999
Henderson 2016 25-31) Ryderrsquos work may also support this as the eighteenth century
parchment samples he reviewed were of a greater thickness (1991 31) and studies have
shown a correlation between skin thickness and diet Sheep fed on a diet of lower
nutritional value can see a reduction in their skin thickness over time while sheep
intensively fed larger diets will keep thicker skins (Williams and Thornberry 1992 140) It
can be concluded that the skins of fattier faster-maturing breeds were likely to have
been spurned by parchment-makers in favour of smaller breeds with lower deposits of
grease
73
612 The Age of Sheep
Another key factor in determining the quality of a sheeprsquos skin is the age of the animal
Younger animals tend to have higher quality skins for parchment-making due to their
finer grained surface (Reed 1972 35-36) Older animals however despite being larger
and providing more skin per animal tend to have inferior fibre networks and increased
chances of skin defects and irregularities (Reed 1975 35-36) They are also more likely to
have far greater deposits of fat due to longer lives of eating and depending on the
breed and farming system very little exercise They are also more likely to have greater
deposits of fat spread throughout their entire bodies including their skin causing great
difficulty to parchment-makers With greater age also comes a greater propensity for a
variety of pathological conditions and connective tissue disorders as well as damage to
the skin from mites insects and physical trauma (Reed 1972 35-37)
Even when considering the issues connected with older sheep the harvesting of lamb
skins is a far more costly enterprise Lambs produce far less usable material for
parchment-makers and yet require very similar levels of skill time and production costs
as full-grown sheep
Another key area in regards to the effects of ageing on sheepskins is the difference
between the older native breeds of England and the so-called lsquonew breedsrsquo which
reached maturity far quicker A clear example being that of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester
sheep a breed that matured in only two years and had a far greater propensity to fatten
(Youatt and Weld 1837 25-26) In these faster-maturing improved breeds the dermal
collagen grows far more quickly than in the skins of the native breeds This rapid growth
of collagen results in the collagen becoming lsquorelatively unstablersquo and therefore the
lsquoleather obtained from intensively fed animals had a lower breaking point strength than
those obtained from regularly fed animalsrsquo (Henrickson et al 1984 168) Similarly it has
been argued that the lsquoincreased growth rate must be accompanied by increased
collagen degradation or reduced collagen synthesisrsquo and lsquothis is true whether the
increase results from nutrition or from selection for growth ratesrsquo (Lawrence et al 2012
44)
Unfortunately given the wide variety of breeds from the resulting cross-breeding from
the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries it is difficult to determine which breed exactly
74
presented a significant problem However it can be concluded that the skins of
fast-maturing intensively-fed breeds were overall more delicate than those of the more
lsquonaturallyrsquo raised sheep and therefore it seems likely that parchment-makers would have
avoided sourcing their skins from sheep farmed intensively for their mutton
613 Diet and Environment
lsquoa larger carcass inevitably meant longer heavier and coarser woolrsquo
(Wykes 2004 51)
Diet clearly affects the quality of skin with over-feeding resulting in issues of collagen
development and a weak fibre network as well as higher levels of grease (Henrickson et
al 1984 168 Reed 1972 37) However there are a variety of agricultural systems with
different foodstuff and feeding methods which Reed (1972) reviewed to assess the
impact of diet on the skin quality (Reed 1972 36-42)
Firstly Reed concluded that stall-fed sheep typically have looser thinner hides
compared to sheep that roam pastures for their food This is partly due to the lack of
exercise a common issue with the larger sheep as in the words of the
nineteenth-century land survey John Middleton lsquoanimals that are intended to be
fattened with the most speed the least food and the greatest profit are or ought to be
kept still and as free from exercise as possiblersquo (Middleton 1807 436) It is also due to
the diet of stall-fed sheep These animals would have experienced lsquoartificial feedingrsquo for
example barley oil-cake potatoes and food-waste and this diet as Reed states results
in skins that are often softer and more spongy in character (1972 37)
Reed goes on to write that the woolled downland sheep generally had large skins
lsquouniform in texturersquo though with large deposits of grease (1972 41) This was in stark
contrast to the mountain and hill-reared sheep which typically produce stronger
higher quality skins (1972 37) They also have thinner skins with a tighter dermal
network with a finer grain and far less grease (1972 41) The hilly and mountainous
districts have great tracts of uncultivated lands which provided rough grazing for a
number of sheep (Fussell 1964 49) The mountain and hill-reared breeds found in these
areas often had slower rates of maturity (relative to the improved breeds) and they
75
generally had increased levels of exercise as they roam for their food (1972 42) These
factors help to create a tighter dermal network and consequently stronger thinner
skins more ideal for making parchment
The environment and diet of sheep plays an integral part in developing high quality
skins and as Reed describes the more lsquonaturalrsquo the conditions in which the sheep are
raised the better (1972 37) We can therefore conclude that the parchment-makers
using the skins of the naturally fed roaming sheep (typically hill-reared) would be
producing the highest quality parchment and given the increased strength of the skins
(resulting in fewer defects) and the reduced levels of grease would be producing
parchment faster and with fewer damages to the material and with less wastage
76
614 Wool Sheep
lsquoBreeding for mutton however and breeding for wool are distinct and different objects and will in some measure depend on situation for those soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of mutton and on the other hand those soils which
fatten most in equal proportion deteriorate the woolrsquo
(Rudge 1807 306)
Between 1650 and 1850 there were a great variety of sheep
breeds with a varying range in the quality of their fibre
networks and types of epidermal structures At either end of
this spectrum existed the two extremes of wool breeds
Firstly the woolled sheep with epidermal growths of fine
soft and curly wool (Reed 1972 41) The latter breeds were
the lsquohair typersquo (often referred to as heath sheep) which had
coarse thick and tough fibres (1972 41)
The woolled type of sheep produced the worst skins for
parchment-makers Sheep with a high number of follicles
particularly those with a high ratio of secondary to primary
follicles such as the Merino sheep produced skins that were
loose in texture of a poor quality to parchment-makers The
extensive glandular structures would prevent the dense
packing of the connective tissue fibre networks (1972 41)
Furthermore the persistent shearing of sheep has an effect on
sheepskin thickness (Lyne 1961 152 Wodzicka 1958
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska 1960 197) an issue mostly affecting
sheep bred primarily for their wool Overall the better the
sheep for producing finer wool the worse it would be for
manufacturing parchment
The latter breed the lsquohair typersquo on the other hand had thick
fibres and fewer follicles therefore producing a far more firm fibre network (Reed 1972
41) and therefore better skins for parchment (see figure 14)
77
There were of course a greater variety of sheep breeds than those purely bred for wool
and the purely hair-type of sheep There were also medium-woolled sheep producing
fewer follicles with a lower ratio of secondary to primary hair follicles (see figure 14)
These sheep were primarily the downland sheep bred for the production of mutton The
larger carcass resulting in longer heavier and coarser wool (Wykes 2004 51) the skins
were generally thick and fairly uniform in texture (Reed 1972 42) though unfortunately
still proving difficult for parchment-makers due to their high deposits of grease Overall
the ideal breed for parchment-makers was one that had not succumbed to either
extreme of specialisation for either wool or mutton production The hill-reared sheep of
Britain therefore developed favour amongst many producers of light leathers (eg
gloves) and presumably therefore parchment-makers These sheep produced thinner
skins with tighter dermal networks (Reed 1972 41) and were therefore of the highest
quality for parchment-makers
Overall however there was a huge variety of sheep breeds but the studies into fibre
and follicle networks show that sheep with tighter and firmer fibre networks were best
for making parchment These were generally less woolly sheep with lower grease
deposits ones not subject to extreme specialisation unimproved sheep with the fatter
improved breeds promoted by Bakewell and others for either intensive mutton
production having skins that were too greasy and the wool-producing sheep having
skins that are too loose in texture
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used
Ryder (1960) reviewed the diameter of fibres and follicles in a variety of parchment
samples ranging from twelfth to the nineteenth century The results found that most of
the fine-wool samples came from the medieval period while most of the medium-wool
samples came from the sixteenth century onward and finally the coarsest samples
appear to have been from the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) This work also
shows that throughout these centuries there were still attempts to use lsquohair sheeprsquo This
is similar to Hedwig Saxlrsquos results (1954) which reviewed the development of sheep
breeding and a variety of samples and concluded that there was a progression from
medieval times which saw sheep with very few hair follicles to more modern
78
sheepskins which showed a great number of crowded hair follicles The results of this
paper similar to results of Ryderrsquos work suggest that sheep were being bred to produce
more wool over time or that producers of parchment were being more selective over
the skins they used
It is also worthy of note that according to Ryderrsquos work hair sheep were used in all
centuries including the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) However when discussing
the hair-bearing sheep an eighteenth century writer stated that lsquothe pure breeds of this
sort are scarcely anywhere to be found among manufacturing nationsrsquo (Anderson 1797
320) However Anderson also states that sheep such as these have often not been
separately categorised and have lsquoalmost entirely escaped the notice of naturalists and
othersrsquo (Anderson 1797 320) It appears likely then that many of these sheep were still
being used in the English agricultural system though were often overlooked by the
agricultural writers of the time who were more concerned with the breed capable of
producing high levels of mutton or wool Anderson even goes on to write that lsquothere is a
much greater proportion of the hair-bearing race among the breeds of sheep in the
southern parts of the islandrsquo and that a Mr Lisle had heard of these sheep under the
name lsquorowety-woolrsquo (Anderson 1797 330) The word lsquorowetyrsquo means a poor area of land
either an area recently harvested andor having been left unploughed for some time
(see Lisle 1757 157 Fussell 1966 39 Bath amp West of Eng Agr Soc 1792 85) These
sheep were therefore likely found in lands of high levels of lsquowastersquo with little attention
paid to the quality of the breeds being farmed
In general however despite clear benefits of using the skins of coarse woolled sheep
during the eighteenth century many parchment-makers were either becoming less
concerned with parchment quality or in most cases did not have a supply of the more
sheepskins from coarse-woolled breeds
615 Conclusion
It appears the best sheepskins for the manufacture of high quality parchment come
from sheep that have not been intensively farmed to produce quantities of mutton or
wool The most suitable sheep are most likely the hair-type of sheep as they have
tighter dermal networks Similarly sheepskins from smaller hardy sheep ones that
79
roam for their food and mature at the slower rate to many of the improved breeds of
the period would have been greatly advantageous to parchment-makers The areas of
England which did not follow the route of intensive sheep farming and did not employ
the improvements of farmers such as Barkwell and Ellman seem likely to prove best
sheepskins for making parchment These sheepskins would have also been subject to
fewer possible damages a hugely advantageous factor during a period of intensive
manufacturing standards and high fines
80
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds
lsquoThe different races of sheep in England are variously distinguished for uncommon size goodness of flesh and plenty of fineness of woolrsquo
(Aikin 1795 19)
This section of the research will attempt to outline the rural landscape between 1650
and 1850 looking primarily at the location of various sheep breeds throughout England
as well the iconic features of these breeds It will highlight whether there was any link
between the geographic distribution of breeds and the location of parchment works A
link that seems possible particularly given the wide variety of breeds and their effects
on the manufacturing quality (discussed in section 61) Furthermore the ability to
purchase skins from great distances was greatly limited by the high costs of salting skins
(see section 37) but also due to the high transport costs of the period that acted as a
lsquomajor constraint on economic activityrsquo (Gerhold 2014 1)
This section should also highlight when and where the new breeds like those promoted
by Ellman and Bakewell were used in the agricultural system the timing of
stockbreeding also being an issue of great consequence that is still relatively poorly
understood Perhaps unsurprisingly as the sheep farming industry during this period
has been widely overlooked by many economists historians and archaeologists As a
result this section constitutes a much-required review of sheep breed locations based
on various tours reports and works of agriculturalists though primarily the results of
this work are based on the reports produced by the Board of Agriculture
It is important to consider that the majority of the historical reports were published
around the turn of the nineteenth century This was an important period in sheep
farming coming at the end of nearly thirty years of determined efforts to lsquoimproversquo the
national agricultural base including the improvement of sheep breeds on a national
scale (Ryder 1983 487)
This chapter will now establish which regions of England were subject to any major
changes in sheep farming or wider agricultural objectives Combined with the
81
conclusions of section 61 this section will determine which regions had access to
supplies of high quality skins
621 The DownlandsSouth
lsquoFrom this central core long fingers of chalkland stretch out north-eastwards through the
Marlborough and Berkshire Downs and on into the Chilterns while south-westwards the
chalk downs extend across Cranborne Chase into Dorset reaching the English channel coast
between St Aldhelmsrsquos and Abbotsburyrsquo
(Thirsk 2000 27)
The chalk downlands have had a long history of agriculture and an absence of
large-scale industry (Thirsk 2000 29) For most of the period under examination this
region was under lsquosheep and corn husbandryrsquo whereby a system of grain production
was sustained by maintaining large sheep flocks that were fed on the unenclosed
downlands or waste by day and folded by night on the arable lands to enrich the thin
chalkland with their dung (2000 30) This system was continued even after the
introduction of new systems and crops in other counties as the soil of the chalk
lowlands was often too shallow to support the introduction of legumes Furthermore
many of these regions were particularly late enclosed Much of the high downland in
Berkshire Wiltshire Dorset and Sussex remained entirely open and unenclosed at the
end of the eighteenth century (2000 43) A particularly interesting factor as enclosures
are often seen as a necessary prerequisite for the instigating of new selective breeding
techniques and the adoption of the larger coarser-wooled breeds (Ryder 1991 455
Ryder 1964 70)
This system dominated these regions until the production of new artificial fertilisers in
the nineteenth century (Overton 1996 193) The livestock practices in these counties
were therefore sustaining the hardier breeds capable of travelling great distances in
order to fertilise the land supporting the popular lsquosheep and cornrsquo system of the region
Thirsk offers the following overview of this system and the subsequent breeds
lsquoHere sheep were specially selected not for their propensity to yield mutton or wool but for
their folding qualities Over the centuries prolonged selection have given rise to the distinctive
Wiltshire and Hampshire breeds and so a Berkshire strain known as the Berkshire Knott
82
These animals were large lanky and hardy producing a thin but fine fleece and a small
quantity of sweet mutton Their great advantage was that they were able to range the Downs
all day and had a propensity drop their dung and urine at night when penned in the fold
They require little water taking most of what they needed from the grass they grazed as this
too was an important advantage on the bare open Downs were where streams and wells
were few and far betweenrsquo
(Thirsk 1984 329)
This lsquosheep and cornrsquo system was particularly prevalent in Wiltshire Dorset the
Hampshire downs and Berkshire Wiltshire in particular had a lsquovast quantity of sheeprsquo
(Davis 1813 137) with Defoe estimating around 2-3 million prior to 1724 which though
perhaps an inflated figure highlights the prevalence of sheep in the region (Cited in
Fussell and Goodman 1930 146) There was an abundance of one particular breed a
small native breed lsquoof middling size and moderately fine woolrsquo (Aikin 1795 282) widely
used to fertilise the land during the period (Davis 1813 137) In 1813 Davis offered a
concise overview of some of the key issues pertaining to the sheep in the region
describing lsquothe peculiar aptitude of the soil and climate to sheep the singular use of
sheep-folding on arable land naturally light and loose the necessity of making sheep the
carriers of dung in situations where the distance from home and the steepness of the
hills almost preclude the possibility of carrying it by any other modersquo (Davis 1813 137)
As a result much of this land was limited to lsquorough pasturersquo until the later introduction of
later fertilising agents (Aikin 1795 332) making sheep a necessity in many areas and
making the improvement of the carcass not the primary objective for the region (Davis
1813 139) In fact the use of livestock to fertilise the land was commonplace across
much of the Wiltshire in particular (Aikin 1795 281 Cobbett 1912 40) with much of the
land not being enclosed until after c1750 Attempts were made to cross the New
Leicester with the widespread black-faced hill sheep of the period with a disastrous loss
of hardiness (Ryder 1983 487) Instead the smallness of an animal was a major
recommendation lsquoin a country where summer food is scarce and winter food raised
with difficultyrsquo (Davis 1813 147) These lands also had small enclosed fields and the
livestock were often left to graze with the minimum of attendance (Thirsk 1984 339)
Despite attempts to increase the size of the downland Wiltshire breed the new strain
possessed many serious shortcomings resulting it its eventual degeneration (Copus
83
1989 40)
Berkshire was home to a lsquopure breedrsquo sheep that had survived for hundreds of years
called the Berkshire Nott The longwool Berkshire Nott was bred throughout the county
for much of the seventeenth century (Trow-Smith 1951 161) and despite the
considerable changes the breed went through (Mavor 1813 381) it remained a common
breed in the region (see Mavor 1813 387-390) as it was well-suited to the sheep and
corn system due to its ability to travel long distances to fertilise the land (1813 382)
However the Berkshire Agricultural Society also supported the breed by disapproving of
crossing breeding until at least 1813 though it was stated that crossing was still fairly
common (Mavor 1813 387-390)
The breed was well-adapted to the chalk downlands according to writers of the time
however it had a poor quality fleece and produced relatively small quantities of mutton
(1813 381) Despite its previous success Mavor writes that around the turn of the
nineteenth century much of the livestock on the downs had been widely replaced by the
Southdown breed (Mavor 1813 381) this being either a reflection of an improvement in
the Southdown breed or a change of agricultural system on the lower downs Attempts
were made to introduce the new Leicester breed to the region though these sheep
lsquomade but little progressed being confined to a few select flocks onlyrsquo (Mavor 1813 391)
The Berkshire Nott survived in the Chiltern Hills even into the nineteenth century
(Ryder 1964 17) due to the continued reliance on lsquosheep and cornrsquo husbandry
The large Dorset and Mendip breeds were closely associated with the lowlands of
Dorset which under the right circumstances were known to produce very good mutton
(Youatt 1810 84) The Dorset breed was described as lsquotall and light of body somewhat
resembling the camel in shape and proportionlsquo and was only subject to improvement
towards the end of the eighteenth century (Anderson 1778 168) Nevertheless It was
known for producing a lsquorelatively finer woolrsquo (Ryder 1983 488) though this wool was
clearly not so fine to attain a high value at market compared to many of the other
breeds of the period (see table 3)
84
The chalk lands of Hampshire also required the use of hardy sheep to sustain the
sheep-corn system (Copus 1989 39) with breeds conditioned for the wet and cold
conditions of the woodland clays (Vancouver 1810 360) Despite the later increase in
popularity of the Southdown sheep in the region over the old Hampshire breed (Aikin
1795 286) there were still a great number of locations in the region where the older
breeds remained Attempts were made during the century to cross the Hampshire with
the old black-faced Berkshire and later with the Southdown though the latter did not
occur until around the mid-nineteenth century (Ryder 1964 11)
85
These chalk downlands also extended through Sussex Despite this region primarily
producing sheep for wool produce breeding sheep of lsquovery competitive excellencersquo
(Young 1808 296-297) many flocks were still used on the chalky hills primarily to
manure the land (1808 348) The sheep on chalk-hills were primarily fed on wheat
(1808 143) as the turnip was not a viable option There was a great variety of sheep in
the county however the main breed to occupy the chalk downlands was the Southdown
(Young 1808 300)
Finally Thirsk describes the chalk downland farming of Kent Despite the county being
primarily a region producing sheep for their mutton (Aikin 1795 222) the North and
South Downs of Kent practiced other agricultural systems due to the hilly nature and
chalk soils of the regions Instead of the large Romney-Marsh breed widely adopted in
the Kent lowlands the Southdown breed was farmed in the hilly chalk regions of the
county (Boys 1805 175) On first appearance this appears slightly odd as the
Southdown breed often disliked in similar regions due to its inability to walk great
distances (Billingsley 1798 243) however they were still relatively hardy animals and
perhaps the narrow nature of the North and South Downs meant these animals were
not required to walk quite as far to the fold as many of the breeds discussed above
However the more common use of this animal may in part explain why so few
parchment-makers were located in Kent until the nineteenth century when Canterbury
became a major centre of production (see section 43)
However it is important to consider that these clear systems did not last forever the
high prices set on arable crops during the Napoleonic Wars led to the establishment of
new farmsteads and the further spread of enclosures over the regions (Thirsk 2000 44)
and enclosures were used to convert land previously unsuitable for profitable arable
farming The availability of the kinds of sheep discussed in section 61 were very likely to
have declined quite dramatically during the Napoleonic Wars However for the majority
of the period these downland regions had an abundance of hardy sheep and failed to
adopt the new breeds of Ellman and Bakewell on any significant scale As a result many
of the breeds in this region would be have been particularly ideal for the production of
parchment based on the requirements set out in section 61
86
622 The Wolds
Thirsk defines the wold regions as hilly with relatively lightly spread woodland though
that the variety between the English wolds can be quite significant
The Yorkshire wolds in the East Riding were formerly known for two distinctive breeds in
this region the Holderness and the Wold breed both small hardy animals (Strickland
1812 231) However farmers in this region began crossing with the New Leicester breed
very early with the principal objective of the lsquospeedy fatteningrsquo of lsquogreat numberrsquo of
sheep (1812 51-52) Strickland writes lsquo great expense and pains are bestowed by many
in their endeavours to concentrate every good quality observed in the species in one
breed in order to bring this useful animal to a state of perfectionrsquo (1812 52) Clearly the
aim of this region was to specialise in the breeding of the largest sheep
Secondly the Lincolnshire Wolds which were particularly well known as a grazing
country producing animals of great size and weight (Aikin 1795 130) perhaps most
notably the widespread adoption of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester breed (Young 1799 365)
The New Leicester having been described as lsquoan indolent animalrsquo one lsquoindisposed to
actionrsquo and requiring pasture where it can collect its food with little exercise (Duncumb
1805 122-123) It was also said to have been subject to some peculiar disorders and as
such required much care and attention in the management (Duncumb 1805 122-123)
They were incredibly large animals (see Marshall 1793 229-232) capable of being
folded at less than a year old and which lsquowhen highly finished they appear as a solid
lump of fleshrsquo (Marshall 1793 229 233) It was certainly not an animal likely to produce
the skin necessary for high quality parchment
Finally the Cotswolds which Aikin described at the end of the eighteenth century as lsquoa
long tract of high ground for the most part bleak and bare yet affording in many places
a short fine grass for the feed of sheep and at present principally devoted to the
growth of cornrsquo (1795 163) Despite the use of turnips not being of first importance in
farming improvements in the neighbouring Wiltshire Somerset and to a lesser extent
Gloucester they were widely employed across the Cotswolds (Crittal 1959 43-64)
Turnips likely being used as a winter fodder that supported the growth of the heavier
stocking of livestock Mixed farming had generally been the standard however livestock
87
became increasingly important between 1640 and 1750 with experiments in the use of
Bakewellrsquos breeds occurring as early as the first half of eighteenth century (Thirsk 1984
320-321)
Overall the various wold landscapes appear to have introduced the newer breeds of
Bakewell and Ellman relatively early-on and farmers in these regions were widely
adopting the newly specialized forms of livestock management stocking a great number
of larger breeds for the purposes of producing mutton
623 Lowland Vales
The Lowland Vales are prominent across the centre of the country occupying large
parts of the counties of Buckinghamshire Bedfordshire Oxfordshire Leicestershire
Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire as well as more patches in
Hertfordshire Essex East Anglia Central Yorkshire and through parts of the Berkshire
vale (Thirsk 2000 78) The pastures of the vales were primarily based on the production
of mutton as well as the production of second-grade wool (2000 91) supported by the
widespread introduction of the turnip though in most counties in the Midlands the soil
was better adapted to the farming of cattle (Marshall 1793 217) Enclosures had spread
across many of these regions far earlier than many of the other parts of England
(Roberts et al 2016 129) with a renewed burst of enclosures between 1755 and 1780
(Thirsk 2000 91) In many of the grazing districts the larger farms had been divided up
with enclosed lands offering greater control over breeding practices As such it was the
New Leicester and Southdown breeds that were lsquocentral to the improvement which
swept across Lowland England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(Walton 1983 175-176) However the Midlands was still breeding a number of sheep
Marshall describes as lsquothe small and hardy mountaineersrsquo a short-wooled breed kept
on the commons and fields of the region
Buckinghamshire had high quality soil that supported large quantities of crops with only
little manure (Aikin 1795 323) as well as the production of fat lambs for the London
market (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) The fattening of lambs for London markets
appears to have been an objective shared by many counties in close proximity to
London
88
Leicestershire had quantities of rich grazing land (Aikin 1795 135) with the eastern and
south-eastern regions breeding a great number of cattle to very large sizes while the
northern grazing tracts supported great numbers of sheep (1795 135-136) The
principal sheep breeds of the county were the Old and New Leicester breeds (Pitt 1809
245) and these Leicestershire breeds were lsquovery large in size without horns and clothed
with thick long flakes of soft wool particularly fit for the worsted manufacturersrsquo (Aikin
1795 136) Lincolnshire also bred a large number of New Leicester sheep as well as the 4
long wooled large Lincoln breed (Young 1799 365) It is of little surprise that Lincoln and
Leicester exported large quantities of wool (Aikin 1795 66) Nottinghamshire was also
an area with widespread enclosures with turnip husbandry being widely adopted in the
enclosed regions (Lowe 1794 11) and consequently the enclosed areas began to see
the adoption of the Lincolnshire and New Leicestershire breeds (1794 33) However the
sheep kept on fallow lands were lsquoa poor breedrsquo described as a mixture of the forest and
Lincolnshire pasture sheep (1794 11) a breed which may have perhaps proven viable
for parchment However these breeds were by no means widespread The New
Leicester was also found in Warwickshire principally a feeding and dairy county (Aikin
1795 151) with great attention paid by farmers to improve the wool and mutton of their
sheep Many breeders were said to have purchased the lsquofinest Leicestershire ramsrsquo at
lsquothe most extravagant pricesrsquo to cross with their best shaped ewes (Murray 1815 161)
Hertfordshire which Thirsk describes as having lsquopatchesrsquo of these Lowland Vales though
primarily an arable county (Young 1804 194-195) The primary breeds were the
Wiltshire and the Southdown breeds the former a possible contender for sourcing
parchment materials though these too were not found in any great numbers Essex also
only had lsquofew breeding flocksrsquo (Young 1807 308) and generally fattened lambs for spring
and ewes for sale at the end of summer (Young 1807 308) Oxfordshire also primarily an
arable county (Davis 1794 7) with the fertile lowlands in particular having long
produced wheat and malt for London market (Havinden 1961 73) The northern tip of
Oxfordshire however had extremely fertile soil (Young 1813 5) with cattle and sheep
important to the region (Havinden 1961 74) with a large profitable local breed (Page
4 The establishment of the New Leicester in this county attesting to the regions success
in sheep farming
89
1907 279-292)
Overall these regions were quite varied though in the majority of cases many of these
regions were not farming a significant number of sheep Furthermore in most cases the
breeds found here were often the newer larger Leicestershire breed However many
farmers in many counties were still opposing the introduction of these improved breeds
for example Warwickshire Northamptonshire Rutlandshire and Leicestershire were all
counties with graziers opposing the new breeds (Marshall 1793 224)
624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture
Although conceding that there is no single agreed term to define the agricultural
systems of this region Thirsk more broadly defines these areas as lsquowood pasturesrsquo and
lsquopastoral lowlandsrsquo providing a somewhat clearer idea of the regions The region
primarily stretches from parts of Cheshire to Dorset Typically these areas were widely
enclosed with enclosures continuing throughout the sixteenth seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries as a result of agreements rather than as a result of parliamentary
acts (Thirsk 2000 117)
The primary product of Cheshire during the eighteenth century was dairy while lsquoless
attention is paid to sheep in this than in most countiesrsquo (Holland 1813 286-287) Only a
few farmers in the region had the Leicester flocks and paid some attention to their
breeds while there were also some Southdown sheep lsquoin the hands of a few gentlemenrsquo
(Holland 1813 287) An eighteenth century writer described three fourths of the land
being dedicated to pasture with the grass of the region used in part to feed horses but
in most cases fed to milking cows with little attention paid to fattening cows (Aikin 1795
92) Shropshire too had few breeding flocks though the sheep that were kept were said
to have varied from the small Welsh breeds to the far larger Leicestershire breeds of
Leicestershire (Plymley 1803 259) A great number of experiments occurred in this
region with almost all farmers of different districts having tried almost all the improved
breeds (1803 260-261) However in general the low parts of the county were primarily
used to feed cattle used widely for production of cheese while the hilly tracts were for
the breeding of sheep producing a fine wool (Aikin 1795 98-99) The Old Shropshire
sheep were prevalent a very hardy animal that Plymley claimed did not require food
from farmers during the winter nor did they generally drink or require any attention
90
from the shepard (Plymley 1803 260)
Staffordshire was also lsquonot a great feeding countyrsquo (Pitt 1817 69) though the beast was
horned cattle and the primary product of the county was milk (1817 66) However of
the sheep kept in the region the main breeds lsquodeserving of particular attention were the
native Cannock-heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds breeds from Leicestershire and the
Southdown breedrsquo (1817 70-71) The native breeds were under certain management
well disposed to fatten and lsquoproduced mutton equal to that from any other breedrsquo (1817
71) and produced a fine wool (Pitt 1817 71 Pitt 1796 136) while the breeds bred for
wool were lsquorefined and improved in a high degree upon principles introduced by the late
Mr Bakewell of Dishley (Pitt 1817 71) The region did however continue to breed the
older smaller black-faced horned varieties many of which had died out in most
counties by this time (Russell 2007 173-174 Plot 1686 109) and possibly these
un-improved breeds were well-suited to parchment (Russell 2007 174)
Herefordshire was similar in many respects with wool a primary export of the county
with the sheep of the region generally small lsquoaffording a fine silky wool in quality
approaching the Spanishrsquo (Aikin 1795 105) This county had previously employed the
farming of sheep to collect lsquofood from situations where no other animal was capable of
subsistingrsquo but Duncomb suggests that by the end of the eighteenth century lsquoan
opposite system has been adopted and many thousand acres of the best tillage ground
have been converted into pasture of sheeprsquo (Duncumb 1805 122-123) This allowed for
the adoption of breeds such as the New Leicester however many of the breeds already
bred in this region produced a finer wool and in greater quantities (1805 123)
Worcestershirersquos primary products were lsquocorn cattle fine wool hops cyder and perryrsquo
(Aikin 1795 157) with the sheep of the region being described as being lsquoof no particular
breedrsquo except the sheep on the commons and wasteland which were breeds of the
same origin as the Staffordshire Cannock Heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds (Pitt 1810
216) The north and east of the country were described as primarily farming flocks of the
Leicester and Cotswold sorts though widely crossed with the New Leicester breeds (Pitt
1810 217) However the wastelands and hills of the south were generally stocked with
Cotswold sheep (1810 217-218) The northern regions bred sheep generally ideal for the
butcher (Pitt 1805 217)
91
The majority of the land of Warwickshire was also committed to the breeding of
improved breeds as the following concise summary offered in the Board of Agriculture
report states lsquoThe great attention that has been paid by many eminent breeders in
Warwickshire to improve the wool and mutton of this animal by selecting the finest
Leicestershire rams and paying the most extravagant prices for them only for a season
to cross with from a selection of the best shaped ewes in the country has now produced
a breed of sheep equal if not superior to most counties in Englandrsquo (Murray 1815 161)
There were large numbers of the New Leicester and Wiltshire sheep in this region
though also with a number of the Southdown Merino and Welsh breeds on the
commons (Murray 1815 161) Ultimately the county was not producing breeds of sheep
most ideal for parchment in any great number however the breeds here were varied
and with small Welsh breeds creating a possible supply for local smaller parchment
works
Gloucester was almost exclusively home to what Marshall describes as lsquomountain
sheeprsquo however the county swept them away during the summer 1782 (Marshall 1789
208) Following this summer the county developed a wide-range of the improved breeds
by the end of the eighteenth century There appears to be very differing methods for
breeding sheep in the county (see Rudge 1807 307-312) though with only two clear
objectives either producing large quantities of fine wool or significant weights of
mutton As a result the Cotswold breed an animal primarily bred for its mutton and the
principal breed of the county was widely crossed with the Southdowns in an attempt to
improve the fineness of wool (Rudge 1807 305) The pure Cotswold breed had however
become lsquoscarcersquo by the end of the eighteenth century with the introduction of the new
Leicester being used to improve the breed to create a finer (though also shorter) wool
and a more compact and fatty carcase (1807 306)
A number of woodland lowland areas in Wiltshire Dorset and Somerset all followed the
same paths as many of the counties listed above and were widely enclosed The result
being the introduction of a number of improved breeds However these regions were
small due to the type of agriculture commons in these counties For example much of
south Wiltshire avoided enclosure with the lsquopeculiar shape of many of the manorsrsquo and
the lsquogeneral application of the landrsquo made enclosures impractical (Davis 1813 44-45) In
92
Somerset too there was great resistance to enclosure in the hilly regions The issue of
enclosure was so significant in this county in fact that the Board of Agriculture report
dedicates thirty pages to attempting to disprove the perceived disadvantages of the
local population (Billingsley 1798 48-78) an issue not so intensely discussed in the
majority of the other reports There was also a widespread aversion to improved
breeds the key belief being that the lsquodeficiency in the fat of the inside would so disgrace
their sheep in the eye of the butcher that they would have lost their old customersrsquo
(Billingsley 1798 243) Despite Billingsley describing the aversions to the the improved
breeds as lsquofallaciousrsquo he later discusses the instance of a Mr Lowman crossing sheep
with the Leicester breed and the significant issue of the new breeds being unable to
walk far to the fold finally concluding that rsquoif they cannot walk a mile to the fold they will
never gain much ground in this countryrsquo (1794 255) This might explain why so many of
the hilly regions of county did not adopt the new improved breeds (see Billingsley 1798
76)
Finally the county of Dorset shared many of the same characteristics listed above The
region was said to have sheep very similar to those in Somerset (Stevenson 1812 393)
though primarily for the purpose of selling lambs to the London market (Stevenson
1812 393 Aikin 1795 297) The differing agricultural system of Dorset to many of the
neighbouring counties the system of pastoral farming likely allowed for the later
improvement to the breeds that occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century
(Stevenson 1812 393) Overall however Dorset may have produced a number of viable
sheep for parchment with the local breed being described as lsquotall and light in bodyrsquo as
later as 1778 (Anderson 1778 168) as well as the late introduction of the turnip being a
testament of the regions refusal to adopt new farming methods (Stevenson 1812 251)
By the end of the eighteenth century the majority of these regions were not producing
viable sheep for parchment production besides a few of the more southern counties It
appears much of the woodland regions described by Thirsk was enclosed and quickly
began to adopt the improved breeds of the time
625 Fenlands
Thirsk describes lsquotrue fenlandsrsquo as existing widely across England the most extensive of
93
which being the mosses of Lancashire and Cumbria and the Eastern Fenlands of
Cambridgeshire and south Lincolnshire (Thirsk 2000 167) describing the regions as
having lsquocountless drainsrsquo and lsquowatercourses criss-crossingrsquo wide-scale cooperation
amongst farmers in the regions
Westmorland and Northumberland appear to have shared the same breeds of sheep
with Bailey and Culley (1797 126) and Walls (1901 141) listing the same three major
breeds of the region None of them particularly fat or woolly (Pigot 1834 144) Firstly
the Cheviot breed a short woolled lsquohardy and valuable mountain sheeprsquo bred in the
north-west of the county (Pigot 1834 144) Secondly the heath sheep otherwise
referred to as the hair-type of sheep (Ryder 1983 496) A lsquopure breedrsquo sheep typically of
a smaller size and as described in the earlier section (section 61) as an ideal breed of
sheep for manufacturing parchment Walls even claimed that the heath breed was
actually the most common breed in Westmorland (Walls 1901 141) Finally the Lincoln
and New Leicester breeds though these were primarily found in the enclosed grazing
lands and did not represent a significant proportion of the sheep population in these
counties Similarly most of the Cumberland farmland was populated by a significant
number of sheep in the hilly regions (Aikin 1795 38 73 Pigot 1995 15) many of which
were said to travel great distances often unsupervised for long periods of time (Pigot
1995 16) However the Cumberland downlands primarily bred cows certainly to a larger
degree than Westmorland and Northumberland
The primary breed of sheep in the flat fenlands of south Lincolnshire and
Cambridgeshire region was a cross between the Leicester and the Lincoln breed (Gooch
1811 272 Young 1799 365) Cambridgeshire in particular although mostly farming the
Leicester and Lincoln cross breed had a very significant range of breeds including
Norfolks West-country Cambridgeshire Berkshire Hertfordshire South Down Lincoln
and Leicester (1811 272) Despite a clear propensity for breeding larger breeds
Cambridgeshire still bred some smaller hardier breeds for some time and remained
one of the few regions to farm sheep with coarse wool over fine wool (Ryder 1964 77)
This region therefore may have still bred sheep ideal for parchment production
however there were still a significant number of the newer larger breeds in this region
These fenlands then seem to have produced a number of viable breeds though in a
94
greater quantity in the more northern regions while eastern fens instead produced a
wider variety of sheep of a wide variety of weights and wool weights (see Gooch 1811
273) particularly around the southern tracts of Lincolnshire (Aikin 1795 189) and the
northern region of Cambridgeshire (Aikin 1795 205) Overall the variability of farming
objectives in these regions make a definitive conclusion difficult however most of the
locations appear certainly capable of supplying local parchment-makers with a relatively
significant number of viable skins However the systems adopted here were certainly
not as beneficial to local parchment-makers as the regions adopting the lsquosheep and cornrsquo
system a system far more likely to incentivise the growth of a far more lucrative
parchment industry
626 Moorlands
This section will cover the uplands of the Pennines the North York Moors as well as the
uplands of Exmoor Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor These regions have varying
agricultural outputs with some at this time being entirely uncultivated covered in peat
or tall inedible grasses (Thirsk 2000 188) while others were accessible regions or
reasonable agricultural outputs
The northern tip of the Pennines stretches through west Durham a region of peaty soils
accompanied with lsquoyellow orchrey clay or white sand both of them certain indications of
unproductivenessrsquo (Bailey 1810 10) The south of Durham however bred a significant
number of sheep and was formerly famed for having the largest breed of sheep in the
kingdom (Bailey 1810 248) though these were being overtaken by the New Leicester
which were slowly being introduced to the region (1810 248)
The west- and north-ridings of Yorkshire both farmed sheep of possible significance The
North Riding being home to the lsquoold stock of the northern part of the Vale of York and of
Clevelandrsquo sheep that were lsquovery large coarse boned slow feeders and the wool dry
and harshrsquo (Tuke 1794 64) While the West Riding of Yorkshire bred a large quantity of
Scotch sheep (Rennie 1799 186) However though these sheep were perhaps viable
options for parchment production both the regions were subject to widespread breed
improvement along the principles of Robert Bakewell (Tuke 1794 64 Rennie 1799 186)
The native breed of Devon was the Exmoor (Vancouver 1808 338) while Cornwall was
95
home to the Exmoor the Dartmoor and many other breeds while the pure Cornish
sheep had become very rare by the beginning of the nineteenth century (Worgan 1811
148) Despite the surviving native breeds farmers in both Devon and Cornwall had
attempted to introduce a wide breadth of different breeds as well as attempting to cross
the local sheep with the new breeds such as the New Leicester by the first decade of the
nineteenth century (Vancouver 1808 341 Worgan 1811 148) Cornwall in particular was
said to be breeding lsquoflocks of sheep as any count either as to form weight of fleece
hardiness of constitution aptitude to fatten quickly at an early age or flavour of
muttonrsquo (Worgan 1811 148) Devon despite the many attempts at crossing with the
New Leicester breed still appeared have a number of native breeds though many were
still bred for their wool growing properties (Vancouver 1808 342) and the Exmoor its
native breed was a longwool breed of fairly considerable size Overall there is again a
possibility that there were some breeds in this area were viable options for
parchment-makers but ultimately the objectives of many of the farmers in the two
counties were in stark contrast to what was required
The moorlands in general were not areas of any significant agricultural output and
unlikely to support any great parchment industry Even the counties in which Moorland
farming took place generally adopted agricultural objectives in contrast to farming
sheep most viable for parchment production
627 Londonrsquos Hinterland
The final section deals with a region not defined in most agricultural histories however
most of the counties surrounding London appear to share a similar agricultural output
in the production of lambs of the London market The defining feature of many of these
counties being their proximity to London rather than any shared agrarian
characteristics Many of the farmers located nearer to London primarily farmed sheep
to sell lambs into London included Sussex (Davis 1813 140 Pitt 1810 216-217 Young
1808 297) Buckinghamshire (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) Essex (Young 1807 308)
and a number of the farmers of Middlesex (Middleton 1813 434) as well as the farmers
of Surrey breeding Dorsetshire sheep (Stevenson 1809 536) which were a very popular
breed amongst farmers producing lambs for the London market
The sale of lambs was likely a difficult and expensive occupation requiring the transport
96
and sale of a very delicate and relatively expensive commodity The counties therefore
in close proximity to London were at a great advantage Another reason for the large
lambing market in this region was also perhaps the inability of the region to compete in
the specialised breeding of sheep for mutton and wool with the Midland and northern
regions due to topographical restraints
628 Conclusion
Andrew Copus stated that sheep had three major uses within in the English agricultural
system the production of mutton and tallow the production of wool and the
fertilisation of arable land (1989 36) Having reviewed the agricultural regimes of the key
regions and the types of sheep preferred it has become clear that those using sheep
for the fertilisation of arable land were the most suited to providing skins for parchment
making These regions appear to be predominantly in the lsquosheep and corn regionsrsquo with
particular emphasis on the south-west of England and some of the fenland farming
regions Also as Copus states lsquoany attempt to provide fattening fare would have been
incompatible with the other objective of the sheep-corn farmer of that time maximizing
cereal outputrsquo (Copus 1989 39) with the poor soils heavily reliant on the use of sheep to
produce satisfactory crops (Cook and Williamson 1999 185) This being important as the
main area for high cereal production appears to have been the south-west (1989 39)
likely due to the history of the specialisation of this market but seemingly also due to
the soil quality in the region The systems in these heavy clay areas relied heavily on the
use of sheep for fertilising arable land while the objectives in the region appear to be in
contrast to the supporting of larger breeds An article in the Farmerrsquos Magazine offers a
short summary of the fodder grown in these heavy clay regions
lsquoClover vetches and cabbages are the only crops which can be raised as food for
sheep or cattle on the latter and cabbages cannot be eaten off by sheep on such land
There is more expence in the production and consumption of the crops on wet clay
land than on a dry friable soil and therefore the expence of improving such land is
greater The crops must be carted to be consumed in the yard by stock and the dung
carted again into the field besides the injury done to the land in wet weather by
carting off the corps is great Vetches and clover may however be folded by sheep in
97
the summer months on clay soilsrsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838 188)
The Midlands and more northern regions (though excluding most of Cumberland
Northumberland and Westmorland) were generally better suited to the specialised
breeding of sheep for either mutton and wool production This was due in part to the
prevalence of enclosures which gave greater control to the selective breeding practices
of landowners though also due in part to the topography of the regions For example
the diets and levels of exercise of the sheep could greatly affect the quality of the wool
(see section 634) Lisle writes that clover-grasses cause sheep to develop coarser-wool
while lsquothe better the hayrsquo the finer the wool Lisle particularly recommends the
hill-county hay (Lisle 1757 358) Furthermore the growing of legumes according to Lisle
in his book Observations on Husbandry and particularly the cultivation of the turnip
resulted in better conditions allowing shearing to take place earlier than normal (cited
in Ryder 1983 485) The soil in any region would greatly dictate the type of breeding
that could take place for example in the Board of Agriculture report on Gloucester
there is a concise description of the severe limitations of certain soils
lsquoThose soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of
mutton and on the other hand those soils which fatten most in equal proportion
deteriorate the wool it being a fact ascertained by experience that wherever fine woolled
sheep have been introduced on more luxuriant soils than they were bred or accustomed to
the wool has increased in quantity but become coarser in qualityrsquo (Rudge 1807 306)
The primarily mutton producing regions emerged in areas of enclosures where it was
possible to grow large quantities of winter fodder which allowed for intensive
year-round feeding Also the ability to separate their sheep across a lot of land (Young
1796 489) and keep the level of exercise in these animals to a minimum with small
enclosed fields and artificial feeding
As stated in an 1838 article in The Farmerrsquos Magazine
lsquoThe quantity of food produced by turnips and by two years of clover and vetches will enable
the farmer to keep and fatten a large quantity of sheep on the ground which will by their
trampling and by the manure left on it give to this kind of soil the best preparation for the
succeeding crops of cornrsquo (The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 188)
98
In conclusion the objectives of the farmers in the south-west (excluding the West
County) the eastern fenland and most northern regions of England for many years
hindered the adoption of the newer breeds which were spreading across England
under the banner of lsquoimprovementrsquo Breeds in these regions were crossed with other
sheep though appear to have remained hardier animals not being bred primarily for
either wool or mutton However the introduction of many artificial fertilisers in the later
nineteenth century (Cook and Williamson 1999 193) and the more economically
preferable position of mutton and wool over cereal following the levelling of prices in
the 1820s (Copus 1989 44) may have resulted in some farmers changing systems
Overall though for the majority of the period under discussion the agricultural systems
in these regions appear to have been breeding sheep better suited for parchment
production and until at least the first half of the nineteenth century the south-western
and fenland counties were likely to have produced the most viable sheepskins for
parchment-makers
This is greatly significant as parchment-makers with a high supply of local viable skins
were at a great advantage As discussed parchment-makers for much of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries could not compete over price (see section 51) and were held
accountable to incredibly strict manufacturing standards standards particularly difficult
to attain with the use of fatty or weak skins The parchment works with a local supply of
quality skins were therefore likely producing a higher quality product at a lower cost and
therefore able to bargain for the lucrative contracts offered by the High Treasury during
the period Furthermore the likelihood of parchment works being able to transport
skins from distant locations is questionable given the increasing prices for salt the strict
laws controlling the movement of skins and parchment and the high transport costs of
the period As a result it is unsurprising that the regions with a higher supply of high
quality skins are in the majority of cases the locations with a higher number of
parchment works (see section 43)
99
Chapter 7 Conclusions
71 Conclusion
This work has provided the first systematic studies of the post-medieval parchment
industry shedding light on a previously unknown industry It has highlighted that it was
not only of significant size but survived the influx of paper during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries producing high volumes of parchment up until at least 1850 This
work also includes the first major collection and review of a significant number of both
historical and modern literature on the post-medieval parchment industry tying
together hundreds of years of information and presenting a plethora of historical texts
on which to develop future research
Overall the parchment industry went through very significant changes between 1650
and 1850 The industry appears to have developed from a large collection of small firms
operating across England with parchment-makers of relatively low income or turnover
engaging in small-scale production and transactions Between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries the increasing regulation increasing taxation and a drastically
increasing population resulted in the control of production being shifted to a smaller
number of larger firms These firms primarily aimed to compete through a reduction in
production costs and the manufacture of a more homogenous product resulting in the
slow decline in parchment quality over time The results of this research also highlight
that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming nation
clinging onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and where
older hardier breeds survived
Finally the work has highlighted the extent and significance of government intervention
on a number of skin-based industries during this period The collection and
interpretation of a number of parchment taxation laws and of laws on the regulation of
manufacturing standards has also been the first of its kind The results of this particular
analysis offer a primary cause of the sudden decline in parchment quality during the
eighteenth century as well as the eventual decline of the parchment industry requiring
100
the reconsideration of the traditional view of the widespread introduction of paper
being the sole cause
This project has answered all the questions set out in its aims and objectives though
has also highlighted the importance of future research on this previously unstudied
industry Furthermore it has provided the first detailed overview of post-medieval
parchment production and determined the key factors influencing its development
while also presented a number of key indicators that can be researched to enrich our
current understanding of the post-medieval period Overall the results accrued have
widespread applications and this project has shown that there exists a plethora of
literature and historical data capable providing a basis for further investigation
72 Discussion
This work highlights some key issues in any models used for post-medieval hDNA
studies that find any relationship between when parchment was dated and when it was
produced Furthermore it highlights the issues of determining the manufacturing origin
of parchment from any stamp duties or stationers marks with parchment often being
moved great distances for tax purposes before being distributed across England by a
series of stationers offices Thankfully this work does present some clear centres of
parchment production as well as a more widespread geographical shift of parchment
firms to the south of England over time Any post-medieval parchment samples
analysed in any hDNA study are in most cases likely representative of the regions last
to adopt agricultural changes associated with an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo Any future
hDNA studies on the period between 1650 and 1850 must now consider these results
Such studies are unlikely to represent any agricultural changes in the north of England
or in most cases any regions adopting the intensive production of mutton or fine wool
However any hDNA research that finds a shift in the types of animals being farmed can
now more confidently state when the period of agricultural improvement had spread
across the majority of England for the regions from which skins were collected for
parchment production were primarily the regions that were late to adopt these
changes
The results of this research are not only significant to hDNA studies but also contribute
to the debate of agricultural improvement particularly in regards to determining the
101
timing of the adoption of new sheep breeds and stockbreeding techniques though also
the chronology and geography of agricultural improvements more generally Firstly if
there was a lsquosuddenrsquo agricultural revolution that occurred between 1650 and 1850 it did
not result in any sudden or major changes to the parchment industry The changes that
did occur primarily in regards to livestock improvement occurred over a 200 year
period and were variable depending on geographical location and the agricultural
objectives within that region These results strongly suggest that no such sudden change
occurred particularly as mutton was a more important resource than beef during this
period (Kerridge 1967 303 Mathias 1969 65) and with any sudden improvement likely
to have strongly affected this particularly important market Furthermore the results
indicate that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming
nation it clung onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and
where older hardier breeds survived As a result this research can offer further
clarification on the development and geographical movement of agricultural
improvement between 1650 and 1850 with an emphasis on the changes in sheep
farming another industry often overlooked in modern literature
Furthermore from the results of this research it is also now understood that the decline
of parchment quality that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century was primarily
due to legal changes and the subsequent changing market processes rather than as a
direct result of the introduction of new breeds of sheep This should contribute to the
current work of Sarah Fiddyment but also to studies on parchment quality more
broadly It also highlights the danger of drawing a causal relationship between
agricultural improvement and any industries decline during this period with growing
government intervention also being a hugely significant though often overlooked factor
likely affecting the development of a number of industries
In regards to the size of the industry and the growing scale of production future
research on the specific large scale producers of parchment would be greatly beneficial
In many of the parchment centres of production clear family-led parchment firms
appear to own and run a number of parchment works for example the Crook family
with Noah Crook Thomas Crook John Crook Snr and John Crook Jnr all operating
different parchment works in Wiltshire during the eighteenth century A more detailed
review of the sources used in this project combined with a review of local resources of
102
Wiltshire would offer greater detail on the development of the scale of production of
parchment during this period but also the development of a monopolistic market
structure in certain regions This work should constitute a firm basis on which future
investigations can be conducted
Overall the significance of this research should drastically affect the interpretations of
any hDNA studies on the post-medieval period Any changes found in the hDNA data
during this period can now be interpreted within the historical context Correlations can
now also be drawn between the data and the various historical changes that occurred
during this period This work has also contributed to a number of debates and currently
held theories on the period while also highlighting the importance for further study in
this area and demonstrating the value of digitised local records
103
Appendices
104
Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data Collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018)
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Noah Crook Abingdon 1795 Twice a month pound30 pound386 Orders placed about 15 months in advance Paid in advance
1796 Twice a month pound26 pound265
1797 Twice a month pound30 pound164
1798 Once a month pound40 pound225
1799 Once a month pound40 pound96
1803 Once a month pound40 pound140
1804 Once a month pound40 pound597
1805 Once a month pound40 pound94
pound2038
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Crook Marlborough 1795 Three times per month pound26 - Orders placed about lt1 months in advance Paid in advance Incomplete years Last two years
1796 Three times per month pound30 pound674
1797 Three times per month pound26 -
1799 Four times per year -
1800 Four times per year pound637
1802 Four times per year pound206
pound1517
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Rake Salisbury 1796 Once a month pound30 pound120 Incomplete years 1797 Once a month pound30 pound169
1798 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound65
1801 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound58
1802 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound85
1803 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound221
1804 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound247
pound966
105
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Samuel Bishop Bristol 1798 Twicethree times per year pound21 Only a few purchases across the year but multiple years Specialist certain type of parchment
1799 Twicethree times per year pound47
1801 Twicethree times per year pound39
1804 Twicethree times per year pound41
1805 Twicethree times per year pound34
1806 Twicethree times per year pound21
pound205
Stamped Parchment Sold - (LMA) Witherbys 4682E01001 (page 21-22) 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806
J nd 794 769 995 827 874 799 859 932
F nd 782 1047 936 929 1047 1034 851 1092
M nd 855 727 1030 1179 814 1098 1002 1106
A nd 903 1000 941 1028 1005 910 946 1279
M nd 972 1312 1230 1012 1100 1001 1147 1263
J nd 1036 879 1236 1151 1139 1077 1128 1117
J nd 780 1251 1182 1069 1031 867 1061 1058
A nd 763 789 676 779 810 761 906 920
S nd 711 849 549 660 722 913 667 686
O 933 996 904 928 972 933 1054 977 nd
N 813 1283 896 950 1136 914 821 1040 nd
D 1119 788 1033 851 822 928 704 1056 nd
Total 2865 10663 11456 11504 11564 11317 11039 11640 9453
106
Appendix 2 Parchment Quality Source Fiddyment 2018
107
Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions Source Rogers 1887 575-606
Mendham 1585 4 Parchment Skins 7 Worksop 1588 Skin Parchment 6 Eton 1589 2 Rolls Parchment 18 Oxford 1590 Skin Parchment 6 Gawthorp 1592 2 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1592 2 Skins Parchment 6frac12 Oxford 1593 Sheet Parchment 8 Oxford 1594 5 Skins Parchment 8frac12 Gawthorp 1595 1 Skin Parchment 7- Oxford 1595 Parchment Skin 9- Oxford 1599 9 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1601 16 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1602 8 do Parchment 7 Oxford 1603 8 Skins Parchment 8
Eton 1604 4 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1605 3 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1607 2 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1608 2 Skins Parchment 6 Cambridge 1609 1 Skin Parchment 8 Oxford 1610 4 Skins Parchment 4frac12- Chatham 1624 Parchment 5 doz 6 Oxford 1629 Parchment 8 doz 6- Oxford 1632 Parchment 15 doz 6- Winchester 1644 4 Skins 7- 3 Bridles 14 Winchester 1645 4 Skins 6
Oxford 1646 10 Sheets Parchment 32 12 Skins 7 Winchester 1648 8 Skins 6 Oxford 1649 78 Skins 12
Eton 1651 6 Skins 8 Winchester 1656 Parchment 3 doz 9- Winchester 1657 Parchment 4 doz 9- Winchester 1658 Parchment 1 doz 9- Winchester 1660 16 Parchment 10 Winchester 1661 2 Rolls 12- Winchester 1663 8 Parchment 1- Winchester 1665 Parchment 2 Doz 9- Winchester 1667 Parchment 1 Doz 9- Winchester 1668 16 Skins 9- Winchester 1672 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1673 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1677 7 Parchments 50 Cambridge 1682 20 Sheets 13-
108
Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages
109
Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected
1601-1901 Record Type No
DeathWill 145
Baptism 129
Directory 27
Marriage 71
Apprenticeship 49
Reference 13
Census 242
Total 676
110
Appendix 6 National Directories
111
Appendix 7 Local Directories
112
Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data
County 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 1851-1900 All Periods
Bedfordshire 0 0 1 1 1 0 3
Berkshire 0 0 0 0 9 7 16
Buckinghamshire 1 1 7 5 3 9 26
Cambridgeshire 2 0 0 1 31 21 55
Devonshire 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
Dorset 11 8 0 0 4 0 23
East Riding of Yorkshire 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
Gloucestershire 3 0 1 3 0 11 18
Hampshire 0 0 1 3 8 20 32
Hertfordshire 0 0 0 3 5 4 12
Kent 0 1 0 1 1 12 15
Lancashire 0 0 0 0 5 0 5
Leicestershire 0 1 1 3 5 1 11
Lincolnshire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Middlesex 1 2 1 1 10 26 41
Norfolk 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
North Riding of Yorkshire 30 6 0 1 0 0 37
Northamptonshire 2 0 3 4 4 30 43
Nottinghamshire 0 1 0 0 0 5 6
Oxfordshire 0 1 0 2 2 9 14
Rutland 0 0 0 1 0 4 5
Shropshire 1 0 1 0 1 0 3
Somerset 2 5 2 7 12 3 31
Staffordshire 0 1 1 0 4 0 6
Suffolk 1 0 0 0 14 6 21
Sussex 0 0 0 0 0 5 5
Surrey 0 1 8 5 20 42 76
Warwickshire 1 1 2 5 2 0 11
Wiltshire 16 37 18 12 36 16 135
Worcestershire 0 2 0 3 4 10 19
Total 73 68 50 61 182 242 676
113
Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location
Location No Location No
Abingdon England 5 Lambeth England 20
Andover England 1 Leicester England 7
Ayleburton England 1 Leicestershire England 1
Aylesbury England 3 Lenton England 5
Barrowden England 5 Lichfield England 1
Barton St David England 1 Lingfield England 4
Basingstoke England 2 Little Weldon England 7
Bassingbourn England 1 Liverpool England 5
Bath England 4 Longparish Hampshire England 1
Bedford England 2 Lyncombe England 1
Bedminster England 3 Malmesbury England 10
Bengeworth England 5 Marlborough England 29
Bere Regis England 1 Marylebone England 1
Bermondsey England 48 Middlesex England 4
Beverley England 3 Milton Abbas England 1
Bexley Kent England 1 Motcombe England 0
Bottisham England 1 Newington England 2
Bristol England 7 Newport Pagnell England 1
Brokenborough England 2 North Cerney England 1
Buckingham England 5 North Petherton England 6
Buriton England 1 Northampton England 6
Burnham England 1 Northleach England 2
Bury St Edmunds England 21 Norwich England 1
Butleigh England 1 Nottingham England 1
Camberwell England 14 Oborne England 2
Canterbury England 13 Olney England 1
Castle Cary England 2 Oswestry England 1
Caversham England 6 Oundle England 1
Charlton Wiltshire England 6 Powick England 1
Cheltenham England 2 Preshute England 1
Chepping Wycombe England 1 Princes Risborough England 5
Chichester England 1 Ravenstone England 1
Chippenham England 3 Reading England 8
Clifton Gloucestershire England 1 Rotherhithe England 2
114
Compton Dando England 1 Saint Margaret Leicestershire England 2
Corfe Mullen England 1 Salisbury England 56
Coventry England 10 Sawston England 51
Crowle England 1 Shepton Beauchamp England 0
Darlaston England 1 Sherborne England 14
Deptford England 1 Sherston England 6
Devon England 0 Southwark England 12
Dorchester England 1 St Margarets Wiltshire England 1
Dorset England 4 Steyning England 3
Ealing England 1 Stockbridge England 9
Earls Barton England 8 Stourbridge England 2
Eastham England 1 Tewkesbury England 1
Ely England 1 Thame England 1
Emneth England 1 Tring England 5
Emsworth England 1 Trowbridge England 1
Evesham England 11 Walcot England 1
Exeter England 1 Walworth England 1
Finsbury England 1 Wantage England 3
Fugglestone England 1 Warminster England 4
Gloucester England 8 Weldon England 1
Great Doddington England 2 Wells England 1
Gretton England 10 West Wycombe England 1
Harrold England 1 Westbourne England 1
Havant England 11 Westport St Mary England 4
Heston England 1 Wheatley England 0
High Wycombe England 4 Whitington England 1
Highworth Wiltshire England 1 Wilby England 2
Hillingdon England 2 Winchester England 6
Hitchin England 7 Wisbech England 1
Holloway England 1 Witney England 5
Ipswich England 0 Wooburn England 1
Irthlingborough England 6 Wycombe England 3
Kennington England 3 Yeovil England 3
Kingswinford England 4 York England 37
Kintbury England 2 London 11
Knowle England 1 Total 676
115
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws
The first major relevant actor pertaining to the parchment industry occurred in 1603 (1
Jam c22) regulating the manufacturing process and the organisation of the industry
The first significant act between 1650 and 1850 however occurred in the aftermath of
the Great Fire of London after which Charles II introduced a variety of taxes in order to
raise funds for the rebuilding of London One of these laws enforced the taxation of lsquoany
charter or grantrsquo with the rate of 40 s for one skin of parchment and 20 s for every
additional skin (22 amp 23 Cha II c9) The act covered a number of other uses including
inter alia grants of lands or leases conveyances surrender or release documents writs
of covenant original writs or bills and pleas The vast number of documents taxed were
those typically used in court This came into force in 1671 and was instituted for the
period of 9 years and although only applied to a relatively small number of uses all
parchment that was to be used for any of these purposes had to be transported to the
head tax office at Lincolnrsquos Inn London to be stamped (see Glasse 1794 452)
These laws surrounding the taxation of parchment were more firmly established in 1711
(9 AnnI c11) The new act ensured the extension of many of the previous duties while
also setting higher rates on a number of other specific parchment-based documents
Most significantly however this act stated that all parchment would now be taxed and
therefore all parchment must be transported to London for stamping this included any
parchment or vellum imported into Great Britain For every dozen parchment sold there
was a duty of 6 d while the fee stood at 1 s for vellum The act went further however
stating that all parchment works were now to be inspected regularly by appointed
officers who were permitted to enter the place of work of any parchment-maker while
refusal to allow entry would result in a fine of pound10 Finally these acts set out that at least
once a year the Lord High Treasurer or the commissioners of the Treasury would set
the prices at which stamped vellum parchment and paper would be sold (an issue
discussed further in section 72 and section 82) with officers instated to weigh skins
and hides determine the duty that was to be paid and mark the products that been
charged appropriately
A 1712 act (10 Ann I c19) enacted further duties on parchment and vellum as well as
applying a number of duties to Scotland In 1712 (11 Ann I c26) and 1713 (12 Ann I c9)
116
further duties were set on parchment (with varying prices depending on the intended
use of the parchment) with indentures pardons appeals to high court or documents
granting any office or employment in Great Britain above the value of pound50 a few of the
major documents now taxed The extension and increasing of duties would be a
common feature of the market over the next century
In 1716 George I made the tax of 6 d on every dozen parchment a perpetual tax rather
than a temporary one (3 GeoI c7) Two years later another act was passed that set out
clear regulations to ensure the more efficient collection of the duties set on parchment
(5 GeoI c2) In 1725 additional stamps duties were put in place for the period of 16
years (12 Geo I c30) though these too were continued by a later act (9 Geo II c32)
Finally these duties were also made perpetual though not until 1749 (24 Geo II c12) By
1755 the standard duty for a dozen pieces of parchment was 1 s 6 s as taken from a table
given to officers of the period (see (Leadbetter 1755 134) Under George II and later
under George III there was a seemingly ever-growing number of parchment stamp
duties (see appendix 5)
In 1757 a 1 s duty was set on leases bonds and deeds (30 Geo II c19) In 1759 further
parchment documents used in court would have a duty of at least 6 s while laws copies
of laws writs and their copies depositions and pleas were just some of the documents
covered by new stamp duties (32 Geo II c35) In 1765 a number of other duties were
passed that now pertained to parchment used in the British colonies (5 Geo III c12) In
fact new duties were being continually introduced and many others were changed in
price over the following years For example in 1776 (16 Geo III c34) a new duty of 1 s
and 6 d was set on all parchment manufactured in Great Britain This act follows an
plethora of a number of new duties and fines with acts passed in 1777 (17 Geo III c50)
1779 (19 Geo III c66) 1780 (20 Geo III c28) 1782 (22 Geo III c33) 1783 (23 Geo III c7)
1791 (31 Geo c21 c25) 1794 (34 Geo III c14 c32) 1795 (35 Geo III c30) 1796 (36
Geo III c136) 1800 (39 amp 40 G III c67) 1801 (40 Geo III c86) and 1803 (41 Geo III c86)
Over time the duties increased to cover a increasing variety of parchment products
while various new attempts were made to improve the efficiency of the tax collection
methods In 1804 for example the greatest number of new acts were passed to
117
improve the efficiency of the various stamp duties This law made numerous attempts
to consolidate and simplify the process
Over the next few years however many of the laws surrounding parchment were
repealed The stamp duties set out in the 1804 (44 Geo III c98) 1805 (45 Geo III FINISH)
and 1806 (46 Geo III c43) laws were mostly all repealed in 1808 (48 Geo III c149) There
were still many exceptions however with newspapers almanacks pamphlets and
medicine forms and licences for those selling alcohol just some still in effect However
the majority of the documents that remained heavily taxed appear to be documents
more likely to have been made from paper with many of the parchment documents
(mostly documents used in courts) were no longer subject to stamp duty Finally in
1815 all the duties set out in 1808 (48 Geo c149) as well as the those that remained
from the the 1804 act (44 Geo III c98) and those instated in the 1810 act (50 Geo III
c35) were repealed These laws marked the end of over a century of widespread
government intervention in the parchment industry
118
Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws
Year Law Title Law Reference
1671 An act for laying impositions on proceedings at law 22 amp 23 ChaII c9
1694 An act for granting to their Majesties several duties upon vellum parchment and paper for four years towards carrying on the war against France
5 amp 6 WampM c21
1696 An Act for granting to His Majesty several Duties upon Paper Vellum and Parchment to encourage the bringing of Plate and hammered Money into the Mints to be coined
8 amp 9 WampM c 7
1697 An act for making good the deficiencies of several funds there-in mentioned and for enlarging the capital stock of the bank of England and for raising the publick credit
8 amp 9 Wil III c20
1698 An act for granting to his Majesty his heirs and successors further duties upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
9 amp 10 WilIII 25
1702 An act for making good deficiencies and for preserving the publick credit 1 Ann I c13
1702 An Act for preventing Frauds in her Majestyrsquos Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper 1 Ann I c22
1705 An act for laying further duties on low wine and for preventing the damage to her Majestyrsquos revenue by importation of foreign cut wholebone and for making some provisions as to the stamp duties and the duties on births burials and marriages and the salt duties
4 Ann I c12
1706 An act for continuing the duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction and the duties payable by harkwers pedlars and petty chapmen and part of the duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and the late duties on sweetsfor the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven and other uses therein expressed
5 Ann c19
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Ann I c11
1711 An Act for licencing and regulating hackney coaches and chairs and for charging certain new duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and on cards and dice and on the exportation of rock salt for Ireland
9 Ann I c23
1712 An act for laying several duties upon sope and paper made in Great Britain or imported into the same and upon chequered and striped linens imported and upon certain silks callicoes linens and stuffs printed painted or stained and upon several kinds of stampt vellum parchment and paperhellip and for better securing her Majestyrsquos duties to arise in the office for the stampt duties by licences for marriages and otherwise and for relief of persons who have not claimed their lottery tickets in due time
10 Ann I c19
1712 An act for laying additional duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment and new duties on starch coffee tea drugs gilt and silver wire and policies of insurance to secure a yearly fund for satisfaction of orders to the contributors of a further sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds towards her Majestyrsquos supplyhellip
10 Ann I c26
119
1713 An act for laying additional duties on soap and paper and upon certain linens silks callicoes and stuffs and upon starch exported coals and upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
11 Ann I c9
1716 An act for redeeming the yearly fund of the South-Sea companyhellipand for making the said new yearly fund and annuities to be hereafter redeemable in the time and manner thereby prescribed (National Debt Act)
3 Geo I c7
1718 For continuing the duties on malt mum cyder and perry for the service of the year 1719 and for enlarging the time for entring at the exchequer such assignments of reversionary annuities as are therein mentioned and for better securing the duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment
5 Geo I c2
1725 For the relief of th suitors of the high court of chancery 12 Geo I c33
1735 For continuing for the purposes therin mentioned the additional duties uon stamped vellum parchment and paper laid an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the First
9 Geo II c32
1750 An act for making good a deficiency upon the revenue of the office of keeper or clerk of the Hanaper and for preventing any future deficiency therein to answer the publick services provided for out of the same and for augmenting the income of the office of master or keeper of the rolls
24 Geo II c25
1756 An act for granting to his majesty a duty upon licences for retailing beer ale and other excisaable liqours for establishing a method for granting such licences in Scotland and for allowing such licences to be granted at a petty session in England in a certain cafe therein mentioned
29 Geo II c12
1757 For granting to his Majesty several rates and duties upon indentures leases bonds and other deeds and upon news papers advertisements and almanaks and upon licences for retailing winehellip
30 Geo II c19
1759 An act for augmenting the salaries of the puisne judges in the court of Kingrsquos Bench the judges in the court of Common Pleas the barons of the cois in the court of Exchequer at Westminster the judges in the courts of session and Exchequer in Scotland and justices of Chester and the great sessions for the counties in Wales
32 Geo II c35
1776 An act for granting to his Majesty several duties on coaches and other carriages therein mentioned and several rates and duties upon indentures leases bods and other deeds and upon cards dice and news papers and for raising the sum of two millions by annuities and a lottery to be attended with annuities
16 Geo III c34
1777 An act for granting to his Majesty certain duties on licences to be taken out by all persons acting as auctioneers and certain rates and duties on all lands houses goods and other things sold by auction and upon industries leases bonds deeds and other instruments
17 Geo III c50
1779 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for better securing the stamp-duties upon indentures leases deeds and other instruments
19 Geo III c66
1780 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on advertisements and certain duties on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions or the custom of any province or place
20 Geo III c28
1782 An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand
22 Geo III c33
120
1783 An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts
23 Geo III c49
1783 An act to explain and amend an act made in the last session of parliament intiruled An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts and for indemnifying all persons who have written or signed any bill of exchange promissory or other note or any receipt not stamped according to law
23 Geo III c7
1783 An Act for granting to his Majesty several additional new Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper and also for repealing certain Exemption from Stamp Duties
23 Geo III c58
1789 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional stamp duties on probates of wills letters of administration and on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions
29 Geo III c51
1790 An act for repealing the duties upon licences for retailing wine and sweets and upon licences for retailing distilled spirituous liqours and for granting other duties in lieu therof
30 Geo III c38
1791 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional duty on certificates issued with respect to the killing of game
31 Geo III c21
1794 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on indentures of clerkships to solicitors and attornies in any of the courts in England therein mentioned
34 Geo III c14
1794 An act for enabling the commissioners of the stamp duties to stamp bills of exchange and notes in certain cases
34 Geo III c32
1795 An act for granting to his majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for repealing a certain exception as far as relates to bonds given as security for the payment of one hundred pounds or under contained in an act of the twenty-third year of hsi present Majestyrsquos reign
35 Geo III c30
1795 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on sea insurances 35 Geo III c63
1796 An Act for the more effectually securing Duties on Indentures Leases Bonds and other Deeds
37 Geo III c19
1797 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional stamp duty on deeds 37 Geo III c111
1796 An Act to enable the Commissioners of Stamp Duties to Stamp Duties to stamp Deeds and other Instruments Bills of Exchange Promissory and other Notes in Cases therein mentioned
37 Geo III c136
1798 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on bills of exchange and promissory notes for small sums of money
c 107
1799 An act for altering the period of making up the annual account of the duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper
39 Geo III c92
1800 An act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland 39 amp 40 Geo III c67
121
1801 An act for granting to his Majesty additional Stamp Duties on cards and dice on Probates and Wills on certain Indentures Leases Bonds or other deeds
41 Geo III c86
1803 An act for granting to his majesty several duties therin mentioned to be levied by the commissioners for managing stamp-duties in Ireland
43 Geo III c127
1804 An Act to repeal the several Duties under the Commissioners for managing the Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper in Great Britain and to grant new and additional Duties in lieu thereof
44 Geo III c98
1805 An Act for granting to His Majesty additional Stamp Duties in Great Britain on certain Legacies and also the several Duties granted by the Act passed in the Forty-sixth Year of His Majestys Reign intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to Appraisers in Great Britain
45 Geo III c28
1806 An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to appraisers in Great Britain
46 Geo III c43
1806 An act to repeal the several duties under the care of the commissioners for managing the duties pon stamped vellum parchment and paper in Ireland and to grant new and additional duties in lieu thereof and to amend the laws relating to the stamp-duties in ireland
46 Geo III c64
1808 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Law Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments andthe Duties on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in great Britain and for granting new Duties in lieu thereof
48 Geo III c149
1810 Act act for altering the Mode of collecting the Duty on Insurances against Loss by Fire upon property in His majestyrsquos Islands and Possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere beyond the Seas and for exempting certain Bonds and Receipts from Stamp Duty for giving Relief in certain cases of Stamps spoiled or misused and for explaining Part of an Act passed in the Forty eighth Year of His Majestyrsquos Reign for granting Stamp Duties in Great Britain
50 Geo III c35
1815 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Laws Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments and the Duties on Fire Insurances and on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in Great Britain and for granting other Duties in lieu therof
55 Geo III c184
122
Appendix 12 Flaying Laws
The first act passed during the seventeenth century (Jac 1 c22) stated that earlier
statues had been passed on the topic of the flaying of animal skins but that lsquothe laws
and statutes formerly established and made for the true and just tanning currying and
working of leather have not taken that good effect which was expectedrsquo and had failed
to address the lsquodeceits and abusesrsquo that were lsquocommonly practised by the tanners
curriers and workers of leatherrsquo (see Britain and Pickering 1763 106) The act then
reiterated that no butcher or any other person could damage the skin of any ox bull
steer or cow though interestingly it does not state that the same laws apply to skins
more specifically to the skins of sheep Strangely however the law later defines leather 5
as any tanned skin of ox steer bull cow calf deer and fallow goats and sheep so
presumably the law did cover tanned sheep-skins It also states that anyone selling
sheep skins that did not adhere to this law should be fined 3s 4d This particular Act is
quite difficult to interpret so much so that a later act (14 Cha II c7) offers clarification as
to what animal skins were actually covered as well as clarifying that the law pertained to
all of Great Britain and not just England It certainly brings into question the efficiency of
this tax system provided that there were clear misinterpretations (or explorations) of the
law by some for nearly sixty years
The law also began to create legally protected professions For example only a trained
tanner with a tan-house could tan any hide after the passing of this law while no tanner
could cut the leather The law also set out clear instructions on how leather should be
manufactured stored and dried It was no longer permitted that any individual could be
both a butcher and a tanner and tanners were also not allowed to occupy any other
trade that involved the cutting or working of leather It was now illegal to work the jobs
of other professions simultaneously and furthermore to work any of the professions
pertaining to the working of skins Also the law reiterated the 1563 law stating
individuals must either gain an apprenticeship or must be hired as a servant of an
individual in that profession There were clear attempts by the government to create
separate legally protected professions in the hope of improving specialisation and
5 Interestingly it is also stated that no butcher shall kill to sell any calf under five weeks old or they will be fined six shillings and eight pence This then prohibits the use of very young calves in the production of vellum and brings into question the early use of the skins of very young calves were used for the production of vellum However this law was repealed in 1685 in another act (22 amp 23 Car II c19)
123
consequently the efficiency of a number of industries The law does not however list
parchment-makershellip ADD
This law also extended to the manufacturing process of all goods in the various
skin-based industries while extensive fines were also implemented For example there
was a fine of 3 s 4 d for any putrefied or rotten skin put up for sale (1819 1040) The law
also extended to ensuring high-quality wears and to reduce wastage Any attempt to
transport leather that was cut or unwrought for sale was now illegal Curriers would also
be fined if they attempted to sell leather that had not been sufficiently tanned No
leather could be sold that had not been lsquosearched and sealedrsquo in other words inspected
and taxed (further clarification in section 63) No tan fats before liming and skins must
not be left in lime pits for too long Skins must not be left to dry in frost nor in direct
sunlight Finally the fine for the sale of a dozen sheep skins that did not meet these high
standards was six shillings and eight pence This appears a particularly troubling issue as
many of the standards set were subject to the opinions of inspectors inspectors with a
monetary incentive to find as many damaged skins as possible The consequential
finding of a high volume of lsquodamagedrsquo skins would then be likely to further support the
need for further regulation
The 1662 Act (14 Cha 2 c7) was the next major law bringing about stricter laws
surrounding the exportation of skins and leather From 1662 no tanned hide or
untanned hide of any ox steer bull cow or calf was allowed to be exported out of the
country as well as a number of limitations regarding to the transport of hides within
Great Britain The law does however state that sheep-skins not dressed with wool may
be transported this was in keeping with the law stating that the exportation of wool was
also illegal at this time (see 14 Cha I c 18) The law also further details the punishment
of tanners who cut and raked the hides impairing them shall have their hides seized
The 1688 law(1 WampM c33) more clearly states what the previous statutes cover every
hide skin or piece of tanned leather shaved or liquored of whatever colour with any
liquoring or dressing Clearly then even if poorly enforced for some time the laws
pertaining to the flaying of skins the strict manufacturing processes and the
requirement of searches and seals all applied to the parchment manufacturing process
at least after 1689 Interestingly this law also states that individuals may now sell
124
leather hides or skins by weight This would allow for individuals to sell more
homogenised products with less emphasis on quality
The 1710 act (9 Ann I c11) was extensive although pertaining primarily to the taxation
of hides and skins it enacted even further laws and punishment surrounding the
manufacture and sale of skins and parchment Setting out clear punishments for those
lsquodefrauding the crownrsquo and most importantly further punishments were created for the
damaging of skins It is also the first law to specifically refer to the manufacture of
parchment The law also creates and clarifies a significant number of limitations and
instructions on the manufacturing process for a number of skin-goods For example
who may cut the skins how they were cut how the skins were dried when and if skins
could be transported and who shall inspect these skins It states that officers would now
inspect skins and various tanned products to review their quality This law seems to
highlight the failure of the previous laws as the laws of 1603 (1 Jac I c22) and 1689 (1
WampM c33) were also extensive and yet it was deemed necessary to enact further laws
and punishments as well as offering further clarification of the previous laws For
example it was considered necessary to clarify that previous laws had also extended to
Scotland in the 1784 act (24 Geo II c19)
As late as 1800 attempts were still being made by the crown to limit the number of
damaged skins (39-40 Geo III c66) This is a clear indicator of the failures of previous
laws as well as indicating the still widespread problem of damaged materials at least in
the opinion of government new lsquoproper and convenient placesrsquo were set up for the
examination and inspection of all raw hides for each city (Chitty 1824 348) This perhaps
indicates the lack of appropriate inspections outside of the city of London The act also
sets out new fines for the improper flaying of skins even greater than those preceding
them (Britain 1811 390-391) These fines were so high that only a year later a new law
was passed (41 Geo III c53) reducing the amount perpetrators were fined (Minard
2011 154) In 1803 (43 Geo III c 106) it was also deemed necessary to apply these more
thorough inspections to London a troubling sign considering the issues clearly still
pertained to London despite the significant size of the tanning industry and the
high-quality works expected to accompany an industry of that size
The 1808 law pertaining to London exclusively saw the reduction of these fines (Minard
125
2011 154) with the fine now being no more than 3 s though no less than 2frac12 d (Chitty
1824 353) This law also saw the reorganisation of the inspectors in London and the
requirement that all sheep and lamb skins be inspected either at the Woodsclose
Market the Borough Market or Whitechapel Market (Britain 1824 353) The timing of
these changes again shows the failure of the laws the preceded them and marks the
the beginning of the end for the intensive regulation of this market by the government
That same year a petition was put forward titled A Petition of Several Tanners of London
and its vicinity was presented (House of Commons 1808 120) attempting to repeal a
number of the regulations enforced on the various skin-working professions A few
weeks later on the 17th March the committee created to consider the petition decided
the acts ought to be repealed (1808 183) and on the 28th of March a bill was presented
(1808 218) In the same year a similar petition was put forward by Scottish tanners
(1808 271) and yet another by lsquocurriers and other dealers in tanned leatherrsquo (1808 286)
The previous laws had clearly been a failure and caused major issues across Great
Britain On the 20th of May 1808 a bill was passed to repeal some of the acts that
implemented strict requirements for those working with animals skins
The inspections remained however with inspections on the flaying of skins still
undertaken by the government though in 1824 this too was abolished The 1824 act (5
Geo IV c57) repealed the 1800 (39 amp 40 Geo III c66) the 1801 act (41 Geo III c53) the
1803 local act (43 Geo III ccvi) and the 1808 act (43 Geo III clxxi) (Williams 1824 90-91)
This 1824 act marks the end of two centuries of intensive government regulation
126
127
Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws
Year Act Name Legal Abbreviation
1485 An act shewing the duties of a corwainer tanner or currier 1 Hen VII c5
1563 Statute of Artificiers (An act containing divers orders for artificiers labours servants of husbandry and apprentices)
5 Eliz I c 4
1603 An Act concerning tanners curriers shoe-makers and other artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather
1 Jac I c22
1662 An act to restrain the exportation of leather and raw hides out of the realm of England
14 Cha 2 c7
1689 An act for explaining part of an act made in the first year of King James the First concerning tanned leather
1 WampM c33
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Anne c11
1784 An act for encouraging the manufacture of leather by lowering the duty payable upon the importation of oak bark when the price of such bark shall exceed a certain rate for a limited time and for extending several acts of parliament relative to the manufacture of leather to that of Great Britain called Scotland
24 Geo III c19
1800 Use of Horse Hides etc Act 39-40 Geo III c66
1801 An act to explain and amend an act passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of the reign of his present Majesty intituled An act to repeal so much of an act passed in the second year of King James the First as prohibits the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and for better preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
41 Geo III c53
1803 To extend the provisions of two acts passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth and in the forty-first years of the reign of his present Majesty relating to the use of horse-hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw-hides and skins in the flaying thereof to and to alter and amend as to the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark and liberties therof and all places within fifteen miles of the Royal Exchange of the said city of London
43 Geo III ccvi (local act)
1808 For repealing an act made in the 43rd year of his present majesty for extending the provisions of two formers acts relating to the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
48 Geo III clxxi (local act)
1808 An Act for repealing an Act passed in the First Year of king james the First intitled An Act concerning Tanners Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather and also for repealing and amending certain Parts of several other Acts of Parliament relating thereto
48 Geo III c60
1824 An Act to repeal Four Acts of his late Majesty relating to the Use of Horse Hides in making Boots and Shoes and for better preventing the damaging of Raw Hides and Skins in the flaying thereof
5 Geo IV c57
128
Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 Source Shaw 1935 671-672 (Originally sourced from Calendar of Treasury Books 1694)
The like of persons to be distributors of the [stamped] parchment and paper in all the counties of England and Wales and to be collectors of the duty thereby arising as follows
Berkshire John Paise of Reading
Beds Francis Brace
Bucks Charles Herle
Cambridgeshire William Percivall
Cheshire Richard Backwell and Robert Foulks
Cornwall Thomas Horwell
Cumberland Robert Jackson
Derbyshire Peter Gery
Devonshire Benj Robins
Dorsetshire Jos Watson and Peter Clinton
Durham William Roper
Essex William Wright and Francis Blythe
Gloucestershire Walter Marshall Edward Bulstrode and Thomas Wale
Hampshire Thomas Shory and Paul Burwood
Herts Francis Isaacson of Barnet
Herefordshire Thomas Mathews
Hunts John Mason
Kent Thomas Raworth of Dover and Thomas Cason of Maidstone
Lancs William Townsen of Lancaster and mdash Dodd of Preston
Leicestershire and Rutland John Cradock
Lincolnshire Edward Cowly
Monmouthshire Walter Marshall
Norfolk Edward Barnes and Henry Marriott
Northants Edward Butler
Northumberland Cha Sanderson and Samuell Wilson
Notts John Bury
Oxfordshire William Busby and John Langston
Shropshire William Leake
Somerset Humphry Burton of Tiverton and mdash Babb of Taunton
Stafford Geo Nevell and John Dunster
Suffolk Robert Warren
Surrey John Balchen
Sussex John Dee Richard Holmes John Newton of Lewes and Samuel Bruer of Battle
129
Warwickshire Jer Withers
Westmorland John Procter
Wilts Robert Cutler of Sarum
Worcestershire William Collins
Yorks Geo Maynard for the West Riding John Hall for the North Riding William Lyster for the East Ridinng
Town of Hull Jos Claver
Denbighshire John Lloyd
Anglesey Montgomery Merioneth and Carnarvon Samuel Howson and Richard Wright
Flintshire Robert Foulks
Carmarthenshire Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire John Evans
Glamorganshire Edward Thomas
Radnorshire Cha Jones
Brecknockshiremdash Davys
130
Bibliography
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Anderson J 1797 Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Dublin Messrs P Wogan P Byrne and J Moore
An Impartial Observer 1806 XXXIX and XL Geo III c 66 The Flaying Act considered as without benefiting the Public most severely oppressing the Butchers of London By an Impartial Observer 30 June 1800 London E Thomas
Anon 1787 The Book of Rates Dundee Printed for George Milln
Aubrey J Britton J 1847 The natural history of Wiltshire Wiltshire Topographical Society Salisbury
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Ashworth WJ 2003 Customs and Excise Trade Production and Consumption in England 1640-1845 Oxford Oxford University Press
Bailey J 1810 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Durham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London R Phillips
Bailey J amp Culley G 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Northumberland With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement by J Bailey and G Culley London Sol Printed by S Hodgson and sold by M Robinson and G Nicol
Bailey W 1784 Baileyrsquos British Directory First Edition London Printed by J Andrews
Ballard E 1882 Report in Respect of the Inquiry as to Effluvium Nuisances Arising in Connexion with Various Manufacturing and Other Branches of Industry London HM Stationery Office
Bath and West of England Agricultural Society 1792 Letters and papers on agriculture planting ampc [electronic resource] Selected from the correspondence of the Bath and west of England Society for the encouragement of agriculture arts manufactures and commerce Vol IV The second edition Bath Printed by order of the Society by R Cruttwell and sold by C Dilly Poultry London and by the booksellers of Bath Bristol Salisbury Gloucester Exeter ampc ampc
Beckett JV 1985 Land Tax or Excise the levying of taxation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England The English historical review C(CCCXCV) pp285ndash308
Bicchieri M et al 2008 Inside the parchment Proceedings of Art pp25ndash30
Billing M 1855 Directory amp Gazetteer of Worcestershire 1855 Birmingham M Billing Steam-Press Offices
131
Billingsley J 1798 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Somerset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Bath R Cruttwell
Brownlee J (1915) The history of the birth and death rates in England and Wales taken as a whole from 1570 to the present time Public Health 29 pp211-222
Blanch J 1774 The art of tanning and currying leather with an account of all the different processes made use of in Europe and Asia for dying leather red and yellow London Printed for J Nourse
Blom P 2005 Enlightening the world Encyclopeacutedie the book that changed the course of history London Macmillan Publishers
Boys J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London B McMillan
Bower MA et al 2010 The potential for extraction and exploitation of DNA from parchment a review of the opportunities and hurdles Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 33(1) pp1ndash11
Burger J Hummel S amp Herrmann B 2000 Palaeogenetics and cultural heritage Species determination and STR-genotyping from ancient DNA in art and artefacts Thermochimica acta 365(1) pp141ndash146
Campana MG et al 2010 A flock of sheep goats and cattle ancient DNA analysis reveals complexities of historical parchment manufacture Journal of archaeological science 37(6) pp1317ndash1325
Campbell R 1747 The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and Westminster London T Gardner
Chambers E 1728 Cyclopedia - Volume 1 London Printed for James and John Knapton John Darby Daniel Midwinter Arthur Bettersworth John Senex Robert Gosling John Pemberton William and John Innys John Osborn and Tho Longman Charles Rivington john Hooke Ranew Robinson Francis Clay Aaron Ward Edward Symon Daniel Browne Andrew Johnston and Thomas Osborn
Chitty J 1824 A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents London A Strahan
Churchill JE 1983 The Complete Book of Tanning Skins and Furs London Stackpole Books
Clark G 2004 Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous Living Costs of the Rich versus the Poor in England 1209--1869 In Conference paperldquoTowards a Global History of Prices and Wagesrdquo Utrecht Available at httpswwwresearchgatenetprofileGregory_Clarkpublication246687497_Lifestyles_of_the_Rich_and_Famous_Living_Costs_of_the_Rich_versus_the_Poor_in_England_1209-1869links546e62200cf2b5fc176075b5pdf
Clark G 2007 The long march of history Farm wages population and economic growth England 1209ndash1869 The Economic History Review 60(1) pp97ndash135
Clark G amp Lindert P 2006 England_1209-1914_Clarkxlsx Global Price and Income History Group Available at httpgpihucdavisedufilesEngland_1209-1914_(Clark)xls [Accessed September 9 2018]
Clarke M 2001 The analysis of medieval European manuscripts Studies in Conservation 46(2) pp3ndash17
Clarkson C 1992 REDISCOVERING PARCHMENT THE NATURE OF THE BEAST Paper Conservator 16(1) pp5ndash26
Cobbett W 1912 Rural Rides in Surrey Kent and Other Counties London A Cobbett
132
Collins M J Fiddyment S Webb C OConnor T P Bradley D Teasdale M Doherty S Curtis A Vnoucek J Hall 2015 Reading the leaves sheep parchment as a 1000 year genetic resource Advances in Animal Biosciences p63
Cook HF amp Williamson T 1999 Water Management in the English Landscape Field Marsh and Meadow Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press
Copus AK 1989 Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in Southern England 1750ndash1900 The Agricultural history review 37(1) pp36ndash51
Craig H 1960 English religious drama of the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford Clarendon Press
Crittal E 1959 Wiltshire Volume 4 Other Industries In A History of the County of Wiltshire Volume 4 London British History Online pp 43ndash64 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchwiltsvol4 [Accessed July 29 2018]
Crouse J 1768 The History of the City and County of Norwich From the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time London Printed John Crouse and sold by M Booth
DrsquoAgata R et al 2007 The use of atmospheric pressure laser desorption mass spectrometry for the study of iron-gall ink Applied Physics A Materials Science amp Processing 89(1) pp91ndash95
Davis JM amp Beckett JV 1999 Animal husbandry and agricultural improvement the archaeological evidence from animal bones and teeth Rural history economy society culture 10(1) pp1ndash17
Davis T 1813 General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Dickson PGM 1960 The Sun Insurance Office 1710-1960 Oxford Oxford University Press
Doherty Sean 2018 The proteomic and isotopic analysis of parchment and their application to post-medieval sheep husbandry in Britain PhD Thesis University of York
Duncumb J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Hereford Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Fitzsimmons MP 2010 From Artisan to Worker Guilds the French State and the Organization of Labor 1776ndash1821 New York Cambridge University Press
Freemen of Chester 1992 Chester Freemen and Guilds Information and History Booklet Chester Chester City Record Office
Fussell GE 1966 The English Dairy Farmer 1500-1900 London Frank Cass amp Co
Fussell GE 1964 THE GRASSES AND GRASSLAND CULTIVATION OF BRITAIN I Before 1700 Grass and Forage Science 19(1) pp49ndash54
Fussell GE amp Goodman C 1930 Eighteenth Century Estimates of British Sheep and Wool Production Agricultural history 4(4) pp131ndash151
Gerhold D 2005 Carriers and coachmasters trade and travel before the turnpikes Oxford Phillimore
Glasse S 1794 The Magistratersquos Assistant Or A Summary of Those Laws which Immediately Respect the Conduct of a Justice of the Peace Continued to the End of the Session--1793 Gloucester Printed by R Raikes
Gooch W 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge London Sherwood Neely and Jones
133
Great BritainCommissioners of Excise 1778 Instructions for officers of the duties on hides in the country London
Gullick M 1991 From parchmenter to scribe some observations on the manufacture and preparation of medieval parchment based upon a review of the literary evidence In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 145ndash157
Hagadorn A 2012 Parchment making in eighteenth-century France historical practices and the written record Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 35(2) pp165ndash188
Haskins CH 1912 The ancient trade guilds and companies of Salisbury Kindle Salisbury Bennett Brothers
Havinden MA 1961 The Rural Economy of Oxfordshire 1580-1730 B Litt thesis Oxford University
Henderson S 2016 A Revolution in Sheeprsquos Clothing BA University of York
Henrickson RL Ranganayaki MD amp Asghar A 1984 Age species breed sex and nutrition effect on hide collagen Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 20(3) pp159ndash172
Her Majestyrsquos Stationery Office 1844 Reports from Commissioners Seventeen Volumes 13 London English Government Available at httpsmarketandroidcomdetailsid=book-jmoSAAAAYAAJ
Hoffman T 2011 Guilds and Related Organisations in Great Britain and Ireland a bibliography - Part 1 Unpublished Available at httpwwwbbkacuklibrarydownloadsguilds-part-1pdf [Accessed 28102018]
Holland H 1813 General view of the agriculture of Cheshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Houghton J 1728 Husbandry and trade improvrsquod being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle coals hops wool ampc With a complete catalogue of the several sorts of earths With many other useful particulars communicated by several eminent members of the Royal Society to the collector John Houghton The second edition London Printed for Woodman and Lyon
Hughes E 1941 The English Stamp Duties 1664-1764 The English Historical Review 56 (222) pp234ndash264
Hunt amp Co 1849 Hunt amp Corsquos Directory of Gloucester amp Bristol London BW Gardiner
Ibbetson J 1845 Ibbetsonrsquos Directory of the Borough of Bradford etc Bradford Printed and Published by J Ibbetson
Kent H 1798 Kentrsquos directory for the year 1798 containing an alphabetical list of the names and places of abode of the directors of companies persons in public business merchants of London and Westminster and Southwark etc 66th edn London Richard amp Henry Causton
Kellyrsquos Directories Ltd 1936 Kellyrsquos directory of stationers printers publishers booksellers papermakers amp c of England Scotland and Wales 18th edn 1936 London Kellyrsquos Directories
Kerridge E 2013 The Agricultural Revolution London Routledge
Kite M amp Thomson R 2006 The Manufacture of Leather Conservation of Leather and Related Materials London Elsevier Science amp Technology Ltd
Knight C 1842 London London Published by Charles Knight
Lawrence T Fowler V amp Novakofski J 2012 Growth of Farm Animals 3rd edition London CABI
Leadbetter C 1755 The royal gauger or Gauging made perfectly easy as it is actually practised by the officers of His Majestyrsquos revenue of excise London Printed for E Wicksteed
134
Lisle E 1757 Observations in Husbandry London J Hughs
Lowe R 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Nottingham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London C MacRae
Lyall RJ 1989 Materials The Paper Revolution In J Griffiths et al eds Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375--1475 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 11ndash29
Lyne AG 1961 The Postnatal Development of Wool Follicles Shedding and Skin Thickness in Inbred Merino and Southdown-Merino Crossbred Sheep Australian Journal of Biological Sciences 14(1) pp141ndash156
Marshall M 1789 The rural economy of Gloucestershire including its dairy together with the dairy management of North Wiltshire and the management of orchards and fruit liquor in Herefordshire Glocester Printed by R Raikes for G Nicol Pall-Mall London
Massey W 1763 The Origin and Progress of Letters An Essay in Two Parts London J Johnson
Mathias P 1969 The first industrial nation The economic history of Britain 1700-1914 London Metheun and Co
Mavor WF 1813 General view of the agriculture of Berkshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Mazoyer M and Roudart L (2006) A History of World Agriculture from the neolithic age to the current crisis London Earthscan
Maxted I 1992 British Book Trades 1775-1787 An Index to Insurance Policies (Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History) London JMaxted
Minard P 2011 Micro-Economics of Quality and Social Construction of the Market Disputes Among the London Leather Trades in the Eighteenth-Century Historische Sozialforschung = Historical social research Zentrum fur Historische Sozialforschung Koln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften Bonn 36(4) pp150ndash168
Moffatt JM 1805 The History of the Town of Malmesbury and of Its Ancient Abbey Together with Memoirs of Eminent Natives to which is Added an Appendix Tetbury JG Goodwyn
Murray A 1815 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Warwick with Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London B McMillan
Narayan S amp Rathore A 1964 Skin follicles and wool characteristics of seven breeds of Rajasthan sheep Research Studies-University of Udaipur 2
Neate S Howell D Ovenden R Pollard AM 2011 The Technological Study of Books and Manuscripts as Artefacts Research Questions and Analytical Solutions Oxford Archaeopress
Overton M 1996 Re-Establishing the English Agricultural Revolution The Agricultural history review 44(1) pp1ndash20
Page W 1930 A History of the County of Northampton In The borough of Northampton Trades London British History Online pp 26ndash30 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchnorthantsvol3pp26-30 [Accessed 30102018]
Page W 1907 Agriculture In A History of the County of Oxfordshire London British History Online pp 279ndash292 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchoxonvol2pp279-292 [Accesse 30102018]
Palop R 2016 Sheepskin and Cattle Hide Degreasing PhD University of Barcelona Available at
135
httpwwwcromogeniacomimagesnoticiasAF_LIBRO_DESENGRASE_english_bajapdf
Palliser DM amp Selwyn DG 1972 The Stock of a York Stationer 1538 The Library s5-XXVII(3) pp207ndash219
ParliamentHouse of Lords 1742 The history and proceedings of the House of Lords from the Restoration in 1660 to the present time London Ebenezer Tumberland
Parson WM amp White WM 1830 Directory of Leeds York and the Clothing District of Yorkshire Northowram Ovenden From Weaver to Web Northowram Calderdale Libraries Northgate Halifax West Yorkshire England
Pendred J 1785 The London and Country Printers Booksellers and Stationers Vade Mecum Moorfields J Pendred
Pigot 1995 National commercial directory Norwich Michael Winton
Pigot 1834 National commercial directory of the merchants bankers professional gentlemen manufacturers and traders in the counties of Chester Cumberland Durham Lancaster Northumberland Westmorland and York etc London Pigot
Pigot J 1825 Pigot and Corsquos New Commercial Directory of Scotland for 1825-1826Together with the most extensive Directory of London Manchester J Pigot and Co
Pitt W 1796 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Stafford With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G Nicol and sold
Pitt W 1809 A general view of the agriculture of the county of Leicester with observations on the means of its improvement London R Phillips
Pitt W 1817 A Topographical History of Staffordshire Including Its Agriculture Mines and Manufactures Memoirs of Eminent Natives Statistical Tables and Every Species of Information Connected with the Local History of the County With a Succinct Account of the Rise and Progress of the Staffordshire Potteries J Smith
Plenderleith HJ amp Werner A 1971 Papyrus Parchment and Paper In The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art Treatment Repair and Restoration Oxford Oxford University Press pp 44ndash73
Plot R 1686 The Natural History of Staffordshire Oxford Printed at the Theater
Plymley J 1803 General View of the Agriculture of Shropshire with Observations Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole B 1852 Statistics of British commerce Being a compendium of the productions manufactures imports and exports of the United Kingdom London WH Smith amp Son Simpkin Marshall amp Co
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Priest SJ amp Parkinson R 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Buckinghamshire Drawn Up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Reed R 1972 Ancient Skins Parchments and Leathers New York Seminar Press
Reed R 1991 Some thoughts on Parchment for Bookbinding In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 217ndash220
136
Reed R 1975 The nature and making of parchment Leeds Elmete Press
Rennie G Brown R amp Shirreff J 1799 General View of the Agriculture of the West Riding of Yorkshire Surveyed by Messrs Rennie Brown amp Shirreff 1793 With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement and Additional Information Since Received Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement Edinburgh G Nicol
Roberts C David Roberts F amp Bisson D 2016 A History of England Volume 1 Prehistory to 1714 London Routledge
Rogers JET 1887 A History of Agriculture and Prices in England From the Year After the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the Commencement of the Continental War (1793) Oxford Clarendon Press
Rudge T 1981 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Gloucester London R Phillips
Russell N 2007 Like Engendrsquoring Like Heredity and Animal Breeding in Early Modern England Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Ryder M 1981 A survey of European primitive breeds of sheep Annales de genetique et de selection animale 13(4) pp381ndash418
Ryder ML 1963 A survey of the gross structural features of protein fibres Fibre Structure pp534ndash566
Ryder ML 1958 Follicle arrangement in skin from wild sheep primitive domestic sheep and in parchment Nature 182(4638) pp781ndash783
Ryder ML 1960 Follicle remains in some British parchments Nature 187(4732) pp130ndash132
Ryder ML 1969 Remains derived from skin Science in Archaeology 43 pp539ndash554
Ryder ML 1983 Sheep and man London Gerald Duckworth amp Co Ltd
Ryder ML 1991 The biology and history of parchment In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thurbecke pp 25ndash33
Ryder ML 1964a The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain The Agricultural history review 12(1) pp1ndash12
Ryder ML 1964b The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain (Continued) The Agricultural history review 12(2) pp65ndash82
Saxl H 1954 An investigation of the qualities the methods of manufacture and the preservation of historic parchment and vellum with a view to identifying the animal species used PhD University of Leeds
Sellet F 1993 Chaicircne opeacuteratoire the concept and its applications Lithic technology 18(1-2) pp106ndash112
Shaw W 1935 Entry Book June 1964 1-10 In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 10 1693-1696 London British History Online pp 636ndash648 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol10pp440-449 [Accessed 30102018]
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137
httplibrarythehumanjourneynet890 [Accessed 13082017]
Sketchley J 1775 Sketchleyrsquos Bristol Directory Bristol James Sketchley
Slater I amp Pigot 1857 Slaterrsquos - late Pigot amp cos - Royal national commercial directory and topography of the counties of Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire Rutlandshire amp Yorkshire the towns of Hull Leeds Nottingham and Sheffield embellished with beautiful maps of Lincolnshire Nottingham amp Yorkshire etc Manchester Isaac Slater
Slater amp Pigot 1852 Slaterrsquos Royal National Commercial Directory and Topography of Scotland etc 1852 Aberdeenshire Isaac Slater
Smellie W 1771 Encyclopaeligdia Britannica [electronic resource] or a dictionary of arts and sciences compiled upon a new plan Illustrated with one hundred and sixty copperplates By a Society of gentlemen in Scotland In three volumes Edinburgh printed for A Bell and C Macfarquhar and sold by Colin Macfarquhar
Smith F 2009 Smithrsquos Directory of Halifax Bradford Oldfield and Horsfall
Stevenson W 1812 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Dorset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G and W Nicol
Stevenson W 1809 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Surrey London J Phillips
Stinson T 2011 Counting Sheep Potential Applications of DNA Analysis to the Study of Medieval Parchment Production In F Franz C Fritze amp G Vogeler eds Kodikologie und Palaumlographie im digitalen Zeitalter 2 - Codicology and Palaeography in the Digital Age 2 Norderstedt Books on Demand (BoD) pp 191ndash207
Stinson TL 2009 Knowledge of the flesh using DNA analysis to unlock bibliographical secrets of medieval parchment Papers Bibliographical Society of America 103(4) pp435ndash453
Strickland HE 1812 A general view of the agriculture of the East-Riding of Yorkshire published by order of the Board of Agriculture author
Teasdale MD et al 2015 Paging through history parchment as a reservoir of ancient DNA for next generation sequencing Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B Biological sciences 370(1660) p20130379
The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 The Rotation of Crops The Farmerrsquos Magazine 8 p188
The House of Commons 1808 The Journals of the House of Commons Volume 63 London Printed by Order of the House of Commons
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The Saturday Magazine 1838 The Saturday Magazine 12-13(402) pp129ndash136
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Thirsk J 2000 The English Rural Landscape USA Oxford University Press
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138
Trolander P 2014 Literary Sociability in Early Modern England The Epistolary Record London Rowman amp Littlefield
Trow-Smith R 1951 English husbandry From the earliest times to the present day London Faber and Faber
Tuke J 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the North Riding of Yorkshire With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London W Bulmer and Company
Vancouver C 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Hampshire Including the Isle of Wight London R Phillips
Walls GF 1901 Westmorland Agriculture 1800-1900 London Book on Demand
Walton JR 1983 The diffusion of improved sheep breeds in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Oxfordshire Journal of historical geography 9(2) pp175ndash195
Watt A 1906 The Art of Leather Manufacture Being A Practical Handbook in Which the Operations of Tanning Currying and Leather Dressing Are Fully Described London Kessinger Publishing
Williams TW 1824 A Compendious Abstract of the Public General Acts passed in 6 Geo IV London Printed for GWightman
Williams AJ amp Thornberry KJ 1992 THE SKIN THICKNESS OF MEDIUM WOOL MERINO SHEEP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WOOL PRODUCTION Proceedings of the Australian Society of Animal Production 19 pp138ndash141
Williams amp Co 1844 Williams amp Co Directory of York Printed by Edward Baines amp sons York
Winters J 2012 THE ENGLISH PROVINCIAL BOOK TRADE BOOKSELLER STOCK-LISTS C 1520-1640 PhD University of St Andrews
Wodzicka M 1958 Studies on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin of sheep ImdashDevelopment techniques New Zealand Journal of Agricultural Research 1(4) pp582ndash591
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska M 1960 Effect of cold on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin in sheep In Proc Aust Soc Anim Prod pp 195ndash198
Worgan GB 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall London G and W Nicol
Wrigley E (2011) The Early English Censuses Oxford Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press
Wrigley E and Schofield R (1981) The Population History of England 1541-1871 Cambridge Mass Harvard Univ Press
Wykes DL 2004 Robert Bakewell (1725-1795) of Dishley Farmer and Livestock Improver The Agricultural history review 52(1) pp38ndash55
Yeomans LM 2006 A zooarchaeological and historical study of the animal product based industries operating in London during the post-medieval period PhD University of London Available at httpwwwacademiaedudownload30464459Yeomans_phdpdf
Youatt W 1810 A Treatise on the Choice Buying and General Management of Live Stock Comprising Delineations and Description of the Principal Breeds London B Crosby and Company
Youatt W amp Weld MC 1837 Sheep Their Breeds Management and Diseases London Baldwin and Cradock
Young A 1799 Experiments on the Winter and Summer support of sheep Annals of Agriculture and other
139
Useful Arts 34 pp414ndash425
Young A 1807 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary of the Board In Two Volumes Vol 2 London RPhillips
Young A 1804 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk London G and W Nicol
Young A 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary to the Board London B Macmillan
Young A 1808 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex London R Phillips
Young A 1813 General view of the agriculture of Oxfordshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
140
Abstract
This project will examine in detail the English parchment industry between 1650 and
1850 locating the main centres of production reconstructing the process of parchment
manufacturing both locally and nationally as well as assessing whether it is possible to
conclude the origins of the materials used in its manufacture The results of this project
should prove vital in providing context to the results of a number of post-medieval
hDNA studies on parchment as well as providing historical data on a previously
unstudied industry in history
2
Contents Abstract 2
Contents 3
List of Tables 6
List of Figures 7
Acknowledgements 8
Declaration 9
Chapter 1 Introduction 10 11 Aims 10 12 The Research Question 12 13 Objectives 12 14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire 15
Chapter 2 Literature Review 16 21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850 16 22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry 18 23 New Areas of Research 22
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry 24 31 Uses for Parchment 24 32 Who was Selling the Skins 24 33 How was Parchment Manufactured 28 34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker 31 35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry 33 36 The Price of Parchment 35
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices 35 362 Gregory Clark Prices 37 363 Witherby Publishing Group Data 41 364 Conclusions 42
37 Salt Prices 43
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers 45 41 Review of Sources 45 42 The Scale of the Industry 47 43 Map of Parchment-Makers 50
431 Review of the Data 53 44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies 56
3
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws 59 51 Parchment Taxation 59 52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment 63 53 Who is enforcing these laws 65 54 Effects on Parchment Quality 68 55 Conclusions 70
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds 72 61 Sourcing Sheepskins 72
611 Fat Content 72 612 The Age of Sheep 74 613 Diet and Environment 75 614 Wool Sheep 77
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used 78 615 Conclusion 79
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds 81 621 The DownlandsSouth 82 622 The Wolds 87 623 Lowland Vales 88 624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture 90 625 Fenlands 93 626 Moorlands 95 627 Londonrsquos Hinterland 96 628 Conclusion 97
Chapter 7 Conclusions 100 71 Conclusion 100 72 Discussion 101
Appendices 104 Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data 105 Appendix 2 Parchment Quality 107 Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions 108 Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages 109 Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected 110 Appendix 6 National Directories 111 Appendix 7 Local Directories 112 Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data 113 Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location 114
4
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws 116 Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws 119 Appendix 12 Flaying Laws 123 Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws 128 Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 129
Bibliography 131
5
List of Tables
Table 1 Campbellrsquos London Tradesmen 31
Table 2 Parchment-Maker Insurance Policies 1770-1779 57
Table 3 Sheep Breeds Overview 85
6
List of Figures
Figure 1 Depiction of the Research Process 14
Figure 2 Thorold Rogers Parchment Prices 1858-1683 36
Figure 3 Gregory Clark Parchment Prices 1274-1706 38
Figure 4 Salt Prices 1500-1850 43
Figure 5 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1900 50
Figure 6 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1650 51
Figure 7 Map of Parchment-Makers 1651-1700 51
Figure 8 Map of Parchment-Makers 1701-1750 52
Figure 9 Map of Parchment-Makers 1751-1800 52
Figure 10 Map of Parchment-Makers 1801-1850 52
Figure 11 Map of Parchment-Makers 1851-1900 52
Figure 12 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Figure 13 Net Produce of Stamp Duties 1807 61
Figure 14 Fibre Groupings - Dead Sea Scrolls 77
7
Acknowledgements I would like thank my thesis advisor Dr Jonathan Finch of the Archaeology Department at
the University of York for all his help and support throughout this project I would also
like to thank Matthew Collins Sean Doherty Sarah Fiddyment and Matthew Teasdale for
including me in their conversations on their research surrounding the lsquohidden history of
parchmentrsquo
I would also like to express my gratitude to my family for proof-reading my project and
apologise for the many hours they will never get back and for the wealth of sheep and
parchment knowledge they will carry around with them for years to come
8
Declaration I declare that this thesis is a presentation of original work and I am the sole author This work has not previously been presented for an award at this or any other University All sources are acknowledged as References
9
Chapter 1 Introduction
11 Aims
lsquoThe assumption has been made that parchment was made in the region of the place in which
the document was written However certainly as early as the seventeen-nineties it was clear
that the parchment had not necessarily been made locally a parchment of that fate from
Hereford bore the name of a London stationerrsquo
(Ryder 1963 541)
The aim of this project is to develop the first detailed overview of the post-medieval
English parchment industry This particular industry is one routinely overlooked by
historians and archaeologists and this work constitutes the only in-depth investigation
of the parchment industry of this period However not only is there ample evidence on
which to create a detailed outline of the size location and processes of this industry but
that this research will greatly contribute to our understanding of the past from both the
new data it will provide on this time period as well as potentially contributing new
material to the debates surrounding the agricultural revolution and the neglected area
of stockbreeding but also by providing essential historical context for groundbreaking
new studies on historical DNA (hDNA) found in parchment
However being that this is the first detailed review of this industry there is very little
academic literature to highlight the key components of the industry as well as the key
factors shaping the industry As a result this project is divided into two sections Firstly
the piecing together of the history of the industry assessing the size and structure of
the industry and the various processes that occurred during production Having
established the outline and processes of the industry and any changes over time the
second section will explore the driving factors shaping the development on the industry
Put simply the results of the first section should raise important new questions that
need to be asked of the historical record and section two will attempt to answer these
questions taking the study beyond the industry itself to address questions from
broader research agendas
10
A review of the key changes in this industry particularly those concerning the price of
materials the objectives of manufacturers and the fluctuations in the progress and
efficiency should prove significant in further developing our understanding of the
post-medieval agricultural change and the wider-economy more generally Furthermore
this research will help us to understand when paper became the primary lsquohardwarersquo for
recording information It will also offer new data to interpret the chronology and
geography of the agricultural revolution through the hitherto neglected area of livestock
improvement All the areas discussed above are topics that will be reviewed in this
project and from which a good understanding of the location and processes of the
parchment industry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century will be developed
Perhaps however as stated earlier the most consequential aspect of this research will
support the advancement of these scientific techniques currently deployed in the field
of archaeology to be applied in the study of the post-medieval period The research of
hDNA analysis appears the most quintessential use for this research though it is by no
means limited to this area alone The recent investigative fervour surrounding the
scientific study of parchment through the analysis of hDNA as well as chemical and
spectrographic analysis (discussed further in section 25 of the literature review) should
benefit from research of this nature greatly supporting its application on the
post-medieval period
11
12 The Research Question
What was the structure size and geography of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 and what light can the results throw onto wider research goals in a variety of
disciplines including hDNA studies historical archaeology and agricultural history
relating to the chronology and geography of agricultural improvement
13 Objectives
To complete a literature review of both materials written recently and those written
during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries The sources reviewed can then be used
to conduct a detailed overview of the structure of the parchment industry looking
primarily at the parchment manufacturing process the uses for parchment the
socio-economic status of the industry and the overall condition of the industry during
these centuries This will involve reviewing a variety of external factors such as changes
in law taxation the price of various agricultural products the paper industry and
transport
Once completed a more detailed analysis of the data can be undertaken reviewing
correlations in the data and assessing which factors were most significant in shaping the
development of the parchment industry In order to conduct such an analysis a detailed
review of the agricultural landscape between 1650 and 1850 must be completed
primarily investigating the location of various sheep breeds and the various agricultural
systems to which they most suited Any information on the geography of the parchment
manufacturing industry and the identification of any centres of production will not only
offer further information on this previously unstudied industry but more specifically
provide greater validity to post-medieval hDNA studies by offering further clarity on the
origin of parchment samples Furthermore this work will assess the key factors in the
changing industry and their effects on parchment quality over time
Finally a review of the impact of this research Reviewing if this new information
contributes to current debates surrounding agricultural improvement more specifically
12
the timing and significance of an agricultural revolution as well as how it affects the
results and methodologies of future hDNA studies
13
Figure 1 shows the research process that will be adopted This process should allow for
detailed analysis of the location of the industry while also allowing for the review a
significant number of external factors shaping the industry This form of research allows
for the more successful adoption of the chaicircne opeacuteratoire method (see section 15) and
should also provide a solid bedrock of information on a variety of topics on a subject
otherwise untouched in the historical and archaeological literature
14
14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire
lsquoWithout fertilizer no harvests without livestock no fertilizer which has such an immediate impact without seeded pastures no livestock finally without the elimination of fallowing no
or very few seeded pastures all is linked in agriculture its system must be totalrsquo
Instruction to the National Convention 1794 (Cited in Mazoyer and Roudart 2006 313)
Much of the data surrounding the production of parchment is intrinsically linked to
other areas of study There is likely a number of inter-relationships between a variety of
processes within the parchment industry and the broader agricultural economy For
example the price of sheep mutton and wool would have shaped the market and must
be understood to be able to understand the dynamics of the parchment industry
Furthermore issues such as changes in agricultural systems cultural changes legal
changes foreign policy changes would all have been entangled in the shaping and
development of the industry There are likely very clear links between many features of
the parchment industry and the wider English economy many not listed here though
the nature of these relationships is not always immediately obvious
By using the methodological tool of chaicircne opeacuteratoire it is possible in many cases to
unravel the logical sequences that caused and affected certain changes In other words
the correlations found between various linked markets can be analysed and used to
make logical conclusions as to what happened Perhaps the clearest description of this
process can be found in Frederic Selletrsquos 1993 paper Chaine Operatoire The Concept and
its Applications which states this method lsquoaims to describe and understand all cultural
transformations that a specific raw material had to go throughlsquo (Sellet 1993 106)
Knowing the importance and manufacturing processes of certain materials allows
inferences to be made as to the certain practices that were occurring as well as to
understand the logical steps taken to achieve these outcomes and to then map and
understand various industries and agricultural practices
15
Chapter 2 Literature Review
21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
The post-medieval parchment industry has remained lsquohiddenrsquo in the both the historical
and archaeological record The primary resources are often sources that briefly touch
upon the parchment trade though the parchment industry was not usually their
primary concern Such documents included encyclopaedias essays on livestock farmers
letters tours of England texts on the subject of the leather trade and legal documents
to name a few examples Although these indirect sources are relatively numerous there
is a dire need of recording comparing and contrasting as well as a detailed analysis
testing their validity Unfortunately validity has proved to be a significant issue with the
key components of the industry often being closely guarded secrets amongst
parchment-makers In 1775 Lalande highlighted this issue when writing his
Encyclopaedia stating lsquoanyone writing an article on the mechanical arts will learn after
having for some time gone from workshop to workshop with cash in his handrsquo that they
will often be paying for lsquothe most preposterous misinformationrsquo (Cited in Blom 2005
47)
This project constitutes the first detailed investigation into the parchment industry
during this period and so almost all information pertaining to the industry will prove
important and therefore a significant amount of information has been collected The
following chapters will therefore include a comprehensive review of all the major
processes and influences of the parchment industry hopefully creating the foundation
for future studies in this area
Firstly in regards to how parchment is made there are a number of texts from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which describe the process (see Ballard 1882
65-66 Houghton 1728 326 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456
Chambers 1728 351 Saxl 1954 94 Blanch 1774 42-43) However these descriptions
require thorough analysis particularly as none of the authors referenced above were
actually parchment-makers themselves The work of Chambers (1728) and Smellie
16
(1771) are encyclopaedias and perhaps therefore were less likely to have been
particularly thorough investigative pieces on the parchment trade similar issues of
validity remain with the Saturday Magazine article (The Saturday Magazine 1838) Ballard
(1882) and Blanchrsquos (1774) works are descriptions of the leather trade only briefly
reviewing the parchment industry though these texts share strikingly similar
descriptions of the manufacturing process Finally Houghtonrsquos work is perhaps the most
useful Written in 1694 though not published until 1728 it was written after an interview
with a parchment-maker reciting the production process in great detail These few
primary sources often share material details but they provide a vital historical platform
from which to build a fairly thorough understanding of the process and whether it
changed over the centuries
Just as there are few contemporary descriptions of the production processes so there
are also only a few texts describing the industry on a macro-scale Those that do exist
appear to only describe the process of the materials through the industrial system For
example Houghton (1728) and an article in The Saturday Magazine (1838) describe
parchment-makers purchasing their skins directly from butchers (Houghton 1728 326
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134) However there are various different descriptions of
the process For example Chambers and Smellie described the process as being started
by the skinner and finished by the parchment-maker (Chambers 1728 351 Smellie
1771 456) while a later text describes the skins as being purchased directly from the
abattoirs or slaughter-houses (Poole 1852 275) and Knight who describes the London
industry wrote about a lsquoskin-salesmanrsquo who acted as an agent between the sellers and
the fellmongers (Knight 1842 26) who then sold to the parchment-makers Finally
Hagadorn states that from the sixteenth century onwards English parchment-makers
purchased their skins from fellmongers (Hagadorn 2012 169) though it should be noted
that he draws this conclusion by referencing two texts neither of which supply
compelling evidence but instead simply outline the jobs of fellmongers (see Kite and
Thomas 2006 72 Thomas 1983 6) However Hagadorn does show evidence of Parisian
parchment-makers purchasing their skins locally (2012 170) which could perhaps
reflect the English model The directories and insurance records of the Sun Office and
Royal Exchange insurance groups two of the larger insurance groups that emerged
around the turn of the eighteenth century may also offer some insights into the roles of
17
parchment-makers during this period Overall the literature differs greatly on the
process of the exchange of materials and whether there are differences over time
geographical regions or simply authors who are mistaken as to how the process occurs
is not clear The primary sources therefore provide a conflicting picture of how the
industry functioned at least on a macro-scale again highlighting the need for greater
research in this area
A number of primary sources do provide some indication as to the scale and location of
the industry For example Chambers describes parchment as making a lsquovery
considerable article in the French commercersquo with large quantities being sent to
lsquoEngland Flanders Holland Spain and Portugalrsquo in the late 1720s (Chambers 1728 351)
a claim supported in The Saturday Magazine (1838 134) Despite this little is known
about the exact quantities or where they were transported to within England Also in
regards to where it was being made in England it is clear that large quantities were
being made in Bermondsey London (Knight 1842 18 Pendred 1785 33 37 Yeomans
2006 134) This area had a long history of tanning and with Knightrsquos detailed 1842
description of the parchment industry in the area (Knight 1842) it is possible to say with
confidence that this was a major centre for parchment production
Unfortunately however this appears the majority of the literature on the topic The
historical information on the post-medieval parchment industry is incredibly
fragmented with only a small number of texts referring to the industry and often only
in a few pages Of the more detailed summaries that do exist many describe different
systems with the majority of them have never been subject to any academic scrutiny
However a full review and analysis of these texts should begin to offer outlines of some
of the major aspects of the industry providing a reasonable overview of its history
22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry
There is a significant lack of any modern literature on the parchment industry between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries This is an issue perhaps best highlighted
recently by the lack of reference to any such documents in a number of modern studies
on hDNA in which providing an historical context for results would otherwise be
essential (see Teasdale et al 2015 Collins et al 2015 Campana et al 2010) Despite this
lack of literature there are a number of texts on parchment in the Middle Ages and
18
perhaps more importantly there are also a number of texts on the medieval
manufacturing processes which could prove useful for a later historical study of the
industry (see Clarkson 1992 Gullick 1991 Bicchieri et al 2008)
A number of texts on hDNA analysis highlight the need for greater research on the
parchment industry (Burger et al 2000) Species determination and STR-genotyping
from ancient DNA in art and artefacts have provided a comparison of the genetic status
of animals or plants with historical data and have greatly increased our knowledge lsquonot
only about the material itself but also about domestication cultivation planting and
herding practicesrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Bower et al write that if an extensive DNA
database of known provenance was created then future studies showing identical or
very similar hDNA identities could use it to determine the origin of their own samples
(Bower et al 2010)
Campana et al write however that their results showed multiple hDNA signatures in
other words that their results were affected by the environment in which the skins and
parchment were kept during production (2010 1324) an issue that can begin to be
combated once a better understanding of the post-medieval parchment manufacturing
process is developed It seems safe to assume that Campana et al would have reviewed
or even re-published their results if they could answer either of these issues but clearly
the material does not exist In fact their only reference to the history of parchment is to
a text by Ronald Reed (1972) however Reed only references modern methods of making
parchment and a single recipe from 800BC Ultimately there is a significant gap in
understanding about the structure of the industry and how parchment was made
between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries Overall all these studies only cover a
very small number of primary and secondary sources on the history of the parchment
industry despite the clear benefits associated with reviewing within a more clearly
defined historical context though this appears to be due to a lack of literature on the
topic than of choice
Despite a lack of literature on these areas there does appear to have been a cluster of
work on parchment between the 1950s and 1970s though primarily discussing how
parchment is currently made and what methods and source materials contribute to the
19
manufacture of the highest-quality parchment ( Ryder 1958 Ryder 1960 Ryder 1964
Ryder 1969 Reed 1972 Reed 1975 Reed 1991 )
The state of the parchment industry has also been measured by the quality of the
parchment over time which a number of studies showing the steady decline of
parchment quality over the centuries Ryder covers 200 samples of parchment between
the eleventh and nineteenth centuries to determine the relative quality (Ryder 1991
31-32) Relatively it can be argued that seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
parchment was of the worse quality than the medieval (Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1964
70 Clarkson 1992 5) Many writers have therefore made the claim that this shows the
decline of the parchment industry and the rise of the paper industry with cheaper
lower-quality parchment being made in order to compete However few writers appear
to have considered the possibility of changes in the quality of the materials available to
be used for making parchment an area that will be reviewed in this project
Yeomans (2006) is one of the only people to map parchment-makers using parish
records Her work covers the Bermondsey area in London which was the key area for
tanning in London and most likely therefore the main centre of parchment production
for all of England This work might provide a useful methodology for the current study
and data collection as well as providing key information about the structure of related
industry in London
Similarly Hagadorn (2012) reviews the parchment industry in eighteenth-century France
discussing elements of the industry such as how parchment was made (2012 169) how
skins were preserved (2012 171) the common use of lsquoadult sheep as opposed to lambsrsquo
sourced from local butchers by French parchment-makers (2012 170) and how the
market functioned more generally This work provides a useful methodology but also a
model of how a parchment industry would operate in that time period in a culture and
economy that is relatively similar to Englandrsquos It should be noted that the French
parchment industry has been well-studied and is very well-documented a luxury not
applicable to the study of the English parchment industry Fitzsimmons for example
has studied the integration of parchment-makers in Paris with other corporations
(Fitzsimmons 2010) and this might provide an insight into the role of English guilds in
the parchment industry Indeed one might expect the French and English parchment
20
industries to share many similarities both in scale and processes making both of these
pieces of work useful in both understanding the industry and creating a methodology
for future research
In conclusion despite little information being available on the history of the parchment
industry a number of texts detailing the composition of parchment and the effects of
breed-type diet environment grease content and age on the overall quality Combining
this information with the overview of the various texts discussing parchment quality
over time will offer some insights into the possible changes occuring in sheep farming in
the past These texts should also offer a number of interesting research possibilities for
reviewing any future conclusions made on the parchment industry between the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries
However literature surrounding the history of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 is extremely rare Very little is understood in terms of the size of the industry
its geography its source materials product prices taxation laws manufacturing laws
manufacturing practices or the various processes that occurred between an animals
slaughter the manufacture of parchment and the products eventual sale More detail is
known on the London and French parchment industry though the literature here also
remains limited The overall lack of literature on this topic further highlights the need to
initiate an investigation into this significantly overlooked industry and presents a source
of historical data on a time period severely lacking in economic historic and
archaeological information
21
23 New Areas of Research
There have been a number of groundbreaking new research methods surrounding
parchment that have been developed in recent times A plethora of new scientific
methods have been adopted for instance the chemical and spectroscopic analyses of
parchment has allowed archaeologists to identify the inks and other products used on
parchment for writing or decorative purposes ( DrsquoAgata et al 2007 ) In 2000 it was shown
that historic DNA (hDNA) could be be lsquoisolated from most of the various biomaterialsrsquo
and this hDNA has the possibility to be used to lsquodetermine the organic remnantrsquos
genusspecies of origin and on the other hand to create the genetic profile of an
individual animalrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Hence this new research could determine the
breeds of animal populations used in parchment production and help to determine the
timing or existence of an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo by developing a detailed
understanding of the animals being used in the agricultural system assessing the timing
of changes in sheep breeds due to changes in farming techniques and developing a
better understanding of the various objectives of farming communities However this
technology has primarily been focused on more specific rare medieval parchment
samples (see Stinson 2011 Teasdale et al 2017 Stinson 2009 Clarke 2001) however
the studies conducted creates a number of possibilities for similar research on the
post-medieval period However studies of this nature as stated earlier require research
on the processes of the parchment industry and how the parchment was prepared for
example as was warranted for the studies conducted on the Dead Sea Scrolls (see Poole
and Reed 1962)
There are of course still areas of concern with this research for example Campana et al
in 2010 presented how DNA found in parchment is more complex than first thought
with the manufacturing process affecting the hDNA extracted as a result of
cross-contamination during the industrial production process (Campana et al 2010)
However as Teasdale et al (2015) discuss the form of hDNA research used by Campana
et al has lsquowell-documented deficiencies particularly with regard to controlling and
estimating contaminationrsquo and that this next generation sequencing now being adopted
generates lsquomany orders of magnitude more datarsquo (Teasdale et al 2015 2) These
methods are clearly becoming increasingly accurate and it appears to be only a matter
22
of time before they are more widely applied to a range of archaeological research
However in order to understand the results of these tests it is imperative that they be
understood within the historical context Therefore a detailed understanding of the
industry and the manufacturing techniques is required before the results of these
experiments can be fully understood It also important it be understood where
parchment samples originate in order to understand to what geographical region the
results of any hDNA studies apply As a result the commonly adopted method of
reviewing any stationers stamp or taxation stamp to determine the origin of a sample of
parchment must also be questioned
Overall it remains particularly unfortunate that despite the incredibly interesting work
on hDNA its application to the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries has remained in its
infancy due in no small part to a significant lack of historical information on the
parchment industry during this period However there is by no means a lack of
information on this area and there therefore exists a great opportunity for research in
this area
23
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry
31 Uses for Parchment
From modern collections of parchment it is clear the material was still widely used well
into the early nineteenth century for a variety of purposes However parchment was
predominantly used for legal documents for example being the material used for the
custody of charters patents acts of parliament commissions chirographs deeds and
recognizances all of which were kept by the lsquoMaster of the Rollsrsquo (Chambers 1728 208
507) as well lsquococketsrsquo which were forms for recording goods that had been taxed (1728
242) Parchment was also used in the manufacture of pocket-sized memorandums (Sibly
1808 67) while parchment off-cuts were often used for the manufacture of glue (Smellie
1771 456 Sibly 1808 112) With parchment being the material used for such a huge
variety of products it appears clear that the industry must have remained of fairly
considerable size particularly with the rapid population increase between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries (see Wrigley and Schofield 1981) Furthermore the nature of
the documents recording property acts of parliament tax apprenticeships licenses
and so on likely means parchment was a material of high status it being almost
exclusively reserved for high status documents These were also documents often
required to be kept for a long period of time testifying to the view of parchment as a
high status material and one of greater state of cultural and physical permanence
Furthermore the demand for the products listed above can only have increased over
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of the huge population increase that
occurred over these centuries and the commensurate rise in bureaucracy and litigation
As time went on however many of these documents were instead made of paper but as
we know for many modern large collections of parchment the process was perhaps
slower than many have presumed
32 Who was Selling the Skins
Unfortunately very little is recorded about the parchment industry in regard to the
processes prior to the manufacture of parchment from skins Exactly who was flaying
24
the skins and from whom parchment-makers were purchasing skins is challenging to
determine from the limited literature and primary evidence
In the seventeen twenties Houghton described skins for manufacturing parchment
being sourced from butchers (1728 326) suggesting that the butchers flayed the skins
which were then purchased by tanners and parchment-makers Similarly a number of
the laws passed during this period on the topic of flaying skins referred to butchers as
the primary sources for flayed skins For example in 1603 the lsquoAct concerninge Tanners
Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupyinge the cuttinge of Leatherrsquo refers to
butchers as those flaying animals though also refers to there being various other trades
that involved the cutting of leather (1 Jas I c22) In fact for nearly all the laws on flaying
that succeeded this Act butchers are referred to as those primarily flaying animals
Similarly in 1806 The Flaying Act Considered As Without Benefiting the Pubic most Severely
Oppressing the Butchers of London (An Impartial Observer 1806) details the damaging
effects of the flaying laws on the butchers of London The author refers to the
lsquoindustrious butchersrsquo being fined extremely large amounts of money for damaging
skins (1806 15) Finally in 1808 when the inspection of skins in London was reorganised
the Butchers Company were assigned to appoint seven people to inspect all skins (Chitty
1824 353) This law also included the Curriers Company and the Cordwainers but given
the many references to butchers and the power given to them in this law it seems very
likely that butchers were the primary flayers of carcases
A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto
with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents published in 1824 also specifically
refers to Butchers as those who flay and sell skins (Chitty 1824 347) It refers to
lsquobutchers and others who flay carcasesrsquo as desposing of the raw or salted skins to
tanners who then sell them on to other workers of skinned-goods (1824 347) However
it is not required that the skins be tanned prior to making parchment and so perhaps it
is more likely that the parchment-makers purchased their skins from the butchers or
fellmongers
Chambers (1728) however describes the process of making parchment as being lsquobegun
by the skinner and ended by the parchment-makerrsquo (1728 351) Similarly the 1771
Encyclopaedia Britannica suggests that the process begins with skinners (Smellie 1771
25
456) This could refer to butchers but a number of historical sources make a distinction
between skinners and butchers (Bailey 1784 Campbell 1747 332 339 Kent 1798)
Ultimately it can only be determined that the initial stage of the process is started with
the skinning of the animal by someone other than the parchment-makers though in the
majority of cases this was done by butchers
In regards to who sold the skins to parchment-makers the process in London is fairly
well understood In 1842 Charles Knight elaborated on the processes that occurred in
London discussing who actually sold the skins after they had been flayed He states that
the skins were sold to the various manufacturers such as the wool-staplers
leather-dressers and parchment-makers by fellmongers in the area (Knight 1842 29)
These dealers of skins were found throughout England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries Baileyrsquos (1785) directory lists over 20 listed fellmongers across
England though it was likely there were a great deal more 1
A decade later Poole wrote that the skins of sheep were lsquocarried loose from the
abattoirs and slaughter-houses to the tanneries either loose or in casks without
heading for the purpose of being tanned into leather which is used in various ways as
covers for books parchment harness ampcrsquo (1852 275) This description of the process
remains somewhat odd as parchment was not actually tanned during its manufacture
However Knight also describes these skins being transported through London stating
lsquoWho is there that has not at some time or other had his ears dinned and tormented in
the London streets by a cart rattling and rumbling over the rough stones and laden
with sheep-skinsrsquo (Knight 1842 26) Whether this occurred exclusively in London or
more widely across Englandrsquos towns and cities is difficult to determine However it does
offer another example of fellmongers plying their trade purchasing flayed skins and
selling them on the streets of London
1 It is also worth noting that a few of the fellmongers listed in Baileyrsquos 1784 directory are often listed as being both fellmongers and skinners
26
It appears that skinners and butchers almost exclusively flayed the skins and then sold
the skins either directly to tanners parchment-makers or to skin salesmen and
fellmongers who would then sell on the skins Unfortunately there is little in the
literature on the exact process It appears that many people could be involved in the
sale of parchment and skins with the materials passing through many places (and
presumably geographical locations) prior to reaching the stationer However the records
that do exist show that the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then
sold either directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell In
London in particular skins were purchased from slaughter-houses and then sold
throughout the city by skin salesmen
It also appears that in many instances fellmongers would also be parchment-makers
Despite laws preventing tanners from selling skins (see section 72) the laws did not
extend to parchment-makers The insurance policies shown in section 35 show the
secondary occupations of those listed Of the 17 individual parchment-makers listed
around 47 of them were listed as also being fellmongers This would have been of a
significant benefit to parchment-makers as they would then have access to the specific
skins required for the manufacture of high quality parchment Furthermore it would
have allowed for two sources of income a position not available to many others in the
various skin trades and perhaps necessary given the low incomes of many
parchment-makers
In conclusion the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then sold either
directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell There are also
many instances where the parchment-makers were both source the skins and use them
to manufacture parchment
27
33 How was Parchment Manufactured
lsquoGood parchment must be thin strong yet flexible and have a smooth surfacersquo
(Ryder 1991)
There are a number of historic texts on how parchment was manufactured although
there are discrepancies in some of the more precise details A particularly detailed
description of the process from the period under discussion can be found in Husbandry
and trade improvd being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle
coals hops wool ampc (Houghton 1728 325-328) which has been summarised below
As stated this is perhaps the most detailed outlining of the manufacturing process
during the eighteenth century However it is worth comparing these details with a
variety of other descriptions from various sources in order to highlight possible
variations in the process
The first step is rarely mentioned in primary texts besides an 1838 article in The
Saturday Magazine which states that the skins are first de-haired then smeared with
28
quick-lime on the flesh-side and then were lsquoFolded once in the direction of their length
laid in heaps and left to ferment for ten or fifteen dayslsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838
134) The initial step of allowing the skins to deteriorate before removing the wool is also
a standard step for modern parchment-makers and appears unavoidable both then and
now as a necessary step allowing for the wool to be removed more easily Hanging the
skins and scrapping the wool were the same as the standard process for tanning
leather They are are also steps taken in the manufacture of modern parchment
samples as well as being steps outlined in a variety of other historical texts (Yeomans
2006 33 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456)
One improvement in the manufacturing process that did occur was the lsquosplitting
processrsquo which involves splitting the skin and using only the flesh-side for parchment
(Plenderleith amp Werner 1971 45 Ryder 1991 31 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134)
though this was a change that appears to have occurred very early in this period In fact
parchments lacking follicle remains with lsquoan open mesh of coarse collagen fibres
suggesting the flesh side of a split skinrsquo have been found in samples as early as the
thirteenth century though becoming common from the sixteenth century onwards
(Ryder 1969 534-535)
Putting the skins in a lime pit washing them and then stretching the skin over a frame
were also clearly standard steps in making parchment and are confirmed elsewhere in
the literature (Reed 1991 26 Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1983 730-731 Hagadorn 2012 169 ) However
many washed skins on site while others appear to have cleaned skins in fresh running
water This appears true at least in 1619 when complaints are recorded about
parchment-makers washing skins in Northamptonshire rivers (Page 1930 26-30) This
may explain the evolution towards the increased usage of pits for cleaning skins There
is also an example of an individual named Mr Cogan who washed skins in running fresh
water in Bristol claiming that although slower this would sufficiently soften the skins
(Ballard 1882 70) Although seemingly not the norm at least in London this may have
been adopted by many in the English countryside though presumably not in major
cities due to the issue of severe pollution of local water supplies
29
There are only a small number of sources that detail how long the skins were required
to be in the pit (or pits) with the overall amount of time varying depending on the skins
used Watt (1906) describes having to leave greasy skins in a lime-pit for a week or even
ten days (Watt 1906 439) suggesting the period of time they were left in these pits
would have been variable depending the levels of grease in the skins Also modern
parchment-makers lime the skins for a far shorter period than three weeks and yet it
appears the manufacturing process despite mechanisation has remained very similar
The skins were limed numerous times and in different pits or the same pit with
different solutions and the process seems to have been clearly understood by writers
both then and now however the time taken liming the skins appeared to differ
significantly
The final steps in the process from stretching the skins to the pumice are described in a
number of other texts (see Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1969 532 Plenderleith and Werner 1971 45)
However the time it would have taken for the skins to dry was dependent on the
weather and the skins used
In conclusion the range of literature offers a very clear and detailed overview of the
history of the manufacturing process of parchment with the process remaining very
similar over time However the profession of parchment-maker was a difficult and
required a great deal of skill and training
30
34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker
Unfortunately there are very few primary sources that allude to the socio-economic
position of parchment-makers However it is also important to consider that perhaps
most parchment-makers were located outside of major cities (discussed section 43) and
so would have proven difficult for writers of the time to judge the scale and revenue of
the industry
Campbellrsquos lsquo The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades
Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and
Westminsterrsquo offers overviews of the sums given with apprenticeships the cost of setting
up as a Master and the working hours on a wide variety of professions in London
However even in a text as thorough as this even Campbell confesses to his inability to
determine the incomes of journeymen parchment-makers (Campbell 1747 321)
Campbell does however list some key figures that may prove useful (see Table 1) His
data shows the fees surrounding parchment-making as being some of the lowest of any
London-based skin-related profession This data combined with the quote from
Campbell (1747 321) appears to show the profession was one of little financial merit
with Campbell describing the profession as requiring lsquoneither strength nor ingenuity nor
is there much profit attending it and very little of it manufactured in town so little at
least that after the strictest enquiry I cannot find what wages is given a Journeymanrsquo
(Campbell 1747 321) However parchment-making was clearly a fairly highly-skilled
trade with prior apprenticeship training and an in-depth knowledge of the production
31
required to partake in the profession Campbell however was unlikely to have actually
known the parchment manufacturing process it being a widely protected trade secret
and so his opinion appears conjectural However Campbell does clearly show that
parchment-making at least within the city of London was a profession of relatively low
income
This conclusion is further supported by The Book of Rates which shows the excise licence
for parchment-makers cost as little as pound1 which was far lower than most professions
and again lower than related professions (Anon 1787 109) though this may be due to
the already high stamp duty set on parchment (discussed section 51) However any
aspiring oil leather dressers would have had to pay double the rate of a
parchment-maker and a tawer of leather would have paid five times this amount (1787
109) However the fact the government felt capable of issuing both licensing costs and
stamp duty indicates the market still made enough money firstly to survive the costs
but also that it made enough money to profitably enforce nationwide licences and tax
However when comparing the costs with similar professions of the time it seems safe
to conclude that for many parchment-makers the profits remained relatively small
The incomes shown in the Witherby data (see appendix 1) do however show some
parchment-makers were making huge sums of money by the end of the eighteenth
century Perhaps a huge spectrum existed for profit-making potential with small and
large parchment works coexisting however it may also suggest that the incomes of
parchment-makers increased significantly during the eighteenth century with a rise in
litigation and legislation However perhaps a more likely situation is that the already low
incomes of parchment-makers coupled with the intensive taxation and regulation of the
market may have forced smaller parchment works out of business Overall despite a
lack of data on this area it is possible to see either an increase in profits for the period
or a huge range in the levels of production of the various parchment firms
32
35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry
It is important to note that the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries were a time that
most writers consider to have seen the steady decline of the use of parchment and the
beginning of the dominance of the paper industry (Lyall 1989 11-29 Ryder 1991 26
Reed 1991 217) Though this is not necessarily a reflection of the socio-economic status
of parchment which as shown earlier was still widely used for a variety of purposes
most of which were documents of major significance However it is often remarked for
example that after the introduction of paper the quality of parchment declined and the
parchment industry fell into serious decline (Rogers 1887 601 M L Ryder 1964 Ryder
1991 Clarkson 1992) It is rarely disputed that a causal relationship exists here however
a widespread number of other factors appear to have been ignored after the finding of
such a lsquoneatrsquo correlation in the historical data This decline could also be the result of a
forced change in manufacturing methods a change in the quality of the source
materials used in its production government policies or due to a decline in demand for
specifically high-quality parchment and shift to a more homogenous product
Furthermore more recent research has shown that the quality of parchment appears to
have actually increased between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries followed by a
second sudden decline in quality around the turn of the eighteenth century (see
Appendix 2) indicating the introduction of paper and the subsequent decline of
parchment is not the whole story Certainly the introduction of paper could explain this
initial decline however answers still need to be found for this second fall in quality for if
parchment quality and the state of the industry is intrinsically linked there are clearly
other factors that contributed to the eventual collapse of this industry
A direct link is often drawn between the rise of the paper industry and the subsequent
decline of the parchment industry However as Trolander states lsquoactually what drove the
rise in paper initially was improving economic conditions in England during the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries which created demand for skilled religious and
state administrators who relied on paper as a medium for record keepingrsquo (Trolander
2014) Furthermore if accepted that there were consistently around 15 million living
sheep each year (as stated in Apostolides et al 2008 43) then it could have proven
cost-effective to have produced parchment during this period with the huge supply of
33
skins lowering the cost of this key source material Also although the rise of paper
would have naturally affected what some parchment-makers were producing many
began developing new uses for their parchment lsquoTo meet this sudden new challenge of
the printed book parchment-makers of the sixteenth century found an outlet for their
product by using it as a full binding material to cover the early paper editions an activity
which they themselves largely undertook and developedrsquo (Reed 1991 217) Parchment
was still heavily involved in the production of books and yet there still exists lsquoa chasm in
our knowledge of the origins of the skin materials used in the construction of booksrsquo
(Neate et al 2011) which is further evidence of the importance of this research Finally
the significant population increase between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Brownlee 1915 221-222 Wrigley and Schofield 1989 577 Wrigley 2011 170-171)
needs to be considered Provided that parchment maintained any remotely significant
usage during these centuries the demand for the product was likely to have increased
substantially Again understanding what parchment was used for during seventeenth to
nineteenth centuries is therefore very subsequential
Overall it is clear that traditional parchment products were in decline during a period
when the use of paper was increasing across England The term lsquotraditional parchment
productsrsquo being key here as it appears parchment was beginning to be used in different
ways in order to survive though the extent of what parchment was actually used for
remains mostly unknown This also brings into question the traditional view of the
parchment industry falling into decline as a direct result of the widespread introduction
of paper A review of the changing parchment quality transaction sizes and number of
parchment-makers would answer many of the questions surrounding this debate In
fact a review of these details would offer a far clearer picture of the widespread
introduction of paper across England as well offering more information for those
studying the changes occurring in the English book trade Furthermore the traditionally
held view of the widespread adoption of paper being the direct and final cause of the
decline of the industry should be questioned
34
36 The Price of Parchment
The price of parchment is a source of data rarely used by writers when discussing the
agricultural revolution despite its value in offering insights into an entire unstudied
industry the value of livestock and the various leather and skin trades However despite
the potential gains there exists two key issues with the data on parchment prices Firstly
that parchment prices from the eighteenth century are difficult to obtain and secondly
that parchment often came in a variety of quantities making comparisons of price over
time difficult For example some sales were of individual parchment skins some by the
dozen and others by rolls a legally defined term meaning twenty skins (The Saturday
Magazine 1838134) This being said there is a number of fairly comprehensive datasets
on parchment prices
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices
Rogerrsquos lists a significant number of parchment transactions before 1682 but none
thereafter (Rogers 1887 575-606) This perhaps reflects the decline of the parchment
trade and a belief that the later prices were not important enough to include or perhaps
that the industry moved away from production for universities from which Thorold
received most of his prices (Rogers 1887 v) Similarly it could be a result of prices were
no longer recorded in the same materials and sources as after a 1711 act (9 Ann c11)
parchment prices were being set by the government with the government also
becoming the almost sole buyer of parchment (discussed in section 51)
Figure 2 presents a graph of the parchment transactions in Rogerrsquos work with the values
converted into pence in order to better illustrate the changes over time and to allow for
simpler data comparisons Furthermore transactions of vellum have been removed as
well as two transactions for parchment rolls (though they can be found in Appendix 3)
35
36
The transactions collected show the price of parchment to have increased though at at
a fairly slow rate (see figure 2) There are a number of very high transaction values
perhaps being the sale of very high quality parchment for specialist products
Unfortunately with transactions as small as these significant variability can occur
However Rogers does state that there was a 114 increase in the price of parchment
between his collection of 1541 to 1582 parchment transactions and his 1583 to 1702
data (Rogers 1887 794) though did not publish these transaction values in any later
volumes
Ultimately the prices collected by Rogers show that the price of parchment could vary
quite significantly with some transactions showing a dozen skins selling for considerably
more than others though the price of parchment seems to have remained stagnant for
much of this period Even the 114 increase does not constitute a huge increase when 2
compared to other price rises of the time When adopting the same periods of
comparison to Clarkrsquos collection of prices (Clark and Lindert 2006) mutton increased by
14972 between 1541 to 1582 prices compared to the 1583 to 1702 prices Barley
increased by 10546 and oats by 9084 However if the price of parchment had failed
to increase by any significant amount by 1682 (as shown in figure 2) and then increased
by 114 by 1702 parchment must have had a very sudden increase in price
362 Gregory Clark Prices
These prices are from a spreadsheet compiled by the economic historian Gregory Clark
from the University of California a document later re-formatted and converted to metric
by Professor P Lindert (Clark and Lindert 2006) Unfortunately the original source of
parchment prices has not been listed with the only other instance of these prices being
presented by Professor Clark were in an unpublished conference paper titled lsquoTowards a
Global History of Prices and Wagesrsquo (Clark 2004) This collection of prices is however one
of the most comprehensive collections available and spans admittedly with some gaps
from 1274 to 1706 (see figure 3)
2 It is also worth considering that the variability of prices was perhaps an indication of the variability of parchment quality
37
38
Similar to the results of Rogerrsquos 1887 work the prices shown in Clarkrsquos work present a
long history of a slowly ascending price for parchment followed by a sudden price
increase by the end of the eighteenth century This sudden increase perhaps being an
increase in prices being set by parchment-makers as a result of the advent of new forms
of taxation on some parchment products However Hughes (1941) writes lsquothe contracts
have been made with only two or three great stationers or others entered into
partnership with them who engross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it
in their power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo with this
being true at least until 1711 (Hughes 1941 248) Unfortunately the prices end 1706 and
a review of the original source material could help to shed light on these dramatic price
changes and the sudden lack of parchment prices There is likely some connection
however with the High Treasury beginning to set prices in 1711 as well as becoming the
exclusive purchasers of parchment To conclude however the market appears fairly
stable with the prices only increasing slowly and furthermore appear to support the
prices collected in Rogerrsquos listed transactions
Even when comparing Clarkrsquos prices to the inflation in the prices of goods from the
period as well as the average wages of the period the increase in the price of
parchment appears fairly substantial (see Appendix 4) However when comparing the
percentage increase in the average value of Clarkrsquos 1541 to 1582 parchment prices with
the average value of his 1583 to 1702 prices in a similar method to Rogers the value of
the parchment actually decreases by 98 There is however a spike in the prices of
parchment in Clarkrsquos work similar to the Rogerrsquos price spike with Clarkrsquos appearing to
occur around 1683 with the following year seeing a 100 increase in the price of
parchment Both of these datasets seem to show the price of parchment as being
stagnant for hundreds of years before a quite sudden spike roughly around 1683-1684
This considerable stagnation in prices may indicate a decline in the demand for
parchment and in part a decline of the industry more broadly It may also however
show an ability by parchment-makers to dramatically lower prices through increasingly
efficient methods of production and drastically increasing supply or lowering quality
though this appears unlikely given manufacturing methods remained consistent for
39
several centuries The results of this section will be revisited in the conclusion to
understand these changes within the context of other changes occuring in the market
40
363 Witherby Publishing Group Data
This section will review the data from the Witherby Publishing Group (see appendix 1)
collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018) The records show a
number of transactions that occurred with four parchment-makers during the
eighteenth century with fairly significant sums of money being exchanged
The data appears to show that a very different type of parchment market had emerged
by the end of the eighteenth century with parchment-makers generating very significant
incomes Unfortunately there is no information on the quantities of the parchment
being sold but even if one grants a significant increase in the price of parchment the
four individuals listed are clearly making a considerable quantity of parchment This is in
stark contrast to the few dozens being sold in various parts of the county as shown in
Rogerrsquos 1887 work
Furthermore it indicates that the price of parchment must have increased for if the
price of parchment remained stagnant and the price of parchment skins remained
similar to earlier centuries these four individuals would be making incredibly vast
amounts of parchment For example the average price of a single sheet parchment
during the seventeenth century according to Rogers data (1887) was just under a
shilling If the value for parchment had remained similar until the later eighteenth
century Noah Crook for example a parchment-maker from the Witherby data would
have been manufacturing between 7000 to 10000 sheets of parchment a year
The Witherby data provides a clear indication that the price of parchment must have
increased during the eighteenth century Furthermore it shows a possible changing
market structure in the industry The four individuals from the Witherby data were
making very significant sums of money and producing very large quantities of
parchment and yet prior to the eighteenth century the transactions sizes appear to
have been far smaller and from a variety of parchment-makers Perhaps this marks the
rise of larger parchment works and a move away from smaller-scale parchment-makers
41
364 Conclusions
Overall the nature of the records on the prices of parchment is sporadic containing
fairly substantial gaps in information The general consensus across the datasets
however shows a fairly stagnant market until towards the end of the seventeenth
century when there appears to have been an increase in the price of parchment Even
when compared to the general inflation in the prices of goods from the period the
increase in the scale of parchment production at least per site appears fairly
substantial Unfortunately the prices available in the literature stops a few years prior to
new legislation being enacted whereby parchment prices were to be set by the High
Treasury
The setting of prices coupled with the implementation of various laws surrounding the
production of parchment that were being set throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries appear the likely culprits of the increasing prices as inferred from the Witherby
data Furthermore a nineteenth-century writer under the pseudonym lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo wrote that these laws surrounding the quality control of parchment
production and the flaying of skins was expected to reduce the price of goods but that
instead they caused a number of goods to increase in price (An Impartial Observer 1800
20)
42
37 Salt Prices
The price of salt would have been a major influencer on the development of the
parchment industry Without the application of salt to skins the majority would have
only lasted between two to three days before they would become unusable Each skin
at least in more modern skins requires roughly two cups of salt for every pound of hide
and each skin to be salted twice (Churchill 1983 20) This is a fairly considerable quantity
of salt
In 1643 a Board of Excise was created an issued an early tax on salt This tax appears
likely to account for the early rise seen above It was withdrawn 1660 but reinstated in
1693 (6 Wil amp Mar c7) This tax was then continued and in some particular cases were
increased in 1696 (7 amp 8 Wil c31) The tax was then extended again 1698 (Pulteney
1731 8 ) In 1702 the salt commission was founded which overlooked and enforced the 3
tax on salt This tax on home produced white salt was by this point several times its
market value and was twice the rate on imported foreign salt (The Salt Association
2018)
3 This law was passed under 9th and 10th years of King William however I have yet to find the exact chapter pertaining to this extension of the law for this period of time There are however many extensions made in the 9amp10 Wil c44 law and so perhaps it is this law to which Pulteney refers
43
In 1730 the commission was ceased and the salt tax ended (3 Geo II c20) and this
would explain the very sudden dip in the price of salt around this period shown in figure
4 Lord Carteret when speaking in the House of Lords stated that in regards to the
various taxes set up and the effects they had on the lsquomanufacturers and artificiersrsquo of the
country stated lsquono tax lay so heavy upon them as this tax upon saltrsquo (Parliament House
of Lords 1742 66) After the country was lsquofree from such a heavy burdenrsquo (Parliament
House of Lords 1742 67) the prices again rose to pre-taxation prices Then despite
protests the duties on salt were reinstated in 1732 (5 Geo II c6) this being the likely
cause of the return to high salt prices post-1732 In 1798 the salt commission was
abolished and in 1825 the tax on salt was removed though the price remained fairly
high during this period most likely as consequence of the Napoleonic Wars
The high prices for salt during this period likely restricted many parchment-makers to
sourcing skins locally with any skins sourced further than a days travel likely being in an
unusable state by the time it arrived
44
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers
This section will present 676 records of parchment-makers between 1600 and 1900
from a variety of record-sets including apprenticeships probate records baptisms
directories marriage records records on crimes militia lists data from the Witherby
Publishing Group an unpublished site report and a variety of references to
parchment-makers from various authors The records go beyond 1650 and 1850 scope
of this project in order to further assess the validity of pre-census materials assessing
whether the numbers prior are particularly low or show any clear record-keeping biases
41 Review of Sources
Overall it is the census data that provides the most significant proportion of the records
in the data collected (see appendix 5) However these records only cover the period
after 1851 Prior to this period probate records and baptism records constitute the
majority of the records employed in this study the latter being used in preference to
probate records where possible with baptism records being produced when the
parchment-makers were still alive and engaged in the trade
The majority of all these records have been sourced from the ancestry website
Findmypastcouk Websites of this nature constitute perhaps the most significant
participation in the digitisation of the historic record turning the process into a
financially viable business model As such many of these sites now almost exclusively
own access to the digitised forms of these records which although present the issue of
paywalls to research projects of this nature provide the opportunity to collect and
interpret huge datasets in a relatively short period of time Until the archives sector or
academic community finds a viable method to digitise these records and make them
more accessible to the general public and academic institutions use of ancestry
websites such as Findmypastcouk are almost unavoidable However as this project
hopes to show use of sites such as this present the incredible importance of lsquobridging
the digital gaprsquo as termed by The National Archives in their current national digitisation
project (The National Archives 2018)
45
The records collected of the eighteenth century are primarily made up of apprenticeship
and probate records (see Appendix 4) These two records types are consistently found
throughout the various periods Partly as a result of the various duties associated with
such documents but also due to the importance of inheritance land and the nature of
parchment-making as being a highly skilled profession However there is the issue of
geographical bias in these records One such example may be York which holds a very
significant number of apprenticeship records due in part to the City of York Freemen and
Apprentices records that span over eight centuries This may bring into question the very
significant number of records found here prior to the eighteenth century however with
the records being kept all the way up until 1930 the later lack of records does offer
further validity to the eventual decline of the northern parchment industry at least in
the Yorkshire region
The eighteenth century records offer a greater variety of records types This is mostly in
part to the new and improving forms of records being kept and issued This allowed for
the use of more baptism and marriage records as oppose to probate records with the
former offering greater historical validity having been recorded when the
parchment-maker listed would have still been alive Regardless these probate records
do offer some insights into the socio-economic position of parchment-makers during
the time period with a seeming trend appearing to show a growing number of wealthy
parchment-makers over time however a more detailed analysis of these documents is
required There is also an increase in directory records with the recording and
publishing of trade directories becoming an increasingly common undertaking during
the period However there is an significant lack of parchment-makers being listed in
these directories both national (see Appendix 6) and local (see Appendix 7) This
highlights two key points Firstly the lack of parchment-makers in major towns and
cities where most trade directories covered And secondly it further highlights how
lsquohiddenrsquo parchment-makes are in the historical record and the need for the use of
digitised local record sets
Finally the nineteenth century offers the largest number of records with 424 records
during this century alone The records collected do go beyond what is considered the
46
scope of this project (1650-1850) however this use of later higher volume of records
should highlight any errors with the data that immediately preceded it
42 The Scale of the Industry
Upon on first glance 676 parchment-makers listed over a 300 year period seems rather
few at least when considering that the 1841 census lists 5957 tanners and 6982
tanners operating during 1841 alone (A Vision of Britain 2018) Furthermore parchment
is still being used for a wide variety of products during this period (see section 31)
There are are a variety of possible reasons for this figure It may be a lack of
representation of parchment-makers in the historical record Already it has been shown
parchment-makers were rarely mentioned in various trade directories (see Appendix 6
and 7) This appears significantly in part due to parchment-makers operating outside of
major towns and cities This appears very likely given the various smells and pollutants
involved in parchment production as well as the need by many for a fresh water supply
meant many were restricted to operating outside of major cities Parchment-makers
were also required to send the finished products to inspectors on the outskirts of towns
and cities (see section 52) and so there may have been little benefit to actually
operating within larger towns and cities to pay higher rents and to then send the
product out of town for inspection then taxation in London and eventual sale by
stationers What forms of record-keeping existed during this period being even more
sparse in the English countryside The only major cities in which parchment-makers
were consistently found in the historical record namely Salisbury York and London we
find a significant number of records
Furthermore perhaps many did not list their occupation as a parchment-maker Unlike
butchers curriers and tanners it was legally permissible that parchment-makers
glove-makers and a number of other light leather producers could work other
professions such as tanning cutting or selling skins or manufacturing other leather
goods (see section 52) For example many parchment-makers listed in section 45 were
also fellmongers There was also strong connections between parchment-makers and
glove-makers Many were organized together in various guilds in many locations over
long periods of time For example York between at least 1144 and 1419 (Hoffman 2011
184 Saxl 1954 18) Salisbury between 1613 until at least 1757 (Haskins 1912 80 204
47
737) London (Saxl 1954 18-19) Norwich (Crouse 1768 175) Chester (Freemen of
Chester 1992 18) Warwick (Craig 1960 287) and Paris (Fitzsimmons 2010 13) are just
some places where parchment-makers and glove-makers had been organised together
Glove-makers would have had in most cases the necessary tools while also using
similar types of light skins primarily sheepskins Finally parchment manufacture was a
highly skilled occupation though many of the laws of the period allowed for those
without apprenticeships to work on parchment provided they were under the
supervision of trained parchment-makers Perhaps many people working on parchment
were listed as lsquolabourersrsquo or lsquoservantsrsquo and were not themselves listed as
lsquoparchment-makersrsquo in the historical record
However the number of parchment-makers collected in the data presented in section
43 appears to actually represent a fairly accurate overview of the number of
parchment-makers These numbers after all do not offer insight into any changes in the
scale of production in various parchment works The 1841 census for example only lists
297 parchment-makers over the age of twenty in all of Great Britain with only two
operating in Scotland (A Vision of Britain 2018) There is no huge increase from the data
collected and this census data Furthermore this number is fairly significant when
compared to the paper industry The 1841 census lists 933 paper-makers Paper now
produces the majority of materials for the book trade and as the primary writing
material However Trolander estimates only one third of paper was produced for these
purposes with the rest being produced for other products (Trolander 2014 27) It is
perhaps a surprise then that an industry producing a material for so many uses
producing across the country (2014 28) unlike the parchment trade only employed just
over twice the number of producers Especially considering the fairly laborious process
that was still involved in paper production during the period (see Campbell 1747
125-126)
The Witherby data (appendix 1) also shows parchment-makers of the period producing
very high volumes of parchment Furthermore the parchment industry employed a
fairly significant number of manufacturers in spite of the industry only operating out of
a relatively small number of production centres The various economic motivations for
larger parchment works particularly the contracts between the High Treasury and larger
firms shows that the scale of production increased (discussed in chapter 5) In other
48
words the number of listed trained parchment-makers may be relatively low in the
historic record however the levels of production at these firms may have increased
significantly
Overall the data shows that the parchment industry was remained an industry of
significant economic importance There remained a significantly large highly-skilled
workforce operating in England The scale of this industry further highlights the need for
this research and highlights a significant source of future data and historical
information
49
43 Map of Parchment-Makers
This section reviews the maps made on the database created All the maps are shown
below however an interactive map is also available online at
httpsdrivegooglecomopenid=1cYHpfVWXK77s8yffkx3q6gN4ho8j8Eu6ampusp=sharing
An overview of the data is also available in appendix 8 with a detailed tabled of the
specific towns and cities recorded in appendix 9 and the types of records used during
each period is located in appendix 4
50
51
52
431 Review of the Data
The maps highlight several key aspects of the data Firstly a lack of parchment-makers
in the far south-west and the north of England In particular it appears there were a
fairly significant number of parchment-makers operating in York until the end of the
seventeenth century though there was a very sudden decline in these numbers over
time This likely suggests a decline in what was once a fairly major centre of parchment
production perhaps unsurprising due to a once flourishing book trade (Palliser and
Selwyn 1972 207) and the once high number of those purchasing legal and religious
materials in the region (see Winters 2012) The subsequent decline of the parchment
industry was perhaps therefore related to the decline of the book trade industry that
had occurred in the region however there a number of other possibilities are discussed
in the second half of this project
Secondly the data shows a fairly consistent number of parchment-makers in the
Midlands The figures here are not significantly high however they remain relatively
constant during between 1601 and 1900 The parchment industry may have survived in
this region due to the number of developing urban centres however if population
density and demand for local parchment supplies were directly correlated it would be
expected that this trend would continue in the more northern regions It could be stated
that this is the result of bias within the documentary records however the trend
continues very clearly in the later census data of 1851 and 1861 Perhaps the most
significant early conclusion that can be made is that there is no correlation between
developing urban centres and centres of parchment production
The data instead shows some very clear centres of production in the south of England
primarily in the regions stretching from Somerset to Middlesex and between Middlesex
through to Cambridgeshire and Suffolk In fact there appear to have been some very
clear towns and cities that were centres for the production of parchment between 1650
and 1850 (see Appendix 9) The top ten locations with records of operating parchment
works account for just under 44 of all parchment records from all the data collected
The parchment-makers listed in Salisbury Sherborne Marlborough Malmesbury and
the neighbouring town of Charlton represent a significant proportion of the data with
115 of the parchment-makers for these five locations alone Salisbury in particularly was
53
consistently a city with relatively significant number parchment-makers and was famous
for its production of parchment at least during the nineteenth century (Aubrey and
Britton 1847 95) Malmesbury also had a history of parchment-making being an area
which around c1800 had very few industries of significance besides lsquothe manufacturing
of leather gloves parchment and glue (Moffatt 1805 162 167) Aubrey and Britton offer
a possible theory that this was the result of lsquostrong watersrsquo in the region well-suited for
the washing skins (1847 95)
Sawston Cambridgeshire and Bury St Edmunds also offer interesting results Sawston
for example shows very few records being found for parchment works in the region
until the nineteenth century after which the data suggests the development of relatively
large parchment industry emerged A similar trend exists with the town of Bury St
Edmunds with only one record appearing between 1601 and 1800 though with 20
records appearing in nineteenth century It appears something has occurred that has
either allowed for or supported the growth of two large centres of production during
the nineteenth century
The persistent number of records in Middlesex and Surrey (primarily Bermondsey and
Southwark) is however of little surprise The boroughs inside the City of London offered
significant benefits to parchment producers being able to source from local abattoirs
as well as providing access to a incredibly vast trade network both nationally and
overseas The city also had a significant local market being the one of the largest cities
in Europe with a large demand for legal documents particularly from the central
government However a significant tanning industry had long been associated with the
settlements just beyond the outer reaches of London Yeomans highlighted the
eighteenth and nineteenth century existence of a parchment industry in this area as well
as its two major periods of production (Yeomans 2006) These industrial suburbs were
outside the punitive guild taxes enforced in the city of London offering even greater
financial benefits to parchment-makers and other workers of skinned goods
Overall the data shows a number of very clear centres of parchment production over
the period as the nexus for a fairly significant parchment industry across the country as
a whole Despite the traditional belief that the parchment industry fell into significant
decline following the widespread adoption of paper (as discussed in section 34) it
54
appears a significant number of parchment-makers were still operating at least until the
late eighteenth century The majority being located in South West England the Fenlands
regions and London or at least in very close proximity to London
55
44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies
A key source of information on the locations of parchment-makers can be found in The
British Book Trades 1775-1787 which lists a number of insurance policies taken out by
parchment-makers with the Sun Fire Office and The Royal Exchange insurance companies
(Maxted 1992) These records are by no means extensive the records only cover twelve
years during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and they also only represent
two of the insurance companies during a time when at least six were operating in
London and eight in the provinces (Maxted 1992 vi) However these policies state
where the parchment-makers were located as well as offering a more detailed insight
into the value and size of the firms and any secondary occupations the individuals held
Interestingly they further validate a number of the centres of production presented in
section 33 with Salisbury Malmesbury and St Margarets (in Marlborough) all listed
Coventry (10 parchment-makers) and Leicester (7) are also listed these also being areas
with a slightly higher than average number of parchment-makers (see Appendix 8)
Perhaps more surprisingly is the number of parchment-makers listed with high value
insurance policies Particularly as although different for the Royal Exchange the Sun Fire
Office only insured against fire until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickson 1960
110) This means that five individuals (records 10 12 16 17 21) held fire insurance
policies of a very high value particularly when compared to a number of other
insurance policies of those in other professions (see Maxted 1992) The value of these
policies is a clear indicator of the size and value of some of the parchment works in
operation during this period as well as further highlighting a number of key centres of
production
56
57
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844
To further test the validity of the previous data collected from primary sources (section
43) below are figures published by HM Stationers Office (HMSO 1844 1-237) This data
shows there to have been relatively few parchment-makers operating throughout
England during the nineteenth century identifying 357 parchment-makers though only
302 of them being over the age of 20 likely due in part to the number of young
parchment-makers in training as apprentices This data supports the location of many of
the major centres of production across the south east below a line from the Wash to
the Bristol Channel It further shows the lack of any parchment manufacturing industries
in the North of England or the south West The spreadsheet containing this information
is available on the CD included in this project
-
58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws
Despite the often sporadic nature of many of the records of the seventeenth eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries there still remains a reservoir of information in records
pertaining to tax and law The history of parchment industry can be in part ascertained
from what is found in these records The significant events and changes that occured in
the parchment industry as well as many of the main economic pressures of the period
can be determined by a review of this information The period was marked by increasing
levels of government regulation of various industries and the parchment industry was
no exception Taxation in particular played a key role in driving market forces and with
the growing development of early capitalism and the improved trade and transport
networks all these areas will have played key roles in shaping the parchment industry
during this period
51 Parchment Taxation
The 1688 revolution had plunged the country into lsquofinancial commitments on a level
previously unimaginablersquo (Beckett 1985 287) and as such the period of 1650 to 1850
was subject to a plethora of new and extensive taxation laws in order to raise money for
the crown In 1694 the Bank of England was established and this can perhaps be seen
as the focal point from which after a wave of various money-making government acts
were created primarily centred around the implementation of temporary taxation laws
the majority of which were later extended or made permanent
However no review of the laws specifically pertaining to the taxation of parchment
exists As such a review of all laws pertaining to parchment has been conducted and an
overview of parchment taxation laws can found in appendix 10 with a table of acts in
appendix 11 This history of these laws must first be understood before reviewing the
effects they had on the market
The laws passed implementing duties on various parchment-based products similar to
many products and materials taxed during this period were very extensive There were
a number of laws passed during the seventeenth century with many legal documents
59
being subject to various stamp duties along with strict organisational changes only
allowing trained individuals to partake in certain skinned-based activities for example
tanning flaying and parchment-making However the most significant and extensive act
occurred in 1711 during the ninth year of Queen Annersquos reign (9 Ann c11) As stated in
appendix 10 all parchment would now be taxed and was required to be sent to London
for inspection and the issuing of duties Furthermore the movement of skins the
network of the parchment trade and the market value of parchment was now all
essentially under the total control of the government
This is hugely significant in the development of the parchment industry Any
parchment-maker situated in or around London was now at a great advantage After
this act stationers would now purchase parchment (set at a fee fixed by the High
Treasury) and have the parchment issued with the necessary duties in London and then
distribute the parchment across England sending the parchment to one of the many
stationer offices set up across the country With the distribution network of parchment
almost exclusively owned and run by the government and with the market value set far
lower the survival of a parchment work could only be achieved with an increased
market share reduced production costs and a steady demand for parchment from a
local government-run stationer The reduction in production costs being of particular
significance and a standard only achieved with an increased scale of production a local
supply of high quality skins (likely purchased in relatively high quantities) the improving
efficiency of the manufacturing processes (though combined with a likely reduction in
parchment quality) and minimal land rents and local tax rates
Stationers were also certainly capable of stockpiling parchment supplies further
increasing government control of the market The industry was therefore likely subject
to great fluctuations in the levels of demand with the now almost exclusive purchaser of
parchment (the government) offering beneficial treatment to larger parchment works
The government could control how much it purchased and at what price and
consequently at least from the parchment-makers perspective the market was likely to
have been incredibly volatile with huge barriers to entry
Over the next century the laws covering the taxation of parchment became increasingly
extensive (see appendix 10) The result of these increasing duties and various attempts
60
to improve their implementation would have placed further strain on the smaller
parchment works and further incentivising the development of southern-based larger
parchment works capable of increased economies of scale and of providing a steady
supply to government stationers
However the actual success of these laws must be questioned The persistent re-issuing
of old duties the development of new duties stamps and regulations as well as the
continuous attempts to strengthen the governments market control brings into
question the success of previous laws Conversely with the necessity that all parchment
be stamped and the continued implementation of new stamps and increasingly difficult
to bypass regulations any black market would likely have declined significantly over
time
Furthermore it must also be considered that the extent of these laws and the incredible
amount of government investment may
instead indicate the success of these laws
By the early nineteenth century the
amount of money being made from stamp
duties on various products made almost
exclusively from parchment was
considerable (see figure 13) and with the
government controlling the value and
production of parchment very large sums
of money were clearly made The fact that
these laws were continuously enforced and
reissued over the course of a century
under the separate rule of four separate
monarchs may be a testament to the
success of profit made by the government
and the continuous attempts to access
further profits in already lucrative market
though at the likely expense of the success
of the industry itself The highly regulated
and difficult conditions were only
61
completely abolished in 1815 likely as a result of widespread social unrest of the period
and the various petitions made by many of the various members of the workers and
traders of skinned goods (see appendix 12) and not due to any failing in regards to the
funds raised for the government budget
62
52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment
lsquoThe examiners have attained the faculty of discovering the most trifling and frivolous reasons
for inflicting punishment for unavoidable offences insomuch that the said fines are now
nearly doubledrsquo
(An Impartial Observer 1800 23)
From the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century the implementation of a
series of increasingly intrusive laws surrounding the flaying of animal skins is apparent
A detailed overview of these laws had been conducted and is available in appendix 12
as well as a table outlining the specific laws available in appendix 13
The act of 1603 was the first act regulating the quality of skins and various skin-based
products and remained the only major defining regulatory act for over a century (1 Jac
c22) The law was likely a response to the decline of the guilds as well as the
significantly declining overall quality of parchment that had occurred in the previous
century (see Appendix 1) The steady improvement of parchment over the seventeenth
century and the lack of any newly issued laws regulating parchment manufacture
appear a testament to the success of this law
However the later eighteenth century manufacturing regulatory acts appear a response
to the 1711 law (9 Ann c11) the act essentially granting control of the movement price
distributors and tax rates of parchment giving government almost complete control of
the market The implementation of these laws was likely to enforce the maintaining of
high quality parchment despite a reduction in the market value of parchment overall
Essentially the government put parchment-makers in the position of being legally
required to produce high quality parchment but for a far lower price However the
persistent failure of the laws success with the decline of parchment quality during the
eighteenth century (see Appendix 1 Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70
Clarkson 1992 5) may be the likely cause of the reissuing and intensification of the
various regulatory measures
The repeated implementation of similar laws also seems to show the persistent failures
of the laws preceding them or at least that this was the belief of the governments of
the time These laws were likely to have deeply affected the parchment market as
63
growing government regulation of the various professions involving the manufacture of
goods from animal skins grew exponentially during these two centuries setting strict
manufacturing guidelines and limitations as well as the implementation of widespread
fines This period in general saw an ever-increasing level of intervention by government
in various industries and markets the various laws surrounding the flaying of skins were
therefore part of a larger regulation of standards and markets by government
Unfortunately even in spite of the incredible magnitude of the changes that occurred
over the following century it was clear the changes were not sufficient to see any
significant improvement or even maintaining of parchment quality (see Appendix 1) In
1806 a book was published by lsquoAn Impartial Observerrsquo titled The Flaying Act Considered
As Without Benefiting the Public most Severely Oppressing the Butchers of London
(1806) This text widely criticised the 1803 law (43 Geo III c127) introducing the new
fines and inspections to London stating all parchment must be taken to Leadenhall
Market for inspection if manufacture within a 15 mile radius of the site The Act also
instituted a fine of 2s 6d for anyone in possession of neglected or damaged skins with
an extra half penny for every damaged skin Below is a quote from lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo on the subject of these fines
lsquoNothing stronger proves the inattention of the industrious butcher to what was passing
parliament than the very great disproportion of fines this act enforces for it will hardly be
credited that sheep and lamb-skins which (independent of wool) are on a fair average
worth only seven-pence halfpenny from the butcher to the purchaser are liable to a fine of
three-pence which with the salesmanrsquos charge and inspectors fee amounts to four-pence
farthing while the severity of the examiners has been extended to censure nearly one-third of
all brought before themrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 15)
The laws had clearly made the production of leather and parchment very risky affairs
due to the incredibly severe fines The author of this text continues to discuss the failure
of the law to understand the parchment-making process They describe the operation of
converting sheep skins to parchment as lsquoa very delicate operationrsquo and one that causes
lsquofrequent cuts and gashesrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 19) This being considered as
well as the fact that inspectors were paid for every skin found to have been damaged
(Chitty 1824 351) it appears very likely these laws would have resulted in a great
64
number of (often unwarranted) fines The law incentivised officers to consistently find
cuts and blemishes on skins in an industry where cuts and blemishes were almost
inevitable Defects in the skins were not always immediately visible depending on the
physico-chemical treatment that had been applied in the vat however in many cases the
defects could only be recognised later when the material was actually put to use
(Minard 2011 150) The smaller parchment works of the period particularly those
without large contracts with stationers must have struggled significantly during this
period If only a small number of skins were considered damaged the parchment works
would receive very significant fines and the possible seizure of much of their stock
It is also worthy of note that the lsquoImpartial Observerrsquo also refers to many of the flayers
outside of London as being often untrained and consequently being the primary source
of damaged skins (An Impartial Observer 1806 5-6) This may indicate the high level of
specialisation in London and the failure of early laws to ensure high quality flayed skins
outside of London However it may also have simply proven pragmatic to state this as
the author may be attempting to have the 1803 law retracted while hoping to continue
profiting from the highly intrusive laws affecting the rest of England
By the time these laws were eventually repealed (after a significant number of petitions
from various groups) the effect on the parchment industry must have been substantial
Even if laws preceding the 1800 act (39 amp 40 Geo III c67) which implemented the
creation of inspection points be set up outside each city had been widely ineffective the
effect on the industry between 1800 and 1815 at a minimum must have been very
significant A huge number of smaller parchment works must have collapsed or been
forced to merge with other firms The widespread fines and inspections and the
incentivisation of inspectors to find damaged skins would have put further strain on the
market with only the larger firms capable of creating a more homogenous product and
able to afford the inevitable fines capable of surviving
53 Who is enforcing these laws
The 1603 act (1 Jac I c22) states that all leather goods within three miles of London
must be inspected and sealed before they can legally be sold Eight individuals were
therefore appointed to inspect and tax skins and hides these individuals were
65
designated the role ofrsquo lsquosearcher and sealerrsquo and these individuals were changed each
year They would each record all sales of leather hides and skins as well as recording
the name of the buyer and seller the price of the leather and any issues regarding the
quality of the products Any individual selling products sold that had not been lsquosearched
and sealedrsquo would have their goods confiscated In the event of goods being seized the
company of cordwainers the company of curriers and the company of tanners would
each elect two individuals with no connection to the accused who would examine the
goods and determine whether the goods were lsquosufficient and serviceablersquo Strangely
however the law does not discuss the maintaining of these laws beyond the three mile
radius of London set out in the act suggesting those outside of London were perhaps
beyond the scope of any government regulation of product quality If true there would
have been a fairly significant incentive to produce parchment outside of the city of
London
Then in 1694 the Treasury established a number of offices (see appendix 14) and hired a
number of commissioners to distribute stamped parchment throughout the country in
order to maintain this new tax they were what Hughes calls lsquoretailers of stamped paperrsquo
(Hughes 1941 247) It is fortunate that it appears the first list of these distributors was
recorded (see Appendix 15) According to the Calendar of Treasury Books there were
thirty-six distributors of stamped parchment and paper across England and Wales
spread across almost every county However it appears there may have been a number
of stampers an even smaller number of officers and only a single inspector of
parchment (see Shaw 1935 636-648) As a result of this system it appears the Treasury
would sign contracts with certain parchment-makers to insure the steady supply of
parchment throughout England (Hughes 1941 248-252) The contracts were made with
only two or three great stationers and others who entered into partnership with these
stationers who lsquoengross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it in their
power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo (Hughes 1941
248) These contracts greatly benefited the stationers however claiming an allowance of
six percent of each stamped paper or parchment batch sold while many of these
distributors lsquotransgress muchrsquo in charging higher prices than was permitted (1941 252)
It appears to have been a grossly inefficient system and one fraught with corruption
though one that greatly encouraged the reduction of parchment production costs
66
Each county had an office with a commissioner of stamps and these commissioners
were reported to have stamped all the parchment and paper legally used in England at
this time as well as to have made a record of such activities An investigation into these
individuals and the volumes of parchment they stamped in their respective counties
would offer further evidence of key centres of parchment production and usage in
England though as of yet it has not been possible to locate these documents Also for
most of this period it seems all parchment was required to be inspected at least once a
day for quality and tax purposes (Leadbetter 1755 339 Ashworth 2003 246) and so
perhaps even more data exists The nature of these laws also highlights the high
volumes of parchment still used across England a point further supported by the fact
that as late as 1714-1715 parchment was still generating huge sums of money from
stamp duties (see Shaw and Slingsby 1957 385)
The 1710 act (9 Ann c11) offers greater clarification on this issue This law states that
officers were appointed to weigh the skins and issue the necessary duties as well as
mark the hides skins and parchment to denote the charging of a duty The act does not
however specify if these officers are inspecting the quality of the skins though a later
text indicates this to be the case In 1778 a text titled Instructions for Officers of the Duties
on Hides in the Country details how the excise officers at this time were instructed to
inspect the skins (Great Britain Commissioners of Excise 1778) It was instructed that
the excise officers must lsquoinsert in an entry-book which is to be kept at the Excise Office
copies of all the entries made by tanners tawers ampcrsquo (1778 5) and furthermore that
they must weigh and mark the skins (1778 7) However it appears these officers were
also required to investigate the quality of the skins lsquoWhen you discover that any Tanner
Tawer or Oil-dresser ampc has diminished shaved or impaired his skins contrary to law
between the time of taking them out of the materials and weighing them or has
neglected to keep his hides or skins that not been duly markedrsquo officers must in such
cases lsquogive notices therof as soon as possible to your Collector or Supervisor that the
offenders may be prosecuted as the law directsrsquo (1778 7-8)
Unfortunately it cannot be said with complete certainty if these officers were inspecting
the skins quality prior to this however it appears to have been a long history of those
taxing the parchment to also inspect it going back to the lsquosearchers and sealersrsquo of
67
London Furthermore as early as 1671 the English government had created offices for
excise officers places where officers who would examine and stamp skins would be
based (Hughes 1941 247) A later text even details how the excise officers of the early
nineteenth century would inspect skins quality and then stamp the skins with either an
lsquoSrsquo marking them as acceptable skins or lsquoDrsquo for damaged skins (Hughes 1941 351)
Overall then those in charge of distributing the duties on these goods were also
inspecting the materials and goods for quality This being the case a great number of
skins and parchment goods would have been inspected in London due to the number
of goods that were required to be transported there for tax purposes (see section 61) as
well as the large market for parchment in the city
However the 1800 act (39-40 Geo III c66) saw to the creation of a number of places
outside of major towns and cities specifically for the examination and inspection of
skins It was written that these assigned locations will not exceed three miles nor be less
than two miles from each city or town to which they are assigned (Chitty 1824 348) The
inspections of London also changed slightly in 1808 when it was determined that the
inspectors would be named by the Butcherrsquos Company the Currierrsquos Company and the
Cordwainers (Chitty 1824 353) who would each appoint seven individuals Ultimately
however this did not last long with the various regulations and inspectors being
removed from English law during the nineteenth century This act marks the last
attempt by the government to control the development of the parchment industry until
the repeal of the various acts between 1808 and 1815
54 Effects on Parchment Quality
There is a general consensus that parchment between the seventeenth and eighteenth
century was of far lower quality than parchment of the medieval period (Rogers 1887
601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70 Clarkson 1992 5) Current research by Sarah
Fiddyment at the University of York offers further clarity on parchment quality
(Appendix 1) This research involves reviewing a large number of parchment samples to
assess changes in quality over time based on the development of a Parchment Quality
Index (PQI) measuring the levels of damage that occurred to parchment during the
manufacturing process This research shows two very clear period of decline in the
quality of parchment
68
The first sudden decline begins around the fifteenth century and has many possible
causes though Fiddyment has presented a clear correlation with the changing
proportion of parchment to paper used in the market based on the data presented by
Lyall et al (1989 11-29) The sudden influx of paper led to the steady dismantling of the
infrastructure of the parchment-making industry and would in part explain this sudden
decline However the detrimental effects of the plague must also be considered
Parchment-making was a highly skilled profession with knowledge of the various
processes having been well-kept secrets within the profession and the dramatic
population decline in the mid-fourteenth century likely saw the loss of much of the
inherited knowledge It may have taken many generations before this knowledge was a
disseminated across England once more
However the cause of the second sudden decline between c1710 and c1830 remains
something of an historical anomaly (see appendix 1) There are a number of possible
causes for example the continued competition with paper though it appears unlikely
to have caused such a sudden decline so late The effects of the influx of the new
breeds which were generally far less suited to the production of high quality parchment
presents another plausible theory However as stated earlier the majority of the major
parchment works in the country were primarily located in regions where the older more
suitable breeds remained Furthermore the decline appears to occur before the new
breeds such as those of Ellman and Bakewell had made any noticeable impact on
English agriculture Finally there is the possibility of European wars causing the decline
in quality France in particular was a significant producer of parchment (Massey 1763
58) and a major exporter of parchment to England for a number of centuries (see
Gullick 1991 154-156 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Chambers 1728 351 ) However
there is no evidence French parchment was of significantly better quality than English
parchment and England was still importing lsquovast quantitiesrsquo of parchment around 1728
If the higher quality parchment of previous centuries had been that of French origin
then it would be expected the quality would have risen significantly again by 1728
(Chambers 1728 351)
However the most plausible primary cause of this sudden decline was the 1711 Act (9
Ann I c11) as well as many of the laws that followed it Firstly the yearly setting of
69
prices by the High Treasury was likely very detrimental to the quality of parchment In
order to set the price of a product a universal measurement needed to be established
Prices could have been set to a certain quantity of parchment for example one piece of
parchment which was set to a duty of 6 d in this Act Similarly it could be set to the
weight of parchment This being possible as all inspectors were required to weigh
parchment before denoting a duty but they would also record the value of the
parchment after weighing (9 Ann I c11) Each method fails to take into consideration
the quality of the parchment a subjective characteristic one not mentioned in any law
during the period
The results over time would be little incentive to produce high-quality parchment as
parchment-makers would receive the same price for a low quality piece of parchment as
they would from a high quality product Furthermore being unable to improve profits
with increased prices firms could now only do so with an increased market share and
reduced production costs Over time competition over a reduction in production costs
was likely more significant than any competition over parchment quality
Furthermore the strict regulations set on the production of parchment would have
great discouraged the production of higher quality parchment The risk associated with
finely flayed skins as well as over-liming skins the removal of wool the scraping of skins
and removal of fat deposits would be so high as any damaged skins would result in high
fines and the seizure of parchment and skins that it seems likely to have greatly
discouraged the production of high quality parchment The quality of parchment only
increases (see Appendix 1) after the repeal of the variety of acts pertaining to the setting
of prices and the extensive regulations surrounding the production of parchment that
occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century (see section 34) This difficult period
was likely best navigated by larger parchment works capable of producing large
quantities of a more standardised quality of parchment that though perhaps not of
great quality met the strict criteria set out in these acts while reducing production costs
55 Conclusions
Overall the various laws on taxing parchment clearly played a key role in the
development of the industry With all parchment moving through London one might
70
expect the industry to be larger in the south given the huge price implications for
transporting parchment from the more northern regions Secondly clear deals were
being struck between the Treasury and stationers and between stationers and
parchment-makers in order to make large amounts of parchment more cost-effectively
(at least in theory) Larger manufacturers and larger trade routes meant increased
economies of scale but perhaps more importantly allowed for a more efficient method
for taxation The whole system appears to have greatly incentivised the development of
larger parchment works declining parchment quality and a geographical shift to the
southern regions These developments are likely to have forced the small-scale
parchment works to either develop a partnership with larger parchment works in order
to be a part of the huge deals that existed at the time or to stop manufacturing
altogether Also the percentage based charges set on each bulk of parchment sold the
economies of scale related to industry and the steadily developing systems for
processing and distributing large amounts of parchment will have greatly shaped the
parchment industry between 1711 and 1815
71
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds
61 Sourcing Sheepskins
lsquoThese skins are difficult to describe in general terms for they differ enormously in size fat
content general quality of the fibre network and the types of epidermal structures they
elaborate depending on a multitude of biological factors of which breed age environment
diet and conditions of rearing are the most obviousrsquo
(Reed 1972 41)
The skins most ideal for the manufacture of parchment had specific characteristics that
made them better suited for the manufacturing process The quality of the skins could
be affected by a variety of possible factors Therefore it must be determined which
skins were best for the production of parchment and which breeds of sheep under
which agricultural system would be best suited to producing skins used in the
manufacture of parchment Furthermore having established the significant financial
benefits of sourcing skins locally as well as the high risks involved with using low quality
skins due to possible damages to the final product establishing which breeds were best
suited to parchment-makers is vital to a study of this nature
611 Fat Content
lsquothe surface should be firm free from grease of good even colour and as smooth as possiblersquo
(Reed 1972 125)
The fat content of an animal drastically affects the quality of the skin for its use in
manufacturing parchment During the manufacturing process parchment-makers
remove the fat hypodermic layer of the skin in order to make a smooth surface free
from grease Failure to remove the grease from the skins results in the discolouration of
the final product (Reed 1972 21-24 Saxl 1954 6) as well as the possibility of marked
ridges on the parchment (Reed 1972 132) Removal of all fragments of grease is a
difficult and time-consuming task (Reed 1972 132) particularly before the
mechanisation of the parchment manufacturing process (Saxl 1954 31-32) Significantly
72
fatter sheep would have caused even great difficulties as in many cases the fat cells
could infiltrate the connective tissue residing in the dermal layer of skin which would
have proven an even greater challenge to parchment-makers (Reed 1972 30) Reed also
stated that fat can cause weakness at the epidermal junction causing the dermal and
epidermal layers of the skin to split (1972 43) However this appears to be of most
concern in skins sourced from older sheep though one might presume that skins
originating from fast-maturing sheep may suffer from this defect at an earlier age given
the lsquorelatively unstablersquo collagen development in some fast-maturing breeds (Henrickson
et al 1984 168) The removal of grease if not completed after the initial exposure to the
lime pits many craftsmen would use gesso quicklime powdered bones or chalk (see
Reed 1972 148-149) though the most common solution was the application of
additional treatments of lime (Yeomans 2006 33) Overall the more grease that had to
be removed the longer it would take to make parchment and the process would be
more costly The increased workload may also have increased the likelihood of the
damaging of skins a particularly significant issue given the various laws surrounding
skin and parchment quality between 1650 and 1850
The fat content of sheep between the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries was likely to
have varied significantly and determining which breeds produced usable skins and
which did not is a difficult task Even today both the overall fat content and the
distribution of fat in sheep appears to be very variable (see Palop 2016 7) It also
appears very likely that parchment-makers were unable to avoid using fatter breeds of
sheep over time as many of the breeds in England and Wales grew in size during this
period due to changes in breeding practices and husbandry (Davis and Beckett 1999
Henderson 2016 25-31) Ryderrsquos work may also support this as the eighteenth century
parchment samples he reviewed were of a greater thickness (1991 31) and studies have
shown a correlation between skin thickness and diet Sheep fed on a diet of lower
nutritional value can see a reduction in their skin thickness over time while sheep
intensively fed larger diets will keep thicker skins (Williams and Thornberry 1992 140) It
can be concluded that the skins of fattier faster-maturing breeds were likely to have
been spurned by parchment-makers in favour of smaller breeds with lower deposits of
grease
73
612 The Age of Sheep
Another key factor in determining the quality of a sheeprsquos skin is the age of the animal
Younger animals tend to have higher quality skins for parchment-making due to their
finer grained surface (Reed 1972 35-36) Older animals however despite being larger
and providing more skin per animal tend to have inferior fibre networks and increased
chances of skin defects and irregularities (Reed 1975 35-36) They are also more likely to
have far greater deposits of fat due to longer lives of eating and depending on the
breed and farming system very little exercise They are also more likely to have greater
deposits of fat spread throughout their entire bodies including their skin causing great
difficulty to parchment-makers With greater age also comes a greater propensity for a
variety of pathological conditions and connective tissue disorders as well as damage to
the skin from mites insects and physical trauma (Reed 1972 35-37)
Even when considering the issues connected with older sheep the harvesting of lamb
skins is a far more costly enterprise Lambs produce far less usable material for
parchment-makers and yet require very similar levels of skill time and production costs
as full-grown sheep
Another key area in regards to the effects of ageing on sheepskins is the difference
between the older native breeds of England and the so-called lsquonew breedsrsquo which
reached maturity far quicker A clear example being that of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester
sheep a breed that matured in only two years and had a far greater propensity to fatten
(Youatt and Weld 1837 25-26) In these faster-maturing improved breeds the dermal
collagen grows far more quickly than in the skins of the native breeds This rapid growth
of collagen results in the collagen becoming lsquorelatively unstablersquo and therefore the
lsquoleather obtained from intensively fed animals had a lower breaking point strength than
those obtained from regularly fed animalsrsquo (Henrickson et al 1984 168) Similarly it has
been argued that the lsquoincreased growth rate must be accompanied by increased
collagen degradation or reduced collagen synthesisrsquo and lsquothis is true whether the
increase results from nutrition or from selection for growth ratesrsquo (Lawrence et al 2012
44)
Unfortunately given the wide variety of breeds from the resulting cross-breeding from
the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries it is difficult to determine which breed exactly
74
presented a significant problem However it can be concluded that the skins of
fast-maturing intensively-fed breeds were overall more delicate than those of the more
lsquonaturallyrsquo raised sheep and therefore it seems likely that parchment-makers would have
avoided sourcing their skins from sheep farmed intensively for their mutton
613 Diet and Environment
lsquoa larger carcass inevitably meant longer heavier and coarser woolrsquo
(Wykes 2004 51)
Diet clearly affects the quality of skin with over-feeding resulting in issues of collagen
development and a weak fibre network as well as higher levels of grease (Henrickson et
al 1984 168 Reed 1972 37) However there are a variety of agricultural systems with
different foodstuff and feeding methods which Reed (1972) reviewed to assess the
impact of diet on the skin quality (Reed 1972 36-42)
Firstly Reed concluded that stall-fed sheep typically have looser thinner hides
compared to sheep that roam pastures for their food This is partly due to the lack of
exercise a common issue with the larger sheep as in the words of the
nineteenth-century land survey John Middleton lsquoanimals that are intended to be
fattened with the most speed the least food and the greatest profit are or ought to be
kept still and as free from exercise as possiblersquo (Middleton 1807 436) It is also due to
the diet of stall-fed sheep These animals would have experienced lsquoartificial feedingrsquo for
example barley oil-cake potatoes and food-waste and this diet as Reed states results
in skins that are often softer and more spongy in character (1972 37)
Reed goes on to write that the woolled downland sheep generally had large skins
lsquouniform in texturersquo though with large deposits of grease (1972 41) This was in stark
contrast to the mountain and hill-reared sheep which typically produce stronger
higher quality skins (1972 37) They also have thinner skins with a tighter dermal
network with a finer grain and far less grease (1972 41) The hilly and mountainous
districts have great tracts of uncultivated lands which provided rough grazing for a
number of sheep (Fussell 1964 49) The mountain and hill-reared breeds found in these
areas often had slower rates of maturity (relative to the improved breeds) and they
75
generally had increased levels of exercise as they roam for their food (1972 42) These
factors help to create a tighter dermal network and consequently stronger thinner
skins more ideal for making parchment
The environment and diet of sheep plays an integral part in developing high quality
skins and as Reed describes the more lsquonaturalrsquo the conditions in which the sheep are
raised the better (1972 37) We can therefore conclude that the parchment-makers
using the skins of the naturally fed roaming sheep (typically hill-reared) would be
producing the highest quality parchment and given the increased strength of the skins
(resulting in fewer defects) and the reduced levels of grease would be producing
parchment faster and with fewer damages to the material and with less wastage
76
614 Wool Sheep
lsquoBreeding for mutton however and breeding for wool are distinct and different objects and will in some measure depend on situation for those soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of mutton and on the other hand those soils which
fatten most in equal proportion deteriorate the woolrsquo
(Rudge 1807 306)
Between 1650 and 1850 there were a great variety of sheep
breeds with a varying range in the quality of their fibre
networks and types of epidermal structures At either end of
this spectrum existed the two extremes of wool breeds
Firstly the woolled sheep with epidermal growths of fine
soft and curly wool (Reed 1972 41) The latter breeds were
the lsquohair typersquo (often referred to as heath sheep) which had
coarse thick and tough fibres (1972 41)
The woolled type of sheep produced the worst skins for
parchment-makers Sheep with a high number of follicles
particularly those with a high ratio of secondary to primary
follicles such as the Merino sheep produced skins that were
loose in texture of a poor quality to parchment-makers The
extensive glandular structures would prevent the dense
packing of the connective tissue fibre networks (1972 41)
Furthermore the persistent shearing of sheep has an effect on
sheepskin thickness (Lyne 1961 152 Wodzicka 1958
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska 1960 197) an issue mostly affecting
sheep bred primarily for their wool Overall the better the
sheep for producing finer wool the worse it would be for
manufacturing parchment
The latter breed the lsquohair typersquo on the other hand had thick
fibres and fewer follicles therefore producing a far more firm fibre network (Reed 1972
41) and therefore better skins for parchment (see figure 14)
77
There were of course a greater variety of sheep breeds than those purely bred for wool
and the purely hair-type of sheep There were also medium-woolled sheep producing
fewer follicles with a lower ratio of secondary to primary hair follicles (see figure 14)
These sheep were primarily the downland sheep bred for the production of mutton The
larger carcass resulting in longer heavier and coarser wool (Wykes 2004 51) the skins
were generally thick and fairly uniform in texture (Reed 1972 42) though unfortunately
still proving difficult for parchment-makers due to their high deposits of grease Overall
the ideal breed for parchment-makers was one that had not succumbed to either
extreme of specialisation for either wool or mutton production The hill-reared sheep of
Britain therefore developed favour amongst many producers of light leathers (eg
gloves) and presumably therefore parchment-makers These sheep produced thinner
skins with tighter dermal networks (Reed 1972 41) and were therefore of the highest
quality for parchment-makers
Overall however there was a huge variety of sheep breeds but the studies into fibre
and follicle networks show that sheep with tighter and firmer fibre networks were best
for making parchment These were generally less woolly sheep with lower grease
deposits ones not subject to extreme specialisation unimproved sheep with the fatter
improved breeds promoted by Bakewell and others for either intensive mutton
production having skins that were too greasy and the wool-producing sheep having
skins that are too loose in texture
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used
Ryder (1960) reviewed the diameter of fibres and follicles in a variety of parchment
samples ranging from twelfth to the nineteenth century The results found that most of
the fine-wool samples came from the medieval period while most of the medium-wool
samples came from the sixteenth century onward and finally the coarsest samples
appear to have been from the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) This work also
shows that throughout these centuries there were still attempts to use lsquohair sheeprsquo This
is similar to Hedwig Saxlrsquos results (1954) which reviewed the development of sheep
breeding and a variety of samples and concluded that there was a progression from
medieval times which saw sheep with very few hair follicles to more modern
78
sheepskins which showed a great number of crowded hair follicles The results of this
paper similar to results of Ryderrsquos work suggest that sheep were being bred to produce
more wool over time or that producers of parchment were being more selective over
the skins they used
It is also worthy of note that according to Ryderrsquos work hair sheep were used in all
centuries including the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) However when discussing
the hair-bearing sheep an eighteenth century writer stated that lsquothe pure breeds of this
sort are scarcely anywhere to be found among manufacturing nationsrsquo (Anderson 1797
320) However Anderson also states that sheep such as these have often not been
separately categorised and have lsquoalmost entirely escaped the notice of naturalists and
othersrsquo (Anderson 1797 320) It appears likely then that many of these sheep were still
being used in the English agricultural system though were often overlooked by the
agricultural writers of the time who were more concerned with the breed capable of
producing high levels of mutton or wool Anderson even goes on to write that lsquothere is a
much greater proportion of the hair-bearing race among the breeds of sheep in the
southern parts of the islandrsquo and that a Mr Lisle had heard of these sheep under the
name lsquorowety-woolrsquo (Anderson 1797 330) The word lsquorowetyrsquo means a poor area of land
either an area recently harvested andor having been left unploughed for some time
(see Lisle 1757 157 Fussell 1966 39 Bath amp West of Eng Agr Soc 1792 85) These
sheep were therefore likely found in lands of high levels of lsquowastersquo with little attention
paid to the quality of the breeds being farmed
In general however despite clear benefits of using the skins of coarse woolled sheep
during the eighteenth century many parchment-makers were either becoming less
concerned with parchment quality or in most cases did not have a supply of the more
sheepskins from coarse-woolled breeds
615 Conclusion
It appears the best sheepskins for the manufacture of high quality parchment come
from sheep that have not been intensively farmed to produce quantities of mutton or
wool The most suitable sheep are most likely the hair-type of sheep as they have
tighter dermal networks Similarly sheepskins from smaller hardy sheep ones that
79
roam for their food and mature at the slower rate to many of the improved breeds of
the period would have been greatly advantageous to parchment-makers The areas of
England which did not follow the route of intensive sheep farming and did not employ
the improvements of farmers such as Barkwell and Ellman seem likely to prove best
sheepskins for making parchment These sheepskins would have also been subject to
fewer possible damages a hugely advantageous factor during a period of intensive
manufacturing standards and high fines
80
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds
lsquoThe different races of sheep in England are variously distinguished for uncommon size goodness of flesh and plenty of fineness of woolrsquo
(Aikin 1795 19)
This section of the research will attempt to outline the rural landscape between 1650
and 1850 looking primarily at the location of various sheep breeds throughout England
as well the iconic features of these breeds It will highlight whether there was any link
between the geographic distribution of breeds and the location of parchment works A
link that seems possible particularly given the wide variety of breeds and their effects
on the manufacturing quality (discussed in section 61) Furthermore the ability to
purchase skins from great distances was greatly limited by the high costs of salting skins
(see section 37) but also due to the high transport costs of the period that acted as a
lsquomajor constraint on economic activityrsquo (Gerhold 2014 1)
This section should also highlight when and where the new breeds like those promoted
by Ellman and Bakewell were used in the agricultural system the timing of
stockbreeding also being an issue of great consequence that is still relatively poorly
understood Perhaps unsurprisingly as the sheep farming industry during this period
has been widely overlooked by many economists historians and archaeologists As a
result this section constitutes a much-required review of sheep breed locations based
on various tours reports and works of agriculturalists though primarily the results of
this work are based on the reports produced by the Board of Agriculture
It is important to consider that the majority of the historical reports were published
around the turn of the nineteenth century This was an important period in sheep
farming coming at the end of nearly thirty years of determined efforts to lsquoimproversquo the
national agricultural base including the improvement of sheep breeds on a national
scale (Ryder 1983 487)
This chapter will now establish which regions of England were subject to any major
changes in sheep farming or wider agricultural objectives Combined with the
81
conclusions of section 61 this section will determine which regions had access to
supplies of high quality skins
621 The DownlandsSouth
lsquoFrom this central core long fingers of chalkland stretch out north-eastwards through the
Marlborough and Berkshire Downs and on into the Chilterns while south-westwards the
chalk downs extend across Cranborne Chase into Dorset reaching the English channel coast
between St Aldhelmsrsquos and Abbotsburyrsquo
(Thirsk 2000 27)
The chalk downlands have had a long history of agriculture and an absence of
large-scale industry (Thirsk 2000 29) For most of the period under examination this
region was under lsquosheep and corn husbandryrsquo whereby a system of grain production
was sustained by maintaining large sheep flocks that were fed on the unenclosed
downlands or waste by day and folded by night on the arable lands to enrich the thin
chalkland with their dung (2000 30) This system was continued even after the
introduction of new systems and crops in other counties as the soil of the chalk
lowlands was often too shallow to support the introduction of legumes Furthermore
many of these regions were particularly late enclosed Much of the high downland in
Berkshire Wiltshire Dorset and Sussex remained entirely open and unenclosed at the
end of the eighteenth century (2000 43) A particularly interesting factor as enclosures
are often seen as a necessary prerequisite for the instigating of new selective breeding
techniques and the adoption of the larger coarser-wooled breeds (Ryder 1991 455
Ryder 1964 70)
This system dominated these regions until the production of new artificial fertilisers in
the nineteenth century (Overton 1996 193) The livestock practices in these counties
were therefore sustaining the hardier breeds capable of travelling great distances in
order to fertilise the land supporting the popular lsquosheep and cornrsquo system of the region
Thirsk offers the following overview of this system and the subsequent breeds
lsquoHere sheep were specially selected not for their propensity to yield mutton or wool but for
their folding qualities Over the centuries prolonged selection have given rise to the distinctive
Wiltshire and Hampshire breeds and so a Berkshire strain known as the Berkshire Knott
82
These animals were large lanky and hardy producing a thin but fine fleece and a small
quantity of sweet mutton Their great advantage was that they were able to range the Downs
all day and had a propensity drop their dung and urine at night when penned in the fold
They require little water taking most of what they needed from the grass they grazed as this
too was an important advantage on the bare open Downs were where streams and wells
were few and far betweenrsquo
(Thirsk 1984 329)
This lsquosheep and cornrsquo system was particularly prevalent in Wiltshire Dorset the
Hampshire downs and Berkshire Wiltshire in particular had a lsquovast quantity of sheeprsquo
(Davis 1813 137) with Defoe estimating around 2-3 million prior to 1724 which though
perhaps an inflated figure highlights the prevalence of sheep in the region (Cited in
Fussell and Goodman 1930 146) There was an abundance of one particular breed a
small native breed lsquoof middling size and moderately fine woolrsquo (Aikin 1795 282) widely
used to fertilise the land during the period (Davis 1813 137) In 1813 Davis offered a
concise overview of some of the key issues pertaining to the sheep in the region
describing lsquothe peculiar aptitude of the soil and climate to sheep the singular use of
sheep-folding on arable land naturally light and loose the necessity of making sheep the
carriers of dung in situations where the distance from home and the steepness of the
hills almost preclude the possibility of carrying it by any other modersquo (Davis 1813 137)
As a result much of this land was limited to lsquorough pasturersquo until the later introduction of
later fertilising agents (Aikin 1795 332) making sheep a necessity in many areas and
making the improvement of the carcass not the primary objective for the region (Davis
1813 139) In fact the use of livestock to fertilise the land was commonplace across
much of the Wiltshire in particular (Aikin 1795 281 Cobbett 1912 40) with much of the
land not being enclosed until after c1750 Attempts were made to cross the New
Leicester with the widespread black-faced hill sheep of the period with a disastrous loss
of hardiness (Ryder 1983 487) Instead the smallness of an animal was a major
recommendation lsquoin a country where summer food is scarce and winter food raised
with difficultyrsquo (Davis 1813 147) These lands also had small enclosed fields and the
livestock were often left to graze with the minimum of attendance (Thirsk 1984 339)
Despite attempts to increase the size of the downland Wiltshire breed the new strain
possessed many serious shortcomings resulting it its eventual degeneration (Copus
83
1989 40)
Berkshire was home to a lsquopure breedrsquo sheep that had survived for hundreds of years
called the Berkshire Nott The longwool Berkshire Nott was bred throughout the county
for much of the seventeenth century (Trow-Smith 1951 161) and despite the
considerable changes the breed went through (Mavor 1813 381) it remained a common
breed in the region (see Mavor 1813 387-390) as it was well-suited to the sheep and
corn system due to its ability to travel long distances to fertilise the land (1813 382)
However the Berkshire Agricultural Society also supported the breed by disapproving of
crossing breeding until at least 1813 though it was stated that crossing was still fairly
common (Mavor 1813 387-390)
The breed was well-adapted to the chalk downlands according to writers of the time
however it had a poor quality fleece and produced relatively small quantities of mutton
(1813 381) Despite its previous success Mavor writes that around the turn of the
nineteenth century much of the livestock on the downs had been widely replaced by the
Southdown breed (Mavor 1813 381) this being either a reflection of an improvement in
the Southdown breed or a change of agricultural system on the lower downs Attempts
were made to introduce the new Leicester breed to the region though these sheep
lsquomade but little progressed being confined to a few select flocks onlyrsquo (Mavor 1813 391)
The Berkshire Nott survived in the Chiltern Hills even into the nineteenth century
(Ryder 1964 17) due to the continued reliance on lsquosheep and cornrsquo husbandry
The large Dorset and Mendip breeds were closely associated with the lowlands of
Dorset which under the right circumstances were known to produce very good mutton
(Youatt 1810 84) The Dorset breed was described as lsquotall and light of body somewhat
resembling the camel in shape and proportionlsquo and was only subject to improvement
towards the end of the eighteenth century (Anderson 1778 168) Nevertheless It was
known for producing a lsquorelatively finer woolrsquo (Ryder 1983 488) though this wool was
clearly not so fine to attain a high value at market compared to many of the other
breeds of the period (see table 3)
84
The chalk lands of Hampshire also required the use of hardy sheep to sustain the
sheep-corn system (Copus 1989 39) with breeds conditioned for the wet and cold
conditions of the woodland clays (Vancouver 1810 360) Despite the later increase in
popularity of the Southdown sheep in the region over the old Hampshire breed (Aikin
1795 286) there were still a great number of locations in the region where the older
breeds remained Attempts were made during the century to cross the Hampshire with
the old black-faced Berkshire and later with the Southdown though the latter did not
occur until around the mid-nineteenth century (Ryder 1964 11)
85
These chalk downlands also extended through Sussex Despite this region primarily
producing sheep for wool produce breeding sheep of lsquovery competitive excellencersquo
(Young 1808 296-297) many flocks were still used on the chalky hills primarily to
manure the land (1808 348) The sheep on chalk-hills were primarily fed on wheat
(1808 143) as the turnip was not a viable option There was a great variety of sheep in
the county however the main breed to occupy the chalk downlands was the Southdown
(Young 1808 300)
Finally Thirsk describes the chalk downland farming of Kent Despite the county being
primarily a region producing sheep for their mutton (Aikin 1795 222) the North and
South Downs of Kent practiced other agricultural systems due to the hilly nature and
chalk soils of the regions Instead of the large Romney-Marsh breed widely adopted in
the Kent lowlands the Southdown breed was farmed in the hilly chalk regions of the
county (Boys 1805 175) On first appearance this appears slightly odd as the
Southdown breed often disliked in similar regions due to its inability to walk great
distances (Billingsley 1798 243) however they were still relatively hardy animals and
perhaps the narrow nature of the North and South Downs meant these animals were
not required to walk quite as far to the fold as many of the breeds discussed above
However the more common use of this animal may in part explain why so few
parchment-makers were located in Kent until the nineteenth century when Canterbury
became a major centre of production (see section 43)
However it is important to consider that these clear systems did not last forever the
high prices set on arable crops during the Napoleonic Wars led to the establishment of
new farmsteads and the further spread of enclosures over the regions (Thirsk 2000 44)
and enclosures were used to convert land previously unsuitable for profitable arable
farming The availability of the kinds of sheep discussed in section 61 were very likely to
have declined quite dramatically during the Napoleonic Wars However for the majority
of the period these downland regions had an abundance of hardy sheep and failed to
adopt the new breeds of Ellman and Bakewell on any significant scale As a result many
of the breeds in this region would be have been particularly ideal for the production of
parchment based on the requirements set out in section 61
86
622 The Wolds
Thirsk defines the wold regions as hilly with relatively lightly spread woodland though
that the variety between the English wolds can be quite significant
The Yorkshire wolds in the East Riding were formerly known for two distinctive breeds in
this region the Holderness and the Wold breed both small hardy animals (Strickland
1812 231) However farmers in this region began crossing with the New Leicester breed
very early with the principal objective of the lsquospeedy fatteningrsquo of lsquogreat numberrsquo of
sheep (1812 51-52) Strickland writes lsquo great expense and pains are bestowed by many
in their endeavours to concentrate every good quality observed in the species in one
breed in order to bring this useful animal to a state of perfectionrsquo (1812 52) Clearly the
aim of this region was to specialise in the breeding of the largest sheep
Secondly the Lincolnshire Wolds which were particularly well known as a grazing
country producing animals of great size and weight (Aikin 1795 130) perhaps most
notably the widespread adoption of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester breed (Young 1799 365)
The New Leicester having been described as lsquoan indolent animalrsquo one lsquoindisposed to
actionrsquo and requiring pasture where it can collect its food with little exercise (Duncumb
1805 122-123) It was also said to have been subject to some peculiar disorders and as
such required much care and attention in the management (Duncumb 1805 122-123)
They were incredibly large animals (see Marshall 1793 229-232) capable of being
folded at less than a year old and which lsquowhen highly finished they appear as a solid
lump of fleshrsquo (Marshall 1793 229 233) It was certainly not an animal likely to produce
the skin necessary for high quality parchment
Finally the Cotswolds which Aikin described at the end of the eighteenth century as lsquoa
long tract of high ground for the most part bleak and bare yet affording in many places
a short fine grass for the feed of sheep and at present principally devoted to the
growth of cornrsquo (1795 163) Despite the use of turnips not being of first importance in
farming improvements in the neighbouring Wiltshire Somerset and to a lesser extent
Gloucester they were widely employed across the Cotswolds (Crittal 1959 43-64)
Turnips likely being used as a winter fodder that supported the growth of the heavier
stocking of livestock Mixed farming had generally been the standard however livestock
87
became increasingly important between 1640 and 1750 with experiments in the use of
Bakewellrsquos breeds occurring as early as the first half of eighteenth century (Thirsk 1984
320-321)
Overall the various wold landscapes appear to have introduced the newer breeds of
Bakewell and Ellman relatively early-on and farmers in these regions were widely
adopting the newly specialized forms of livestock management stocking a great number
of larger breeds for the purposes of producing mutton
623 Lowland Vales
The Lowland Vales are prominent across the centre of the country occupying large
parts of the counties of Buckinghamshire Bedfordshire Oxfordshire Leicestershire
Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire as well as more patches in
Hertfordshire Essex East Anglia Central Yorkshire and through parts of the Berkshire
vale (Thirsk 2000 78) The pastures of the vales were primarily based on the production
of mutton as well as the production of second-grade wool (2000 91) supported by the
widespread introduction of the turnip though in most counties in the Midlands the soil
was better adapted to the farming of cattle (Marshall 1793 217) Enclosures had spread
across many of these regions far earlier than many of the other parts of England
(Roberts et al 2016 129) with a renewed burst of enclosures between 1755 and 1780
(Thirsk 2000 91) In many of the grazing districts the larger farms had been divided up
with enclosed lands offering greater control over breeding practices As such it was the
New Leicester and Southdown breeds that were lsquocentral to the improvement which
swept across Lowland England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(Walton 1983 175-176) However the Midlands was still breeding a number of sheep
Marshall describes as lsquothe small and hardy mountaineersrsquo a short-wooled breed kept
on the commons and fields of the region
Buckinghamshire had high quality soil that supported large quantities of crops with only
little manure (Aikin 1795 323) as well as the production of fat lambs for the London
market (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) The fattening of lambs for London markets
appears to have been an objective shared by many counties in close proximity to
London
88
Leicestershire had quantities of rich grazing land (Aikin 1795 135) with the eastern and
south-eastern regions breeding a great number of cattle to very large sizes while the
northern grazing tracts supported great numbers of sheep (1795 135-136) The
principal sheep breeds of the county were the Old and New Leicester breeds (Pitt 1809
245) and these Leicestershire breeds were lsquovery large in size without horns and clothed
with thick long flakes of soft wool particularly fit for the worsted manufacturersrsquo (Aikin
1795 136) Lincolnshire also bred a large number of New Leicester sheep as well as the 4
long wooled large Lincoln breed (Young 1799 365) It is of little surprise that Lincoln and
Leicester exported large quantities of wool (Aikin 1795 66) Nottinghamshire was also
an area with widespread enclosures with turnip husbandry being widely adopted in the
enclosed regions (Lowe 1794 11) and consequently the enclosed areas began to see
the adoption of the Lincolnshire and New Leicestershire breeds (1794 33) However the
sheep kept on fallow lands were lsquoa poor breedrsquo described as a mixture of the forest and
Lincolnshire pasture sheep (1794 11) a breed which may have perhaps proven viable
for parchment However these breeds were by no means widespread The New
Leicester was also found in Warwickshire principally a feeding and dairy county (Aikin
1795 151) with great attention paid by farmers to improve the wool and mutton of their
sheep Many breeders were said to have purchased the lsquofinest Leicestershire ramsrsquo at
lsquothe most extravagant pricesrsquo to cross with their best shaped ewes (Murray 1815 161)
Hertfordshire which Thirsk describes as having lsquopatchesrsquo of these Lowland Vales though
primarily an arable county (Young 1804 194-195) The primary breeds were the
Wiltshire and the Southdown breeds the former a possible contender for sourcing
parchment materials though these too were not found in any great numbers Essex also
only had lsquofew breeding flocksrsquo (Young 1807 308) and generally fattened lambs for spring
and ewes for sale at the end of summer (Young 1807 308) Oxfordshire also primarily an
arable county (Davis 1794 7) with the fertile lowlands in particular having long
produced wheat and malt for London market (Havinden 1961 73) The northern tip of
Oxfordshire however had extremely fertile soil (Young 1813 5) with cattle and sheep
important to the region (Havinden 1961 74) with a large profitable local breed (Page
4 The establishment of the New Leicester in this county attesting to the regions success
in sheep farming
89
1907 279-292)
Overall these regions were quite varied though in the majority of cases many of these
regions were not farming a significant number of sheep Furthermore in most cases the
breeds found here were often the newer larger Leicestershire breed However many
farmers in many counties were still opposing the introduction of these improved breeds
for example Warwickshire Northamptonshire Rutlandshire and Leicestershire were all
counties with graziers opposing the new breeds (Marshall 1793 224)
624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture
Although conceding that there is no single agreed term to define the agricultural
systems of this region Thirsk more broadly defines these areas as lsquowood pasturesrsquo and
lsquopastoral lowlandsrsquo providing a somewhat clearer idea of the regions The region
primarily stretches from parts of Cheshire to Dorset Typically these areas were widely
enclosed with enclosures continuing throughout the sixteenth seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries as a result of agreements rather than as a result of parliamentary
acts (Thirsk 2000 117)
The primary product of Cheshire during the eighteenth century was dairy while lsquoless
attention is paid to sheep in this than in most countiesrsquo (Holland 1813 286-287) Only a
few farmers in the region had the Leicester flocks and paid some attention to their
breeds while there were also some Southdown sheep lsquoin the hands of a few gentlemenrsquo
(Holland 1813 287) An eighteenth century writer described three fourths of the land
being dedicated to pasture with the grass of the region used in part to feed horses but
in most cases fed to milking cows with little attention paid to fattening cows (Aikin 1795
92) Shropshire too had few breeding flocks though the sheep that were kept were said
to have varied from the small Welsh breeds to the far larger Leicestershire breeds of
Leicestershire (Plymley 1803 259) A great number of experiments occurred in this
region with almost all farmers of different districts having tried almost all the improved
breeds (1803 260-261) However in general the low parts of the county were primarily
used to feed cattle used widely for production of cheese while the hilly tracts were for
the breeding of sheep producing a fine wool (Aikin 1795 98-99) The Old Shropshire
sheep were prevalent a very hardy animal that Plymley claimed did not require food
from farmers during the winter nor did they generally drink or require any attention
90
from the shepard (Plymley 1803 260)
Staffordshire was also lsquonot a great feeding countyrsquo (Pitt 1817 69) though the beast was
horned cattle and the primary product of the county was milk (1817 66) However of
the sheep kept in the region the main breeds lsquodeserving of particular attention were the
native Cannock-heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds breeds from Leicestershire and the
Southdown breedrsquo (1817 70-71) The native breeds were under certain management
well disposed to fatten and lsquoproduced mutton equal to that from any other breedrsquo (1817
71) and produced a fine wool (Pitt 1817 71 Pitt 1796 136) while the breeds bred for
wool were lsquorefined and improved in a high degree upon principles introduced by the late
Mr Bakewell of Dishley (Pitt 1817 71) The region did however continue to breed the
older smaller black-faced horned varieties many of which had died out in most
counties by this time (Russell 2007 173-174 Plot 1686 109) and possibly these
un-improved breeds were well-suited to parchment (Russell 2007 174)
Herefordshire was similar in many respects with wool a primary export of the county
with the sheep of the region generally small lsquoaffording a fine silky wool in quality
approaching the Spanishrsquo (Aikin 1795 105) This county had previously employed the
farming of sheep to collect lsquofood from situations where no other animal was capable of
subsistingrsquo but Duncomb suggests that by the end of the eighteenth century lsquoan
opposite system has been adopted and many thousand acres of the best tillage ground
have been converted into pasture of sheeprsquo (Duncumb 1805 122-123) This allowed for
the adoption of breeds such as the New Leicester however many of the breeds already
bred in this region produced a finer wool and in greater quantities (1805 123)
Worcestershirersquos primary products were lsquocorn cattle fine wool hops cyder and perryrsquo
(Aikin 1795 157) with the sheep of the region being described as being lsquoof no particular
breedrsquo except the sheep on the commons and wasteland which were breeds of the
same origin as the Staffordshire Cannock Heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds (Pitt 1810
216) The north and east of the country were described as primarily farming flocks of the
Leicester and Cotswold sorts though widely crossed with the New Leicester breeds (Pitt
1810 217) However the wastelands and hills of the south were generally stocked with
Cotswold sheep (1810 217-218) The northern regions bred sheep generally ideal for the
butcher (Pitt 1805 217)
91
The majority of the land of Warwickshire was also committed to the breeding of
improved breeds as the following concise summary offered in the Board of Agriculture
report states lsquoThe great attention that has been paid by many eminent breeders in
Warwickshire to improve the wool and mutton of this animal by selecting the finest
Leicestershire rams and paying the most extravagant prices for them only for a season
to cross with from a selection of the best shaped ewes in the country has now produced
a breed of sheep equal if not superior to most counties in Englandrsquo (Murray 1815 161)
There were large numbers of the New Leicester and Wiltshire sheep in this region
though also with a number of the Southdown Merino and Welsh breeds on the
commons (Murray 1815 161) Ultimately the county was not producing breeds of sheep
most ideal for parchment in any great number however the breeds here were varied
and with small Welsh breeds creating a possible supply for local smaller parchment
works
Gloucester was almost exclusively home to what Marshall describes as lsquomountain
sheeprsquo however the county swept them away during the summer 1782 (Marshall 1789
208) Following this summer the county developed a wide-range of the improved breeds
by the end of the eighteenth century There appears to be very differing methods for
breeding sheep in the county (see Rudge 1807 307-312) though with only two clear
objectives either producing large quantities of fine wool or significant weights of
mutton As a result the Cotswold breed an animal primarily bred for its mutton and the
principal breed of the county was widely crossed with the Southdowns in an attempt to
improve the fineness of wool (Rudge 1807 305) The pure Cotswold breed had however
become lsquoscarcersquo by the end of the eighteenth century with the introduction of the new
Leicester being used to improve the breed to create a finer (though also shorter) wool
and a more compact and fatty carcase (1807 306)
A number of woodland lowland areas in Wiltshire Dorset and Somerset all followed the
same paths as many of the counties listed above and were widely enclosed The result
being the introduction of a number of improved breeds However these regions were
small due to the type of agriculture commons in these counties For example much of
south Wiltshire avoided enclosure with the lsquopeculiar shape of many of the manorsrsquo and
the lsquogeneral application of the landrsquo made enclosures impractical (Davis 1813 44-45) In
92
Somerset too there was great resistance to enclosure in the hilly regions The issue of
enclosure was so significant in this county in fact that the Board of Agriculture report
dedicates thirty pages to attempting to disprove the perceived disadvantages of the
local population (Billingsley 1798 48-78) an issue not so intensely discussed in the
majority of the other reports There was also a widespread aversion to improved
breeds the key belief being that the lsquodeficiency in the fat of the inside would so disgrace
their sheep in the eye of the butcher that they would have lost their old customersrsquo
(Billingsley 1798 243) Despite Billingsley describing the aversions to the the improved
breeds as lsquofallaciousrsquo he later discusses the instance of a Mr Lowman crossing sheep
with the Leicester breed and the significant issue of the new breeds being unable to
walk far to the fold finally concluding that rsquoif they cannot walk a mile to the fold they will
never gain much ground in this countryrsquo (1794 255) This might explain why so many of
the hilly regions of county did not adopt the new improved breeds (see Billingsley 1798
76)
Finally the county of Dorset shared many of the same characteristics listed above The
region was said to have sheep very similar to those in Somerset (Stevenson 1812 393)
though primarily for the purpose of selling lambs to the London market (Stevenson
1812 393 Aikin 1795 297) The differing agricultural system of Dorset to many of the
neighbouring counties the system of pastoral farming likely allowed for the later
improvement to the breeds that occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century
(Stevenson 1812 393) Overall however Dorset may have produced a number of viable
sheep for parchment with the local breed being described as lsquotall and light in bodyrsquo as
later as 1778 (Anderson 1778 168) as well as the late introduction of the turnip being a
testament of the regions refusal to adopt new farming methods (Stevenson 1812 251)
By the end of the eighteenth century the majority of these regions were not producing
viable sheep for parchment production besides a few of the more southern counties It
appears much of the woodland regions described by Thirsk was enclosed and quickly
began to adopt the improved breeds of the time
625 Fenlands
Thirsk describes lsquotrue fenlandsrsquo as existing widely across England the most extensive of
93
which being the mosses of Lancashire and Cumbria and the Eastern Fenlands of
Cambridgeshire and south Lincolnshire (Thirsk 2000 167) describing the regions as
having lsquocountless drainsrsquo and lsquowatercourses criss-crossingrsquo wide-scale cooperation
amongst farmers in the regions
Westmorland and Northumberland appear to have shared the same breeds of sheep
with Bailey and Culley (1797 126) and Walls (1901 141) listing the same three major
breeds of the region None of them particularly fat or woolly (Pigot 1834 144) Firstly
the Cheviot breed a short woolled lsquohardy and valuable mountain sheeprsquo bred in the
north-west of the county (Pigot 1834 144) Secondly the heath sheep otherwise
referred to as the hair-type of sheep (Ryder 1983 496) A lsquopure breedrsquo sheep typically of
a smaller size and as described in the earlier section (section 61) as an ideal breed of
sheep for manufacturing parchment Walls even claimed that the heath breed was
actually the most common breed in Westmorland (Walls 1901 141) Finally the Lincoln
and New Leicester breeds though these were primarily found in the enclosed grazing
lands and did not represent a significant proportion of the sheep population in these
counties Similarly most of the Cumberland farmland was populated by a significant
number of sheep in the hilly regions (Aikin 1795 38 73 Pigot 1995 15) many of which
were said to travel great distances often unsupervised for long periods of time (Pigot
1995 16) However the Cumberland downlands primarily bred cows certainly to a larger
degree than Westmorland and Northumberland
The primary breed of sheep in the flat fenlands of south Lincolnshire and
Cambridgeshire region was a cross between the Leicester and the Lincoln breed (Gooch
1811 272 Young 1799 365) Cambridgeshire in particular although mostly farming the
Leicester and Lincoln cross breed had a very significant range of breeds including
Norfolks West-country Cambridgeshire Berkshire Hertfordshire South Down Lincoln
and Leicester (1811 272) Despite a clear propensity for breeding larger breeds
Cambridgeshire still bred some smaller hardier breeds for some time and remained
one of the few regions to farm sheep with coarse wool over fine wool (Ryder 1964 77)
This region therefore may have still bred sheep ideal for parchment production
however there were still a significant number of the newer larger breeds in this region
These fenlands then seem to have produced a number of viable breeds though in a
94
greater quantity in the more northern regions while eastern fens instead produced a
wider variety of sheep of a wide variety of weights and wool weights (see Gooch 1811
273) particularly around the southern tracts of Lincolnshire (Aikin 1795 189) and the
northern region of Cambridgeshire (Aikin 1795 205) Overall the variability of farming
objectives in these regions make a definitive conclusion difficult however most of the
locations appear certainly capable of supplying local parchment-makers with a relatively
significant number of viable skins However the systems adopted here were certainly
not as beneficial to local parchment-makers as the regions adopting the lsquosheep and cornrsquo
system a system far more likely to incentivise the growth of a far more lucrative
parchment industry
626 Moorlands
This section will cover the uplands of the Pennines the North York Moors as well as the
uplands of Exmoor Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor These regions have varying
agricultural outputs with some at this time being entirely uncultivated covered in peat
or tall inedible grasses (Thirsk 2000 188) while others were accessible regions or
reasonable agricultural outputs
The northern tip of the Pennines stretches through west Durham a region of peaty soils
accompanied with lsquoyellow orchrey clay or white sand both of them certain indications of
unproductivenessrsquo (Bailey 1810 10) The south of Durham however bred a significant
number of sheep and was formerly famed for having the largest breed of sheep in the
kingdom (Bailey 1810 248) though these were being overtaken by the New Leicester
which were slowly being introduced to the region (1810 248)
The west- and north-ridings of Yorkshire both farmed sheep of possible significance The
North Riding being home to the lsquoold stock of the northern part of the Vale of York and of
Clevelandrsquo sheep that were lsquovery large coarse boned slow feeders and the wool dry
and harshrsquo (Tuke 1794 64) While the West Riding of Yorkshire bred a large quantity of
Scotch sheep (Rennie 1799 186) However though these sheep were perhaps viable
options for parchment production both the regions were subject to widespread breed
improvement along the principles of Robert Bakewell (Tuke 1794 64 Rennie 1799 186)
The native breed of Devon was the Exmoor (Vancouver 1808 338) while Cornwall was
95
home to the Exmoor the Dartmoor and many other breeds while the pure Cornish
sheep had become very rare by the beginning of the nineteenth century (Worgan 1811
148) Despite the surviving native breeds farmers in both Devon and Cornwall had
attempted to introduce a wide breadth of different breeds as well as attempting to cross
the local sheep with the new breeds such as the New Leicester by the first decade of the
nineteenth century (Vancouver 1808 341 Worgan 1811 148) Cornwall in particular was
said to be breeding lsquoflocks of sheep as any count either as to form weight of fleece
hardiness of constitution aptitude to fatten quickly at an early age or flavour of
muttonrsquo (Worgan 1811 148) Devon despite the many attempts at crossing with the
New Leicester breed still appeared have a number of native breeds though many were
still bred for their wool growing properties (Vancouver 1808 342) and the Exmoor its
native breed was a longwool breed of fairly considerable size Overall there is again a
possibility that there were some breeds in this area were viable options for
parchment-makers but ultimately the objectives of many of the farmers in the two
counties were in stark contrast to what was required
The moorlands in general were not areas of any significant agricultural output and
unlikely to support any great parchment industry Even the counties in which Moorland
farming took place generally adopted agricultural objectives in contrast to farming
sheep most viable for parchment production
627 Londonrsquos Hinterland
The final section deals with a region not defined in most agricultural histories however
most of the counties surrounding London appear to share a similar agricultural output
in the production of lambs of the London market The defining feature of many of these
counties being their proximity to London rather than any shared agrarian
characteristics Many of the farmers located nearer to London primarily farmed sheep
to sell lambs into London included Sussex (Davis 1813 140 Pitt 1810 216-217 Young
1808 297) Buckinghamshire (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) Essex (Young 1807 308)
and a number of the farmers of Middlesex (Middleton 1813 434) as well as the farmers
of Surrey breeding Dorsetshire sheep (Stevenson 1809 536) which were a very popular
breed amongst farmers producing lambs for the London market
The sale of lambs was likely a difficult and expensive occupation requiring the transport
96
and sale of a very delicate and relatively expensive commodity The counties therefore
in close proximity to London were at a great advantage Another reason for the large
lambing market in this region was also perhaps the inability of the region to compete in
the specialised breeding of sheep for mutton and wool with the Midland and northern
regions due to topographical restraints
628 Conclusion
Andrew Copus stated that sheep had three major uses within in the English agricultural
system the production of mutton and tallow the production of wool and the
fertilisation of arable land (1989 36) Having reviewed the agricultural regimes of the key
regions and the types of sheep preferred it has become clear that those using sheep
for the fertilisation of arable land were the most suited to providing skins for parchment
making These regions appear to be predominantly in the lsquosheep and corn regionsrsquo with
particular emphasis on the south-west of England and some of the fenland farming
regions Also as Copus states lsquoany attempt to provide fattening fare would have been
incompatible with the other objective of the sheep-corn farmer of that time maximizing
cereal outputrsquo (Copus 1989 39) with the poor soils heavily reliant on the use of sheep to
produce satisfactory crops (Cook and Williamson 1999 185) This being important as the
main area for high cereal production appears to have been the south-west (1989 39)
likely due to the history of the specialisation of this market but seemingly also due to
the soil quality in the region The systems in these heavy clay areas relied heavily on the
use of sheep for fertilising arable land while the objectives in the region appear to be in
contrast to the supporting of larger breeds An article in the Farmerrsquos Magazine offers a
short summary of the fodder grown in these heavy clay regions
lsquoClover vetches and cabbages are the only crops which can be raised as food for
sheep or cattle on the latter and cabbages cannot be eaten off by sheep on such land
There is more expence in the production and consumption of the crops on wet clay
land than on a dry friable soil and therefore the expence of improving such land is
greater The crops must be carted to be consumed in the yard by stock and the dung
carted again into the field besides the injury done to the land in wet weather by
carting off the corps is great Vetches and clover may however be folded by sheep in
97
the summer months on clay soilsrsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838 188)
The Midlands and more northern regions (though excluding most of Cumberland
Northumberland and Westmorland) were generally better suited to the specialised
breeding of sheep for either mutton and wool production This was due in part to the
prevalence of enclosures which gave greater control to the selective breeding practices
of landowners though also due in part to the topography of the regions For example
the diets and levels of exercise of the sheep could greatly affect the quality of the wool
(see section 634) Lisle writes that clover-grasses cause sheep to develop coarser-wool
while lsquothe better the hayrsquo the finer the wool Lisle particularly recommends the
hill-county hay (Lisle 1757 358) Furthermore the growing of legumes according to Lisle
in his book Observations on Husbandry and particularly the cultivation of the turnip
resulted in better conditions allowing shearing to take place earlier than normal (cited
in Ryder 1983 485) The soil in any region would greatly dictate the type of breeding
that could take place for example in the Board of Agriculture report on Gloucester
there is a concise description of the severe limitations of certain soils
lsquoThose soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of
mutton and on the other hand those soils which fatten most in equal proportion
deteriorate the wool it being a fact ascertained by experience that wherever fine woolled
sheep have been introduced on more luxuriant soils than they were bred or accustomed to
the wool has increased in quantity but become coarser in qualityrsquo (Rudge 1807 306)
The primarily mutton producing regions emerged in areas of enclosures where it was
possible to grow large quantities of winter fodder which allowed for intensive
year-round feeding Also the ability to separate their sheep across a lot of land (Young
1796 489) and keep the level of exercise in these animals to a minimum with small
enclosed fields and artificial feeding
As stated in an 1838 article in The Farmerrsquos Magazine
lsquoThe quantity of food produced by turnips and by two years of clover and vetches will enable
the farmer to keep and fatten a large quantity of sheep on the ground which will by their
trampling and by the manure left on it give to this kind of soil the best preparation for the
succeeding crops of cornrsquo (The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 188)
98
In conclusion the objectives of the farmers in the south-west (excluding the West
County) the eastern fenland and most northern regions of England for many years
hindered the adoption of the newer breeds which were spreading across England
under the banner of lsquoimprovementrsquo Breeds in these regions were crossed with other
sheep though appear to have remained hardier animals not being bred primarily for
either wool or mutton However the introduction of many artificial fertilisers in the later
nineteenth century (Cook and Williamson 1999 193) and the more economically
preferable position of mutton and wool over cereal following the levelling of prices in
the 1820s (Copus 1989 44) may have resulted in some farmers changing systems
Overall though for the majority of the period under discussion the agricultural systems
in these regions appear to have been breeding sheep better suited for parchment
production and until at least the first half of the nineteenth century the south-western
and fenland counties were likely to have produced the most viable sheepskins for
parchment-makers
This is greatly significant as parchment-makers with a high supply of local viable skins
were at a great advantage As discussed parchment-makers for much of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries could not compete over price (see section 51) and were held
accountable to incredibly strict manufacturing standards standards particularly difficult
to attain with the use of fatty or weak skins The parchment works with a local supply of
quality skins were therefore likely producing a higher quality product at a lower cost and
therefore able to bargain for the lucrative contracts offered by the High Treasury during
the period Furthermore the likelihood of parchment works being able to transport
skins from distant locations is questionable given the increasing prices for salt the strict
laws controlling the movement of skins and parchment and the high transport costs of
the period As a result it is unsurprising that the regions with a higher supply of high
quality skins are in the majority of cases the locations with a higher number of
parchment works (see section 43)
99
Chapter 7 Conclusions
71 Conclusion
This work has provided the first systematic studies of the post-medieval parchment
industry shedding light on a previously unknown industry It has highlighted that it was
not only of significant size but survived the influx of paper during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries producing high volumes of parchment up until at least 1850 This
work also includes the first major collection and review of a significant number of both
historical and modern literature on the post-medieval parchment industry tying
together hundreds of years of information and presenting a plethora of historical texts
on which to develop future research
Overall the parchment industry went through very significant changes between 1650
and 1850 The industry appears to have developed from a large collection of small firms
operating across England with parchment-makers of relatively low income or turnover
engaging in small-scale production and transactions Between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries the increasing regulation increasing taxation and a drastically
increasing population resulted in the control of production being shifted to a smaller
number of larger firms These firms primarily aimed to compete through a reduction in
production costs and the manufacture of a more homogenous product resulting in the
slow decline in parchment quality over time The results of this research also highlight
that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming nation
clinging onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and where
older hardier breeds survived
Finally the work has highlighted the extent and significance of government intervention
on a number of skin-based industries during this period The collection and
interpretation of a number of parchment taxation laws and of laws on the regulation of
manufacturing standards has also been the first of its kind The results of this particular
analysis offer a primary cause of the sudden decline in parchment quality during the
eighteenth century as well as the eventual decline of the parchment industry requiring
100
the reconsideration of the traditional view of the widespread introduction of paper
being the sole cause
This project has answered all the questions set out in its aims and objectives though
has also highlighted the importance of future research on this previously unstudied
industry Furthermore it has provided the first detailed overview of post-medieval
parchment production and determined the key factors influencing its development
while also presented a number of key indicators that can be researched to enrich our
current understanding of the post-medieval period Overall the results accrued have
widespread applications and this project has shown that there exists a plethora of
literature and historical data capable providing a basis for further investigation
72 Discussion
This work highlights some key issues in any models used for post-medieval hDNA
studies that find any relationship between when parchment was dated and when it was
produced Furthermore it highlights the issues of determining the manufacturing origin
of parchment from any stamp duties or stationers marks with parchment often being
moved great distances for tax purposes before being distributed across England by a
series of stationers offices Thankfully this work does present some clear centres of
parchment production as well as a more widespread geographical shift of parchment
firms to the south of England over time Any post-medieval parchment samples
analysed in any hDNA study are in most cases likely representative of the regions last
to adopt agricultural changes associated with an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo Any future
hDNA studies on the period between 1650 and 1850 must now consider these results
Such studies are unlikely to represent any agricultural changes in the north of England
or in most cases any regions adopting the intensive production of mutton or fine wool
However any hDNA research that finds a shift in the types of animals being farmed can
now more confidently state when the period of agricultural improvement had spread
across the majority of England for the regions from which skins were collected for
parchment production were primarily the regions that were late to adopt these
changes
The results of this research are not only significant to hDNA studies but also contribute
to the debate of agricultural improvement particularly in regards to determining the
101
timing of the adoption of new sheep breeds and stockbreeding techniques though also
the chronology and geography of agricultural improvements more generally Firstly if
there was a lsquosuddenrsquo agricultural revolution that occurred between 1650 and 1850 it did
not result in any sudden or major changes to the parchment industry The changes that
did occur primarily in regards to livestock improvement occurred over a 200 year
period and were variable depending on geographical location and the agricultural
objectives within that region These results strongly suggest that no such sudden change
occurred particularly as mutton was a more important resource than beef during this
period (Kerridge 1967 303 Mathias 1969 65) and with any sudden improvement likely
to have strongly affected this particularly important market Furthermore the results
indicate that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming
nation it clung onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and
where older hardier breeds survived As a result this research can offer further
clarification on the development and geographical movement of agricultural
improvement between 1650 and 1850 with an emphasis on the changes in sheep
farming another industry often overlooked in modern literature
Furthermore from the results of this research it is also now understood that the decline
of parchment quality that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century was primarily
due to legal changes and the subsequent changing market processes rather than as a
direct result of the introduction of new breeds of sheep This should contribute to the
current work of Sarah Fiddyment but also to studies on parchment quality more
broadly It also highlights the danger of drawing a causal relationship between
agricultural improvement and any industries decline during this period with growing
government intervention also being a hugely significant though often overlooked factor
likely affecting the development of a number of industries
In regards to the size of the industry and the growing scale of production future
research on the specific large scale producers of parchment would be greatly beneficial
In many of the parchment centres of production clear family-led parchment firms
appear to own and run a number of parchment works for example the Crook family
with Noah Crook Thomas Crook John Crook Snr and John Crook Jnr all operating
different parchment works in Wiltshire during the eighteenth century A more detailed
review of the sources used in this project combined with a review of local resources of
102
Wiltshire would offer greater detail on the development of the scale of production of
parchment during this period but also the development of a monopolistic market
structure in certain regions This work should constitute a firm basis on which future
investigations can be conducted
Overall the significance of this research should drastically affect the interpretations of
any hDNA studies on the post-medieval period Any changes found in the hDNA data
during this period can now be interpreted within the historical context Correlations can
now also be drawn between the data and the various historical changes that occurred
during this period This work has also contributed to a number of debates and currently
held theories on the period while also highlighting the importance for further study in
this area and demonstrating the value of digitised local records
103
Appendices
104
Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data Collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018)
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Noah Crook Abingdon 1795 Twice a month pound30 pound386 Orders placed about 15 months in advance Paid in advance
1796 Twice a month pound26 pound265
1797 Twice a month pound30 pound164
1798 Once a month pound40 pound225
1799 Once a month pound40 pound96
1803 Once a month pound40 pound140
1804 Once a month pound40 pound597
1805 Once a month pound40 pound94
pound2038
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Crook Marlborough 1795 Three times per month pound26 - Orders placed about lt1 months in advance Paid in advance Incomplete years Last two years
1796 Three times per month pound30 pound674
1797 Three times per month pound26 -
1799 Four times per year -
1800 Four times per year pound637
1802 Four times per year pound206
pound1517
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Rake Salisbury 1796 Once a month pound30 pound120 Incomplete years 1797 Once a month pound30 pound169
1798 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound65
1801 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound58
1802 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound85
1803 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound221
1804 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound247
pound966
105
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Samuel Bishop Bristol 1798 Twicethree times per year pound21 Only a few purchases across the year but multiple years Specialist certain type of parchment
1799 Twicethree times per year pound47
1801 Twicethree times per year pound39
1804 Twicethree times per year pound41
1805 Twicethree times per year pound34
1806 Twicethree times per year pound21
pound205
Stamped Parchment Sold - (LMA) Witherbys 4682E01001 (page 21-22) 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806
J nd 794 769 995 827 874 799 859 932
F nd 782 1047 936 929 1047 1034 851 1092
M nd 855 727 1030 1179 814 1098 1002 1106
A nd 903 1000 941 1028 1005 910 946 1279
M nd 972 1312 1230 1012 1100 1001 1147 1263
J nd 1036 879 1236 1151 1139 1077 1128 1117
J nd 780 1251 1182 1069 1031 867 1061 1058
A nd 763 789 676 779 810 761 906 920
S nd 711 849 549 660 722 913 667 686
O 933 996 904 928 972 933 1054 977 nd
N 813 1283 896 950 1136 914 821 1040 nd
D 1119 788 1033 851 822 928 704 1056 nd
Total 2865 10663 11456 11504 11564 11317 11039 11640 9453
106
Appendix 2 Parchment Quality Source Fiddyment 2018
107
Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions Source Rogers 1887 575-606
Mendham 1585 4 Parchment Skins 7 Worksop 1588 Skin Parchment 6 Eton 1589 2 Rolls Parchment 18 Oxford 1590 Skin Parchment 6 Gawthorp 1592 2 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1592 2 Skins Parchment 6frac12 Oxford 1593 Sheet Parchment 8 Oxford 1594 5 Skins Parchment 8frac12 Gawthorp 1595 1 Skin Parchment 7- Oxford 1595 Parchment Skin 9- Oxford 1599 9 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1601 16 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1602 8 do Parchment 7 Oxford 1603 8 Skins Parchment 8
Eton 1604 4 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1605 3 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1607 2 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1608 2 Skins Parchment 6 Cambridge 1609 1 Skin Parchment 8 Oxford 1610 4 Skins Parchment 4frac12- Chatham 1624 Parchment 5 doz 6 Oxford 1629 Parchment 8 doz 6- Oxford 1632 Parchment 15 doz 6- Winchester 1644 4 Skins 7- 3 Bridles 14 Winchester 1645 4 Skins 6
Oxford 1646 10 Sheets Parchment 32 12 Skins 7 Winchester 1648 8 Skins 6 Oxford 1649 78 Skins 12
Eton 1651 6 Skins 8 Winchester 1656 Parchment 3 doz 9- Winchester 1657 Parchment 4 doz 9- Winchester 1658 Parchment 1 doz 9- Winchester 1660 16 Parchment 10 Winchester 1661 2 Rolls 12- Winchester 1663 8 Parchment 1- Winchester 1665 Parchment 2 Doz 9- Winchester 1667 Parchment 1 Doz 9- Winchester 1668 16 Skins 9- Winchester 1672 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1673 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1677 7 Parchments 50 Cambridge 1682 20 Sheets 13-
108
Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages
109
Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected
1601-1901 Record Type No
DeathWill 145
Baptism 129
Directory 27
Marriage 71
Apprenticeship 49
Reference 13
Census 242
Total 676
110
Appendix 6 National Directories
111
Appendix 7 Local Directories
112
Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data
County 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 1851-1900 All Periods
Bedfordshire 0 0 1 1 1 0 3
Berkshire 0 0 0 0 9 7 16
Buckinghamshire 1 1 7 5 3 9 26
Cambridgeshire 2 0 0 1 31 21 55
Devonshire 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
Dorset 11 8 0 0 4 0 23
East Riding of Yorkshire 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
Gloucestershire 3 0 1 3 0 11 18
Hampshire 0 0 1 3 8 20 32
Hertfordshire 0 0 0 3 5 4 12
Kent 0 1 0 1 1 12 15
Lancashire 0 0 0 0 5 0 5
Leicestershire 0 1 1 3 5 1 11
Lincolnshire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Middlesex 1 2 1 1 10 26 41
Norfolk 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
North Riding of Yorkshire 30 6 0 1 0 0 37
Northamptonshire 2 0 3 4 4 30 43
Nottinghamshire 0 1 0 0 0 5 6
Oxfordshire 0 1 0 2 2 9 14
Rutland 0 0 0 1 0 4 5
Shropshire 1 0 1 0 1 0 3
Somerset 2 5 2 7 12 3 31
Staffordshire 0 1 1 0 4 0 6
Suffolk 1 0 0 0 14 6 21
Sussex 0 0 0 0 0 5 5
Surrey 0 1 8 5 20 42 76
Warwickshire 1 1 2 5 2 0 11
Wiltshire 16 37 18 12 36 16 135
Worcestershire 0 2 0 3 4 10 19
Total 73 68 50 61 182 242 676
113
Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location
Location No Location No
Abingdon England 5 Lambeth England 20
Andover England 1 Leicester England 7
Ayleburton England 1 Leicestershire England 1
Aylesbury England 3 Lenton England 5
Barrowden England 5 Lichfield England 1
Barton St David England 1 Lingfield England 4
Basingstoke England 2 Little Weldon England 7
Bassingbourn England 1 Liverpool England 5
Bath England 4 Longparish Hampshire England 1
Bedford England 2 Lyncombe England 1
Bedminster England 3 Malmesbury England 10
Bengeworth England 5 Marlborough England 29
Bere Regis England 1 Marylebone England 1
Bermondsey England 48 Middlesex England 4
Beverley England 3 Milton Abbas England 1
Bexley Kent England 1 Motcombe England 0
Bottisham England 1 Newington England 2
Bristol England 7 Newport Pagnell England 1
Brokenborough England 2 North Cerney England 1
Buckingham England 5 North Petherton England 6
Buriton England 1 Northampton England 6
Burnham England 1 Northleach England 2
Bury St Edmunds England 21 Norwich England 1
Butleigh England 1 Nottingham England 1
Camberwell England 14 Oborne England 2
Canterbury England 13 Olney England 1
Castle Cary England 2 Oswestry England 1
Caversham England 6 Oundle England 1
Charlton Wiltshire England 6 Powick England 1
Cheltenham England 2 Preshute England 1
Chepping Wycombe England 1 Princes Risborough England 5
Chichester England 1 Ravenstone England 1
Chippenham England 3 Reading England 8
Clifton Gloucestershire England 1 Rotherhithe England 2
114
Compton Dando England 1 Saint Margaret Leicestershire England 2
Corfe Mullen England 1 Salisbury England 56
Coventry England 10 Sawston England 51
Crowle England 1 Shepton Beauchamp England 0
Darlaston England 1 Sherborne England 14
Deptford England 1 Sherston England 6
Devon England 0 Southwark England 12
Dorchester England 1 St Margarets Wiltshire England 1
Dorset England 4 Steyning England 3
Ealing England 1 Stockbridge England 9
Earls Barton England 8 Stourbridge England 2
Eastham England 1 Tewkesbury England 1
Ely England 1 Thame England 1
Emneth England 1 Tring England 5
Emsworth England 1 Trowbridge England 1
Evesham England 11 Walcot England 1
Exeter England 1 Walworth England 1
Finsbury England 1 Wantage England 3
Fugglestone England 1 Warminster England 4
Gloucester England 8 Weldon England 1
Great Doddington England 2 Wells England 1
Gretton England 10 West Wycombe England 1
Harrold England 1 Westbourne England 1
Havant England 11 Westport St Mary England 4
Heston England 1 Wheatley England 0
High Wycombe England 4 Whitington England 1
Highworth Wiltshire England 1 Wilby England 2
Hillingdon England 2 Winchester England 6
Hitchin England 7 Wisbech England 1
Holloway England 1 Witney England 5
Ipswich England 0 Wooburn England 1
Irthlingborough England 6 Wycombe England 3
Kennington England 3 Yeovil England 3
Kingswinford England 4 York England 37
Kintbury England 2 London 11
Knowle England 1 Total 676
115
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws
The first major relevant actor pertaining to the parchment industry occurred in 1603 (1
Jam c22) regulating the manufacturing process and the organisation of the industry
The first significant act between 1650 and 1850 however occurred in the aftermath of
the Great Fire of London after which Charles II introduced a variety of taxes in order to
raise funds for the rebuilding of London One of these laws enforced the taxation of lsquoany
charter or grantrsquo with the rate of 40 s for one skin of parchment and 20 s for every
additional skin (22 amp 23 Cha II c9) The act covered a number of other uses including
inter alia grants of lands or leases conveyances surrender or release documents writs
of covenant original writs or bills and pleas The vast number of documents taxed were
those typically used in court This came into force in 1671 and was instituted for the
period of 9 years and although only applied to a relatively small number of uses all
parchment that was to be used for any of these purposes had to be transported to the
head tax office at Lincolnrsquos Inn London to be stamped (see Glasse 1794 452)
These laws surrounding the taxation of parchment were more firmly established in 1711
(9 AnnI c11) The new act ensured the extension of many of the previous duties while
also setting higher rates on a number of other specific parchment-based documents
Most significantly however this act stated that all parchment would now be taxed and
therefore all parchment must be transported to London for stamping this included any
parchment or vellum imported into Great Britain For every dozen parchment sold there
was a duty of 6 d while the fee stood at 1 s for vellum The act went further however
stating that all parchment works were now to be inspected regularly by appointed
officers who were permitted to enter the place of work of any parchment-maker while
refusal to allow entry would result in a fine of pound10 Finally these acts set out that at least
once a year the Lord High Treasurer or the commissioners of the Treasury would set
the prices at which stamped vellum parchment and paper would be sold (an issue
discussed further in section 72 and section 82) with officers instated to weigh skins
and hides determine the duty that was to be paid and mark the products that been
charged appropriately
A 1712 act (10 Ann I c19) enacted further duties on parchment and vellum as well as
applying a number of duties to Scotland In 1712 (11 Ann I c26) and 1713 (12 Ann I c9)
116
further duties were set on parchment (with varying prices depending on the intended
use of the parchment) with indentures pardons appeals to high court or documents
granting any office or employment in Great Britain above the value of pound50 a few of the
major documents now taxed The extension and increasing of duties would be a
common feature of the market over the next century
In 1716 George I made the tax of 6 d on every dozen parchment a perpetual tax rather
than a temporary one (3 GeoI c7) Two years later another act was passed that set out
clear regulations to ensure the more efficient collection of the duties set on parchment
(5 GeoI c2) In 1725 additional stamps duties were put in place for the period of 16
years (12 Geo I c30) though these too were continued by a later act (9 Geo II c32)
Finally these duties were also made perpetual though not until 1749 (24 Geo II c12) By
1755 the standard duty for a dozen pieces of parchment was 1 s 6 s as taken from a table
given to officers of the period (see (Leadbetter 1755 134) Under George II and later
under George III there was a seemingly ever-growing number of parchment stamp
duties (see appendix 5)
In 1757 a 1 s duty was set on leases bonds and deeds (30 Geo II c19) In 1759 further
parchment documents used in court would have a duty of at least 6 s while laws copies
of laws writs and their copies depositions and pleas were just some of the documents
covered by new stamp duties (32 Geo II c35) In 1765 a number of other duties were
passed that now pertained to parchment used in the British colonies (5 Geo III c12) In
fact new duties were being continually introduced and many others were changed in
price over the following years For example in 1776 (16 Geo III c34) a new duty of 1 s
and 6 d was set on all parchment manufactured in Great Britain This act follows an
plethora of a number of new duties and fines with acts passed in 1777 (17 Geo III c50)
1779 (19 Geo III c66) 1780 (20 Geo III c28) 1782 (22 Geo III c33) 1783 (23 Geo III c7)
1791 (31 Geo c21 c25) 1794 (34 Geo III c14 c32) 1795 (35 Geo III c30) 1796 (36
Geo III c136) 1800 (39 amp 40 G III c67) 1801 (40 Geo III c86) and 1803 (41 Geo III c86)
Over time the duties increased to cover a increasing variety of parchment products
while various new attempts were made to improve the efficiency of the tax collection
methods In 1804 for example the greatest number of new acts were passed to
117
improve the efficiency of the various stamp duties This law made numerous attempts
to consolidate and simplify the process
Over the next few years however many of the laws surrounding parchment were
repealed The stamp duties set out in the 1804 (44 Geo III c98) 1805 (45 Geo III FINISH)
and 1806 (46 Geo III c43) laws were mostly all repealed in 1808 (48 Geo III c149) There
were still many exceptions however with newspapers almanacks pamphlets and
medicine forms and licences for those selling alcohol just some still in effect However
the majority of the documents that remained heavily taxed appear to be documents
more likely to have been made from paper with many of the parchment documents
(mostly documents used in courts) were no longer subject to stamp duty Finally in
1815 all the duties set out in 1808 (48 Geo c149) as well as the those that remained
from the the 1804 act (44 Geo III c98) and those instated in the 1810 act (50 Geo III
c35) were repealed These laws marked the end of over a century of widespread
government intervention in the parchment industry
118
Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws
Year Law Title Law Reference
1671 An act for laying impositions on proceedings at law 22 amp 23 ChaII c9
1694 An act for granting to their Majesties several duties upon vellum parchment and paper for four years towards carrying on the war against France
5 amp 6 WampM c21
1696 An Act for granting to His Majesty several Duties upon Paper Vellum and Parchment to encourage the bringing of Plate and hammered Money into the Mints to be coined
8 amp 9 WampM c 7
1697 An act for making good the deficiencies of several funds there-in mentioned and for enlarging the capital stock of the bank of England and for raising the publick credit
8 amp 9 Wil III c20
1698 An act for granting to his Majesty his heirs and successors further duties upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
9 amp 10 WilIII 25
1702 An act for making good deficiencies and for preserving the publick credit 1 Ann I c13
1702 An Act for preventing Frauds in her Majestyrsquos Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper 1 Ann I c22
1705 An act for laying further duties on low wine and for preventing the damage to her Majestyrsquos revenue by importation of foreign cut wholebone and for making some provisions as to the stamp duties and the duties on births burials and marriages and the salt duties
4 Ann I c12
1706 An act for continuing the duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction and the duties payable by harkwers pedlars and petty chapmen and part of the duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and the late duties on sweetsfor the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven and other uses therein expressed
5 Ann c19
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Ann I c11
1711 An Act for licencing and regulating hackney coaches and chairs and for charging certain new duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and on cards and dice and on the exportation of rock salt for Ireland
9 Ann I c23
1712 An act for laying several duties upon sope and paper made in Great Britain or imported into the same and upon chequered and striped linens imported and upon certain silks callicoes linens and stuffs printed painted or stained and upon several kinds of stampt vellum parchment and paperhellip and for better securing her Majestyrsquos duties to arise in the office for the stampt duties by licences for marriages and otherwise and for relief of persons who have not claimed their lottery tickets in due time
10 Ann I c19
1712 An act for laying additional duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment and new duties on starch coffee tea drugs gilt and silver wire and policies of insurance to secure a yearly fund for satisfaction of orders to the contributors of a further sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds towards her Majestyrsquos supplyhellip
10 Ann I c26
119
1713 An act for laying additional duties on soap and paper and upon certain linens silks callicoes and stuffs and upon starch exported coals and upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
11 Ann I c9
1716 An act for redeeming the yearly fund of the South-Sea companyhellipand for making the said new yearly fund and annuities to be hereafter redeemable in the time and manner thereby prescribed (National Debt Act)
3 Geo I c7
1718 For continuing the duties on malt mum cyder and perry for the service of the year 1719 and for enlarging the time for entring at the exchequer such assignments of reversionary annuities as are therein mentioned and for better securing the duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment
5 Geo I c2
1725 For the relief of th suitors of the high court of chancery 12 Geo I c33
1735 For continuing for the purposes therin mentioned the additional duties uon stamped vellum parchment and paper laid an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the First
9 Geo II c32
1750 An act for making good a deficiency upon the revenue of the office of keeper or clerk of the Hanaper and for preventing any future deficiency therein to answer the publick services provided for out of the same and for augmenting the income of the office of master or keeper of the rolls
24 Geo II c25
1756 An act for granting to his majesty a duty upon licences for retailing beer ale and other excisaable liqours for establishing a method for granting such licences in Scotland and for allowing such licences to be granted at a petty session in England in a certain cafe therein mentioned
29 Geo II c12
1757 For granting to his Majesty several rates and duties upon indentures leases bonds and other deeds and upon news papers advertisements and almanaks and upon licences for retailing winehellip
30 Geo II c19
1759 An act for augmenting the salaries of the puisne judges in the court of Kingrsquos Bench the judges in the court of Common Pleas the barons of the cois in the court of Exchequer at Westminster the judges in the courts of session and Exchequer in Scotland and justices of Chester and the great sessions for the counties in Wales
32 Geo II c35
1776 An act for granting to his Majesty several duties on coaches and other carriages therein mentioned and several rates and duties upon indentures leases bods and other deeds and upon cards dice and news papers and for raising the sum of two millions by annuities and a lottery to be attended with annuities
16 Geo III c34
1777 An act for granting to his Majesty certain duties on licences to be taken out by all persons acting as auctioneers and certain rates and duties on all lands houses goods and other things sold by auction and upon industries leases bonds deeds and other instruments
17 Geo III c50
1779 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for better securing the stamp-duties upon indentures leases deeds and other instruments
19 Geo III c66
1780 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on advertisements and certain duties on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions or the custom of any province or place
20 Geo III c28
1782 An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand
22 Geo III c33
120
1783 An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts
23 Geo III c49
1783 An act to explain and amend an act made in the last session of parliament intiruled An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts and for indemnifying all persons who have written or signed any bill of exchange promissory or other note or any receipt not stamped according to law
23 Geo III c7
1783 An Act for granting to his Majesty several additional new Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper and also for repealing certain Exemption from Stamp Duties
23 Geo III c58
1789 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional stamp duties on probates of wills letters of administration and on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions
29 Geo III c51
1790 An act for repealing the duties upon licences for retailing wine and sweets and upon licences for retailing distilled spirituous liqours and for granting other duties in lieu therof
30 Geo III c38
1791 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional duty on certificates issued with respect to the killing of game
31 Geo III c21
1794 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on indentures of clerkships to solicitors and attornies in any of the courts in England therein mentioned
34 Geo III c14
1794 An act for enabling the commissioners of the stamp duties to stamp bills of exchange and notes in certain cases
34 Geo III c32
1795 An act for granting to his majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for repealing a certain exception as far as relates to bonds given as security for the payment of one hundred pounds or under contained in an act of the twenty-third year of hsi present Majestyrsquos reign
35 Geo III c30
1795 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on sea insurances 35 Geo III c63
1796 An Act for the more effectually securing Duties on Indentures Leases Bonds and other Deeds
37 Geo III c19
1797 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional stamp duty on deeds 37 Geo III c111
1796 An Act to enable the Commissioners of Stamp Duties to Stamp Duties to stamp Deeds and other Instruments Bills of Exchange Promissory and other Notes in Cases therein mentioned
37 Geo III c136
1798 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on bills of exchange and promissory notes for small sums of money
c 107
1799 An act for altering the period of making up the annual account of the duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper
39 Geo III c92
1800 An act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland 39 amp 40 Geo III c67
121
1801 An act for granting to his Majesty additional Stamp Duties on cards and dice on Probates and Wills on certain Indentures Leases Bonds or other deeds
41 Geo III c86
1803 An act for granting to his majesty several duties therin mentioned to be levied by the commissioners for managing stamp-duties in Ireland
43 Geo III c127
1804 An Act to repeal the several Duties under the Commissioners for managing the Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper in Great Britain and to grant new and additional Duties in lieu thereof
44 Geo III c98
1805 An Act for granting to His Majesty additional Stamp Duties in Great Britain on certain Legacies and also the several Duties granted by the Act passed in the Forty-sixth Year of His Majestys Reign intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to Appraisers in Great Britain
45 Geo III c28
1806 An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to appraisers in Great Britain
46 Geo III c43
1806 An act to repeal the several duties under the care of the commissioners for managing the duties pon stamped vellum parchment and paper in Ireland and to grant new and additional duties in lieu thereof and to amend the laws relating to the stamp-duties in ireland
46 Geo III c64
1808 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Law Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments andthe Duties on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in great Britain and for granting new Duties in lieu thereof
48 Geo III c149
1810 Act act for altering the Mode of collecting the Duty on Insurances against Loss by Fire upon property in His majestyrsquos Islands and Possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere beyond the Seas and for exempting certain Bonds and Receipts from Stamp Duty for giving Relief in certain cases of Stamps spoiled or misused and for explaining Part of an Act passed in the Forty eighth Year of His Majestyrsquos Reign for granting Stamp Duties in Great Britain
50 Geo III c35
1815 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Laws Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments and the Duties on Fire Insurances and on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in Great Britain and for granting other Duties in lieu therof
55 Geo III c184
122
Appendix 12 Flaying Laws
The first act passed during the seventeenth century (Jac 1 c22) stated that earlier
statues had been passed on the topic of the flaying of animal skins but that lsquothe laws
and statutes formerly established and made for the true and just tanning currying and
working of leather have not taken that good effect which was expectedrsquo and had failed
to address the lsquodeceits and abusesrsquo that were lsquocommonly practised by the tanners
curriers and workers of leatherrsquo (see Britain and Pickering 1763 106) The act then
reiterated that no butcher or any other person could damage the skin of any ox bull
steer or cow though interestingly it does not state that the same laws apply to skins
more specifically to the skins of sheep Strangely however the law later defines leather 5
as any tanned skin of ox steer bull cow calf deer and fallow goats and sheep so
presumably the law did cover tanned sheep-skins It also states that anyone selling
sheep skins that did not adhere to this law should be fined 3s 4d This particular Act is
quite difficult to interpret so much so that a later act (14 Cha II c7) offers clarification as
to what animal skins were actually covered as well as clarifying that the law pertained to
all of Great Britain and not just England It certainly brings into question the efficiency of
this tax system provided that there were clear misinterpretations (or explorations) of the
law by some for nearly sixty years
The law also began to create legally protected professions For example only a trained
tanner with a tan-house could tan any hide after the passing of this law while no tanner
could cut the leather The law also set out clear instructions on how leather should be
manufactured stored and dried It was no longer permitted that any individual could be
both a butcher and a tanner and tanners were also not allowed to occupy any other
trade that involved the cutting or working of leather It was now illegal to work the jobs
of other professions simultaneously and furthermore to work any of the professions
pertaining to the working of skins Also the law reiterated the 1563 law stating
individuals must either gain an apprenticeship or must be hired as a servant of an
individual in that profession There were clear attempts by the government to create
separate legally protected professions in the hope of improving specialisation and
5 Interestingly it is also stated that no butcher shall kill to sell any calf under five weeks old or they will be fined six shillings and eight pence This then prohibits the use of very young calves in the production of vellum and brings into question the early use of the skins of very young calves were used for the production of vellum However this law was repealed in 1685 in another act (22 amp 23 Car II c19)
123
consequently the efficiency of a number of industries The law does not however list
parchment-makershellip ADD
This law also extended to the manufacturing process of all goods in the various
skin-based industries while extensive fines were also implemented For example there
was a fine of 3 s 4 d for any putrefied or rotten skin put up for sale (1819 1040) The law
also extended to ensuring high-quality wears and to reduce wastage Any attempt to
transport leather that was cut or unwrought for sale was now illegal Curriers would also
be fined if they attempted to sell leather that had not been sufficiently tanned No
leather could be sold that had not been lsquosearched and sealedrsquo in other words inspected
and taxed (further clarification in section 63) No tan fats before liming and skins must
not be left in lime pits for too long Skins must not be left to dry in frost nor in direct
sunlight Finally the fine for the sale of a dozen sheep skins that did not meet these high
standards was six shillings and eight pence This appears a particularly troubling issue as
many of the standards set were subject to the opinions of inspectors inspectors with a
monetary incentive to find as many damaged skins as possible The consequential
finding of a high volume of lsquodamagedrsquo skins would then be likely to further support the
need for further regulation
The 1662 Act (14 Cha 2 c7) was the next major law bringing about stricter laws
surrounding the exportation of skins and leather From 1662 no tanned hide or
untanned hide of any ox steer bull cow or calf was allowed to be exported out of the
country as well as a number of limitations regarding to the transport of hides within
Great Britain The law does however state that sheep-skins not dressed with wool may
be transported this was in keeping with the law stating that the exportation of wool was
also illegal at this time (see 14 Cha I c 18) The law also further details the punishment
of tanners who cut and raked the hides impairing them shall have their hides seized
The 1688 law(1 WampM c33) more clearly states what the previous statutes cover every
hide skin or piece of tanned leather shaved or liquored of whatever colour with any
liquoring or dressing Clearly then even if poorly enforced for some time the laws
pertaining to the flaying of skins the strict manufacturing processes and the
requirement of searches and seals all applied to the parchment manufacturing process
at least after 1689 Interestingly this law also states that individuals may now sell
124
leather hides or skins by weight This would allow for individuals to sell more
homogenised products with less emphasis on quality
The 1710 act (9 Ann I c11) was extensive although pertaining primarily to the taxation
of hides and skins it enacted even further laws and punishment surrounding the
manufacture and sale of skins and parchment Setting out clear punishments for those
lsquodefrauding the crownrsquo and most importantly further punishments were created for the
damaging of skins It is also the first law to specifically refer to the manufacture of
parchment The law also creates and clarifies a significant number of limitations and
instructions on the manufacturing process for a number of skin-goods For example
who may cut the skins how they were cut how the skins were dried when and if skins
could be transported and who shall inspect these skins It states that officers would now
inspect skins and various tanned products to review their quality This law seems to
highlight the failure of the previous laws as the laws of 1603 (1 Jac I c22) and 1689 (1
WampM c33) were also extensive and yet it was deemed necessary to enact further laws
and punishments as well as offering further clarification of the previous laws For
example it was considered necessary to clarify that previous laws had also extended to
Scotland in the 1784 act (24 Geo II c19)
As late as 1800 attempts were still being made by the crown to limit the number of
damaged skins (39-40 Geo III c66) This is a clear indicator of the failures of previous
laws as well as indicating the still widespread problem of damaged materials at least in
the opinion of government new lsquoproper and convenient placesrsquo were set up for the
examination and inspection of all raw hides for each city (Chitty 1824 348) This perhaps
indicates the lack of appropriate inspections outside of the city of London The act also
sets out new fines for the improper flaying of skins even greater than those preceding
them (Britain 1811 390-391) These fines were so high that only a year later a new law
was passed (41 Geo III c53) reducing the amount perpetrators were fined (Minard
2011 154) In 1803 (43 Geo III c 106) it was also deemed necessary to apply these more
thorough inspections to London a troubling sign considering the issues clearly still
pertained to London despite the significant size of the tanning industry and the
high-quality works expected to accompany an industry of that size
The 1808 law pertaining to London exclusively saw the reduction of these fines (Minard
125
2011 154) with the fine now being no more than 3 s though no less than 2frac12 d (Chitty
1824 353) This law also saw the reorganisation of the inspectors in London and the
requirement that all sheep and lamb skins be inspected either at the Woodsclose
Market the Borough Market or Whitechapel Market (Britain 1824 353) The timing of
these changes again shows the failure of the laws the preceded them and marks the
the beginning of the end for the intensive regulation of this market by the government
That same year a petition was put forward titled A Petition of Several Tanners of London
and its vicinity was presented (House of Commons 1808 120) attempting to repeal a
number of the regulations enforced on the various skin-working professions A few
weeks later on the 17th March the committee created to consider the petition decided
the acts ought to be repealed (1808 183) and on the 28th of March a bill was presented
(1808 218) In the same year a similar petition was put forward by Scottish tanners
(1808 271) and yet another by lsquocurriers and other dealers in tanned leatherrsquo (1808 286)
The previous laws had clearly been a failure and caused major issues across Great
Britain On the 20th of May 1808 a bill was passed to repeal some of the acts that
implemented strict requirements for those working with animals skins
The inspections remained however with inspections on the flaying of skins still
undertaken by the government though in 1824 this too was abolished The 1824 act (5
Geo IV c57) repealed the 1800 (39 amp 40 Geo III c66) the 1801 act (41 Geo III c53) the
1803 local act (43 Geo III ccvi) and the 1808 act (43 Geo III clxxi) (Williams 1824 90-91)
This 1824 act marks the end of two centuries of intensive government regulation
126
127
Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws
Year Act Name Legal Abbreviation
1485 An act shewing the duties of a corwainer tanner or currier 1 Hen VII c5
1563 Statute of Artificiers (An act containing divers orders for artificiers labours servants of husbandry and apprentices)
5 Eliz I c 4
1603 An Act concerning tanners curriers shoe-makers and other artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather
1 Jac I c22
1662 An act to restrain the exportation of leather and raw hides out of the realm of England
14 Cha 2 c7
1689 An act for explaining part of an act made in the first year of King James the First concerning tanned leather
1 WampM c33
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Anne c11
1784 An act for encouraging the manufacture of leather by lowering the duty payable upon the importation of oak bark when the price of such bark shall exceed a certain rate for a limited time and for extending several acts of parliament relative to the manufacture of leather to that of Great Britain called Scotland
24 Geo III c19
1800 Use of Horse Hides etc Act 39-40 Geo III c66
1801 An act to explain and amend an act passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of the reign of his present Majesty intituled An act to repeal so much of an act passed in the second year of King James the First as prohibits the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and for better preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
41 Geo III c53
1803 To extend the provisions of two acts passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth and in the forty-first years of the reign of his present Majesty relating to the use of horse-hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw-hides and skins in the flaying thereof to and to alter and amend as to the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark and liberties therof and all places within fifteen miles of the Royal Exchange of the said city of London
43 Geo III ccvi (local act)
1808 For repealing an act made in the 43rd year of his present majesty for extending the provisions of two formers acts relating to the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
48 Geo III clxxi (local act)
1808 An Act for repealing an Act passed in the First Year of king james the First intitled An Act concerning Tanners Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather and also for repealing and amending certain Parts of several other Acts of Parliament relating thereto
48 Geo III c60
1824 An Act to repeal Four Acts of his late Majesty relating to the Use of Horse Hides in making Boots and Shoes and for better preventing the damaging of Raw Hides and Skins in the flaying thereof
5 Geo IV c57
128
Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 Source Shaw 1935 671-672 (Originally sourced from Calendar of Treasury Books 1694)
The like of persons to be distributors of the [stamped] parchment and paper in all the counties of England and Wales and to be collectors of the duty thereby arising as follows
Berkshire John Paise of Reading
Beds Francis Brace
Bucks Charles Herle
Cambridgeshire William Percivall
Cheshire Richard Backwell and Robert Foulks
Cornwall Thomas Horwell
Cumberland Robert Jackson
Derbyshire Peter Gery
Devonshire Benj Robins
Dorsetshire Jos Watson and Peter Clinton
Durham William Roper
Essex William Wright and Francis Blythe
Gloucestershire Walter Marshall Edward Bulstrode and Thomas Wale
Hampshire Thomas Shory and Paul Burwood
Herts Francis Isaacson of Barnet
Herefordshire Thomas Mathews
Hunts John Mason
Kent Thomas Raworth of Dover and Thomas Cason of Maidstone
Lancs William Townsen of Lancaster and mdash Dodd of Preston
Leicestershire and Rutland John Cradock
Lincolnshire Edward Cowly
Monmouthshire Walter Marshall
Norfolk Edward Barnes and Henry Marriott
Northants Edward Butler
Northumberland Cha Sanderson and Samuell Wilson
Notts John Bury
Oxfordshire William Busby and John Langston
Shropshire William Leake
Somerset Humphry Burton of Tiverton and mdash Babb of Taunton
Stafford Geo Nevell and John Dunster
Suffolk Robert Warren
Surrey John Balchen
Sussex John Dee Richard Holmes John Newton of Lewes and Samuel Bruer of Battle
129
Warwickshire Jer Withers
Westmorland John Procter
Wilts Robert Cutler of Sarum
Worcestershire William Collins
Yorks Geo Maynard for the West Riding John Hall for the North Riding William Lyster for the East Ridinng
Town of Hull Jos Claver
Denbighshire John Lloyd
Anglesey Montgomery Merioneth and Carnarvon Samuel Howson and Richard Wright
Flintshire Robert Foulks
Carmarthenshire Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire John Evans
Glamorganshire Edward Thomas
Radnorshire Cha Jones
Brecknockshiremdash Davys
130
Bibliography
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Anderson J 1797 Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Dublin Messrs P Wogan P Byrne and J Moore
An Impartial Observer 1806 XXXIX and XL Geo III c 66 The Flaying Act considered as without benefiting the Public most severely oppressing the Butchers of London By an Impartial Observer 30 June 1800 London E Thomas
Anon 1787 The Book of Rates Dundee Printed for George Milln
Aubrey J Britton J 1847 The natural history of Wiltshire Wiltshire Topographical Society Salisbury
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Ashworth WJ 2003 Customs and Excise Trade Production and Consumption in England 1640-1845 Oxford Oxford University Press
Bailey J 1810 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Durham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London R Phillips
Bailey J amp Culley G 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Northumberland With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement by J Bailey and G Culley London Sol Printed by S Hodgson and sold by M Robinson and G Nicol
Bailey W 1784 Baileyrsquos British Directory First Edition London Printed by J Andrews
Ballard E 1882 Report in Respect of the Inquiry as to Effluvium Nuisances Arising in Connexion with Various Manufacturing and Other Branches of Industry London HM Stationery Office
Bath and West of England Agricultural Society 1792 Letters and papers on agriculture planting ampc [electronic resource] Selected from the correspondence of the Bath and west of England Society for the encouragement of agriculture arts manufactures and commerce Vol IV The second edition Bath Printed by order of the Society by R Cruttwell and sold by C Dilly Poultry London and by the booksellers of Bath Bristol Salisbury Gloucester Exeter ampc ampc
Beckett JV 1985 Land Tax or Excise the levying of taxation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England The English historical review C(CCCXCV) pp285ndash308
Bicchieri M et al 2008 Inside the parchment Proceedings of Art pp25ndash30
Billing M 1855 Directory amp Gazetteer of Worcestershire 1855 Birmingham M Billing Steam-Press Offices
131
Billingsley J 1798 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Somerset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Bath R Cruttwell
Brownlee J (1915) The history of the birth and death rates in England and Wales taken as a whole from 1570 to the present time Public Health 29 pp211-222
Blanch J 1774 The art of tanning and currying leather with an account of all the different processes made use of in Europe and Asia for dying leather red and yellow London Printed for J Nourse
Blom P 2005 Enlightening the world Encyclopeacutedie the book that changed the course of history London Macmillan Publishers
Boys J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London B McMillan
Bower MA et al 2010 The potential for extraction and exploitation of DNA from parchment a review of the opportunities and hurdles Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 33(1) pp1ndash11
Burger J Hummel S amp Herrmann B 2000 Palaeogenetics and cultural heritage Species determination and STR-genotyping from ancient DNA in art and artefacts Thermochimica acta 365(1) pp141ndash146
Campana MG et al 2010 A flock of sheep goats and cattle ancient DNA analysis reveals complexities of historical parchment manufacture Journal of archaeological science 37(6) pp1317ndash1325
Campbell R 1747 The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and Westminster London T Gardner
Chambers E 1728 Cyclopedia - Volume 1 London Printed for James and John Knapton John Darby Daniel Midwinter Arthur Bettersworth John Senex Robert Gosling John Pemberton William and John Innys John Osborn and Tho Longman Charles Rivington john Hooke Ranew Robinson Francis Clay Aaron Ward Edward Symon Daniel Browne Andrew Johnston and Thomas Osborn
Chitty J 1824 A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents London A Strahan
Churchill JE 1983 The Complete Book of Tanning Skins and Furs London Stackpole Books
Clark G 2004 Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous Living Costs of the Rich versus the Poor in England 1209--1869 In Conference paperldquoTowards a Global History of Prices and Wagesrdquo Utrecht Available at httpswwwresearchgatenetprofileGregory_Clarkpublication246687497_Lifestyles_of_the_Rich_and_Famous_Living_Costs_of_the_Rich_versus_the_Poor_in_England_1209-1869links546e62200cf2b5fc176075b5pdf
Clark G 2007 The long march of history Farm wages population and economic growth England 1209ndash1869 The Economic History Review 60(1) pp97ndash135
Clark G amp Lindert P 2006 England_1209-1914_Clarkxlsx Global Price and Income History Group Available at httpgpihucdavisedufilesEngland_1209-1914_(Clark)xls [Accessed September 9 2018]
Clarke M 2001 The analysis of medieval European manuscripts Studies in Conservation 46(2) pp3ndash17
Clarkson C 1992 REDISCOVERING PARCHMENT THE NATURE OF THE BEAST Paper Conservator 16(1) pp5ndash26
Cobbett W 1912 Rural Rides in Surrey Kent and Other Counties London A Cobbett
132
Collins M J Fiddyment S Webb C OConnor T P Bradley D Teasdale M Doherty S Curtis A Vnoucek J Hall 2015 Reading the leaves sheep parchment as a 1000 year genetic resource Advances in Animal Biosciences p63
Cook HF amp Williamson T 1999 Water Management in the English Landscape Field Marsh and Meadow Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press
Copus AK 1989 Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in Southern England 1750ndash1900 The Agricultural history review 37(1) pp36ndash51
Craig H 1960 English religious drama of the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford Clarendon Press
Crittal E 1959 Wiltshire Volume 4 Other Industries In A History of the County of Wiltshire Volume 4 London British History Online pp 43ndash64 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchwiltsvol4 [Accessed July 29 2018]
Crouse J 1768 The History of the City and County of Norwich From the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time London Printed John Crouse and sold by M Booth
DrsquoAgata R et al 2007 The use of atmospheric pressure laser desorption mass spectrometry for the study of iron-gall ink Applied Physics A Materials Science amp Processing 89(1) pp91ndash95
Davis JM amp Beckett JV 1999 Animal husbandry and agricultural improvement the archaeological evidence from animal bones and teeth Rural history economy society culture 10(1) pp1ndash17
Davis T 1813 General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Dickson PGM 1960 The Sun Insurance Office 1710-1960 Oxford Oxford University Press
Doherty Sean 2018 The proteomic and isotopic analysis of parchment and their application to post-medieval sheep husbandry in Britain PhD Thesis University of York
Duncumb J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Hereford Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Fitzsimmons MP 2010 From Artisan to Worker Guilds the French State and the Organization of Labor 1776ndash1821 New York Cambridge University Press
Freemen of Chester 1992 Chester Freemen and Guilds Information and History Booklet Chester Chester City Record Office
Fussell GE 1966 The English Dairy Farmer 1500-1900 London Frank Cass amp Co
Fussell GE 1964 THE GRASSES AND GRASSLAND CULTIVATION OF BRITAIN I Before 1700 Grass and Forage Science 19(1) pp49ndash54
Fussell GE amp Goodman C 1930 Eighteenth Century Estimates of British Sheep and Wool Production Agricultural history 4(4) pp131ndash151
Gerhold D 2005 Carriers and coachmasters trade and travel before the turnpikes Oxford Phillimore
Glasse S 1794 The Magistratersquos Assistant Or A Summary of Those Laws which Immediately Respect the Conduct of a Justice of the Peace Continued to the End of the Session--1793 Gloucester Printed by R Raikes
Gooch W 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge London Sherwood Neely and Jones
133
Great BritainCommissioners of Excise 1778 Instructions for officers of the duties on hides in the country London
Gullick M 1991 From parchmenter to scribe some observations on the manufacture and preparation of medieval parchment based upon a review of the literary evidence In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 145ndash157
Hagadorn A 2012 Parchment making in eighteenth-century France historical practices and the written record Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 35(2) pp165ndash188
Haskins CH 1912 The ancient trade guilds and companies of Salisbury Kindle Salisbury Bennett Brothers
Havinden MA 1961 The Rural Economy of Oxfordshire 1580-1730 B Litt thesis Oxford University
Henderson S 2016 A Revolution in Sheeprsquos Clothing BA University of York
Henrickson RL Ranganayaki MD amp Asghar A 1984 Age species breed sex and nutrition effect on hide collagen Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 20(3) pp159ndash172
Her Majestyrsquos Stationery Office 1844 Reports from Commissioners Seventeen Volumes 13 London English Government Available at httpsmarketandroidcomdetailsid=book-jmoSAAAAYAAJ
Hoffman T 2011 Guilds and Related Organisations in Great Britain and Ireland a bibliography - Part 1 Unpublished Available at httpwwwbbkacuklibrarydownloadsguilds-part-1pdf [Accessed 28102018]
Holland H 1813 General view of the agriculture of Cheshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Houghton J 1728 Husbandry and trade improvrsquod being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle coals hops wool ampc With a complete catalogue of the several sorts of earths With many other useful particulars communicated by several eminent members of the Royal Society to the collector John Houghton The second edition London Printed for Woodman and Lyon
Hughes E 1941 The English Stamp Duties 1664-1764 The English Historical Review 56 (222) pp234ndash264
Hunt amp Co 1849 Hunt amp Corsquos Directory of Gloucester amp Bristol London BW Gardiner
Ibbetson J 1845 Ibbetsonrsquos Directory of the Borough of Bradford etc Bradford Printed and Published by J Ibbetson
Kent H 1798 Kentrsquos directory for the year 1798 containing an alphabetical list of the names and places of abode of the directors of companies persons in public business merchants of London and Westminster and Southwark etc 66th edn London Richard amp Henry Causton
Kellyrsquos Directories Ltd 1936 Kellyrsquos directory of stationers printers publishers booksellers papermakers amp c of England Scotland and Wales 18th edn 1936 London Kellyrsquos Directories
Kerridge E 2013 The Agricultural Revolution London Routledge
Kite M amp Thomson R 2006 The Manufacture of Leather Conservation of Leather and Related Materials London Elsevier Science amp Technology Ltd
Knight C 1842 London London Published by Charles Knight
Lawrence T Fowler V amp Novakofski J 2012 Growth of Farm Animals 3rd edition London CABI
Leadbetter C 1755 The royal gauger or Gauging made perfectly easy as it is actually practised by the officers of His Majestyrsquos revenue of excise London Printed for E Wicksteed
134
Lisle E 1757 Observations in Husbandry London J Hughs
Lowe R 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Nottingham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London C MacRae
Lyall RJ 1989 Materials The Paper Revolution In J Griffiths et al eds Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375--1475 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 11ndash29
Lyne AG 1961 The Postnatal Development of Wool Follicles Shedding and Skin Thickness in Inbred Merino and Southdown-Merino Crossbred Sheep Australian Journal of Biological Sciences 14(1) pp141ndash156
Marshall M 1789 The rural economy of Gloucestershire including its dairy together with the dairy management of North Wiltshire and the management of orchards and fruit liquor in Herefordshire Glocester Printed by R Raikes for G Nicol Pall-Mall London
Massey W 1763 The Origin and Progress of Letters An Essay in Two Parts London J Johnson
Mathias P 1969 The first industrial nation The economic history of Britain 1700-1914 London Metheun and Co
Mavor WF 1813 General view of the agriculture of Berkshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Mazoyer M and Roudart L (2006) A History of World Agriculture from the neolithic age to the current crisis London Earthscan
Maxted I 1992 British Book Trades 1775-1787 An Index to Insurance Policies (Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History) London JMaxted
Minard P 2011 Micro-Economics of Quality and Social Construction of the Market Disputes Among the London Leather Trades in the Eighteenth-Century Historische Sozialforschung = Historical social research Zentrum fur Historische Sozialforschung Koln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften Bonn 36(4) pp150ndash168
Moffatt JM 1805 The History of the Town of Malmesbury and of Its Ancient Abbey Together with Memoirs of Eminent Natives to which is Added an Appendix Tetbury JG Goodwyn
Murray A 1815 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Warwick with Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London B McMillan
Narayan S amp Rathore A 1964 Skin follicles and wool characteristics of seven breeds of Rajasthan sheep Research Studies-University of Udaipur 2
Neate S Howell D Ovenden R Pollard AM 2011 The Technological Study of Books and Manuscripts as Artefacts Research Questions and Analytical Solutions Oxford Archaeopress
Overton M 1996 Re-Establishing the English Agricultural Revolution The Agricultural history review 44(1) pp1ndash20
Page W 1930 A History of the County of Northampton In The borough of Northampton Trades London British History Online pp 26ndash30 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchnorthantsvol3pp26-30 [Accessed 30102018]
Page W 1907 Agriculture In A History of the County of Oxfordshire London British History Online pp 279ndash292 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchoxonvol2pp279-292 [Accesse 30102018]
Palop R 2016 Sheepskin and Cattle Hide Degreasing PhD University of Barcelona Available at
135
httpwwwcromogeniacomimagesnoticiasAF_LIBRO_DESENGRASE_english_bajapdf
Palliser DM amp Selwyn DG 1972 The Stock of a York Stationer 1538 The Library s5-XXVII(3) pp207ndash219
ParliamentHouse of Lords 1742 The history and proceedings of the House of Lords from the Restoration in 1660 to the present time London Ebenezer Tumberland
Parson WM amp White WM 1830 Directory of Leeds York and the Clothing District of Yorkshire Northowram Ovenden From Weaver to Web Northowram Calderdale Libraries Northgate Halifax West Yorkshire England
Pendred J 1785 The London and Country Printers Booksellers and Stationers Vade Mecum Moorfields J Pendred
Pigot 1995 National commercial directory Norwich Michael Winton
Pigot 1834 National commercial directory of the merchants bankers professional gentlemen manufacturers and traders in the counties of Chester Cumberland Durham Lancaster Northumberland Westmorland and York etc London Pigot
Pigot J 1825 Pigot and Corsquos New Commercial Directory of Scotland for 1825-1826Together with the most extensive Directory of London Manchester J Pigot and Co
Pitt W 1796 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Stafford With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G Nicol and sold
Pitt W 1809 A general view of the agriculture of the county of Leicester with observations on the means of its improvement London R Phillips
Pitt W 1817 A Topographical History of Staffordshire Including Its Agriculture Mines and Manufactures Memoirs of Eminent Natives Statistical Tables and Every Species of Information Connected with the Local History of the County With a Succinct Account of the Rise and Progress of the Staffordshire Potteries J Smith
Plenderleith HJ amp Werner A 1971 Papyrus Parchment and Paper In The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art Treatment Repair and Restoration Oxford Oxford University Press pp 44ndash73
Plot R 1686 The Natural History of Staffordshire Oxford Printed at the Theater
Plymley J 1803 General View of the Agriculture of Shropshire with Observations Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole B 1852 Statistics of British commerce Being a compendium of the productions manufactures imports and exports of the United Kingdom London WH Smith amp Son Simpkin Marshall amp Co
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Priest SJ amp Parkinson R 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Buckinghamshire Drawn Up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Reed R 1972 Ancient Skins Parchments and Leathers New York Seminar Press
Reed R 1991 Some thoughts on Parchment for Bookbinding In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 217ndash220
136
Reed R 1975 The nature and making of parchment Leeds Elmete Press
Rennie G Brown R amp Shirreff J 1799 General View of the Agriculture of the West Riding of Yorkshire Surveyed by Messrs Rennie Brown amp Shirreff 1793 With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement and Additional Information Since Received Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement Edinburgh G Nicol
Roberts C David Roberts F amp Bisson D 2016 A History of England Volume 1 Prehistory to 1714 London Routledge
Rogers JET 1887 A History of Agriculture and Prices in England From the Year After the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the Commencement of the Continental War (1793) Oxford Clarendon Press
Rudge T 1981 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Gloucester London R Phillips
Russell N 2007 Like Engendrsquoring Like Heredity and Animal Breeding in Early Modern England Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Ryder M 1981 A survey of European primitive breeds of sheep Annales de genetique et de selection animale 13(4) pp381ndash418
Ryder ML 1963 A survey of the gross structural features of protein fibres Fibre Structure pp534ndash566
Ryder ML 1958 Follicle arrangement in skin from wild sheep primitive domestic sheep and in parchment Nature 182(4638) pp781ndash783
Ryder ML 1960 Follicle remains in some British parchments Nature 187(4732) pp130ndash132
Ryder ML 1969 Remains derived from skin Science in Archaeology 43 pp539ndash554
Ryder ML 1983 Sheep and man London Gerald Duckworth amp Co Ltd
Ryder ML 1991 The biology and history of parchment In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thurbecke pp 25ndash33
Ryder ML 1964a The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain The Agricultural history review 12(1) pp1ndash12
Ryder ML 1964b The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain (Continued) The Agricultural history review 12(2) pp65ndash82
Saxl H 1954 An investigation of the qualities the methods of manufacture and the preservation of historic parchment and vellum with a view to identifying the animal species used PhD University of Leeds
Sellet F 1993 Chaicircne opeacuteratoire the concept and its applications Lithic technology 18(1-2) pp106ndash112
Shaw W 1935 Entry Book June 1964 1-10 In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 10 1693-1696 London British History Online pp 636ndash648 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol10pp440-449 [Accessed 30102018]
Shaw W amp Slingsby FH 1957 Declared Accounts Stamp Duties In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 29 1714-1715 British History Online pp 381ndash398 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol29 [Accessed 30102018]
Sibly E 1808 Magazine of Natural History Comprehending the Whole Science of Animals Plants and Minerals Divided Into Distinct Parts the Characters Separately Described and Systematically Arranged London Chimpante and Withrow
Sims M 2004 Homewell Parchment Works Archaeological Report Available at
137
httplibrarythehumanjourneynet890 [Accessed 13082017]
Sketchley J 1775 Sketchleyrsquos Bristol Directory Bristol James Sketchley
Slater I amp Pigot 1857 Slaterrsquos - late Pigot amp cos - Royal national commercial directory and topography of the counties of Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire Rutlandshire amp Yorkshire the towns of Hull Leeds Nottingham and Sheffield embellished with beautiful maps of Lincolnshire Nottingham amp Yorkshire etc Manchester Isaac Slater
Slater amp Pigot 1852 Slaterrsquos Royal National Commercial Directory and Topography of Scotland etc 1852 Aberdeenshire Isaac Slater
Smellie W 1771 Encyclopaeligdia Britannica [electronic resource] or a dictionary of arts and sciences compiled upon a new plan Illustrated with one hundred and sixty copperplates By a Society of gentlemen in Scotland In three volumes Edinburgh printed for A Bell and C Macfarquhar and sold by Colin Macfarquhar
Smith F 2009 Smithrsquos Directory of Halifax Bradford Oldfield and Horsfall
Stevenson W 1812 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Dorset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G and W Nicol
Stevenson W 1809 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Surrey London J Phillips
Stinson T 2011 Counting Sheep Potential Applications of DNA Analysis to the Study of Medieval Parchment Production In F Franz C Fritze amp G Vogeler eds Kodikologie und Palaumlographie im digitalen Zeitalter 2 - Codicology and Palaeography in the Digital Age 2 Norderstedt Books on Demand (BoD) pp 191ndash207
Stinson TL 2009 Knowledge of the flesh using DNA analysis to unlock bibliographical secrets of medieval parchment Papers Bibliographical Society of America 103(4) pp435ndash453
Strickland HE 1812 A general view of the agriculture of the East-Riding of Yorkshire published by order of the Board of Agriculture author
Teasdale MD et al 2015 Paging through history parchment as a reservoir of ancient DNA for next generation sequencing Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B Biological sciences 370(1660) p20130379
The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 The Rotation of Crops The Farmerrsquos Magazine 8 p188
The House of Commons 1808 The Journals of the House of Commons Volume 63 London Printed by Order of the House of Commons
The National Archives 2018 Bridging the Digital Gap technical traineeships in archives Available at httpwwwnationalarchivesgovuk [Accessed October 23 2018]
The Salt Association 2018 Salt amp the Salt Tax | Salt History The Salt Association Available at httpwwwsaltassociationcoukeducationsalt-historysalt-the-chemical-revolutioneighteenth-century-salt-making-salt-and-the-salt-tax [Accessed July 5 2018]
The Saturday Magazine 1838 The Saturday Magazine 12-13(402) pp129ndash136
Thirsk J 1984 The Agrarian History of England and Wales Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Thirsk J 2000 The English Rural Landscape USA Oxford University Press
Thomas S 1983 Leathermaking in the Middle Ages In Leather Manufacture through the Ages Proceedings of the 27th East Midlands Industrial Archaeology Conference (27) EMIAC 27 pp 1ndash10
138
Trolander P 2014 Literary Sociability in Early Modern England The Epistolary Record London Rowman amp Littlefield
Trow-Smith R 1951 English husbandry From the earliest times to the present day London Faber and Faber
Tuke J 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the North Riding of Yorkshire With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London W Bulmer and Company
Vancouver C 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Hampshire Including the Isle of Wight London R Phillips
Walls GF 1901 Westmorland Agriculture 1800-1900 London Book on Demand
Walton JR 1983 The diffusion of improved sheep breeds in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Oxfordshire Journal of historical geography 9(2) pp175ndash195
Watt A 1906 The Art of Leather Manufacture Being A Practical Handbook in Which the Operations of Tanning Currying and Leather Dressing Are Fully Described London Kessinger Publishing
Williams TW 1824 A Compendious Abstract of the Public General Acts passed in 6 Geo IV London Printed for GWightman
Williams AJ amp Thornberry KJ 1992 THE SKIN THICKNESS OF MEDIUM WOOL MERINO SHEEP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WOOL PRODUCTION Proceedings of the Australian Society of Animal Production 19 pp138ndash141
Williams amp Co 1844 Williams amp Co Directory of York Printed by Edward Baines amp sons York
Winters J 2012 THE ENGLISH PROVINCIAL BOOK TRADE BOOKSELLER STOCK-LISTS C 1520-1640 PhD University of St Andrews
Wodzicka M 1958 Studies on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin of sheep ImdashDevelopment techniques New Zealand Journal of Agricultural Research 1(4) pp582ndash591
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska M 1960 Effect of cold on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin in sheep In Proc Aust Soc Anim Prod pp 195ndash198
Worgan GB 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall London G and W Nicol
Wrigley E (2011) The Early English Censuses Oxford Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press
Wrigley E and Schofield R (1981) The Population History of England 1541-1871 Cambridge Mass Harvard Univ Press
Wykes DL 2004 Robert Bakewell (1725-1795) of Dishley Farmer and Livestock Improver The Agricultural history review 52(1) pp38ndash55
Yeomans LM 2006 A zooarchaeological and historical study of the animal product based industries operating in London during the post-medieval period PhD University of London Available at httpwwwacademiaedudownload30464459Yeomans_phdpdf
Youatt W 1810 A Treatise on the Choice Buying and General Management of Live Stock Comprising Delineations and Description of the Principal Breeds London B Crosby and Company
Youatt W amp Weld MC 1837 Sheep Their Breeds Management and Diseases London Baldwin and Cradock
Young A 1799 Experiments on the Winter and Summer support of sheep Annals of Agriculture and other
139
Useful Arts 34 pp414ndash425
Young A 1807 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary of the Board In Two Volumes Vol 2 London RPhillips
Young A 1804 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk London G and W Nicol
Young A 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary to the Board London B Macmillan
Young A 1808 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex London R Phillips
Young A 1813 General view of the agriculture of Oxfordshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
140
Contents Abstract 2
Contents 3
List of Tables 6
List of Figures 7
Acknowledgements 8
Declaration 9
Chapter 1 Introduction 10 11 Aims 10 12 The Research Question 12 13 Objectives 12 14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire 15
Chapter 2 Literature Review 16 21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850 16 22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry 18 23 New Areas of Research 22
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry 24 31 Uses for Parchment 24 32 Who was Selling the Skins 24 33 How was Parchment Manufactured 28 34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker 31 35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry 33 36 The Price of Parchment 35
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices 35 362 Gregory Clark Prices 37 363 Witherby Publishing Group Data 41 364 Conclusions 42
37 Salt Prices 43
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers 45 41 Review of Sources 45 42 The Scale of the Industry 47 43 Map of Parchment-Makers 50
431 Review of the Data 53 44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies 56
3
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws 59 51 Parchment Taxation 59 52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment 63 53 Who is enforcing these laws 65 54 Effects on Parchment Quality 68 55 Conclusions 70
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds 72 61 Sourcing Sheepskins 72
611 Fat Content 72 612 The Age of Sheep 74 613 Diet and Environment 75 614 Wool Sheep 77
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used 78 615 Conclusion 79
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds 81 621 The DownlandsSouth 82 622 The Wolds 87 623 Lowland Vales 88 624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture 90 625 Fenlands 93 626 Moorlands 95 627 Londonrsquos Hinterland 96 628 Conclusion 97
Chapter 7 Conclusions 100 71 Conclusion 100 72 Discussion 101
Appendices 104 Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data 105 Appendix 2 Parchment Quality 107 Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions 108 Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages 109 Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected 110 Appendix 6 National Directories 111 Appendix 7 Local Directories 112 Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data 113 Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location 114
4
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws 116 Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws 119 Appendix 12 Flaying Laws 123 Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws 128 Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 129
Bibliography 131
5
List of Tables
Table 1 Campbellrsquos London Tradesmen 31
Table 2 Parchment-Maker Insurance Policies 1770-1779 57
Table 3 Sheep Breeds Overview 85
6
List of Figures
Figure 1 Depiction of the Research Process 14
Figure 2 Thorold Rogers Parchment Prices 1858-1683 36
Figure 3 Gregory Clark Parchment Prices 1274-1706 38
Figure 4 Salt Prices 1500-1850 43
Figure 5 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1900 50
Figure 6 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1650 51
Figure 7 Map of Parchment-Makers 1651-1700 51
Figure 8 Map of Parchment-Makers 1701-1750 52
Figure 9 Map of Parchment-Makers 1751-1800 52
Figure 10 Map of Parchment-Makers 1801-1850 52
Figure 11 Map of Parchment-Makers 1851-1900 52
Figure 12 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Figure 13 Net Produce of Stamp Duties 1807 61
Figure 14 Fibre Groupings - Dead Sea Scrolls 77
7
Acknowledgements I would like thank my thesis advisor Dr Jonathan Finch of the Archaeology Department at
the University of York for all his help and support throughout this project I would also
like to thank Matthew Collins Sean Doherty Sarah Fiddyment and Matthew Teasdale for
including me in their conversations on their research surrounding the lsquohidden history of
parchmentrsquo
I would also like to express my gratitude to my family for proof-reading my project and
apologise for the many hours they will never get back and for the wealth of sheep and
parchment knowledge they will carry around with them for years to come
8
Declaration I declare that this thesis is a presentation of original work and I am the sole author This work has not previously been presented for an award at this or any other University All sources are acknowledged as References
9
Chapter 1 Introduction
11 Aims
lsquoThe assumption has been made that parchment was made in the region of the place in which
the document was written However certainly as early as the seventeen-nineties it was clear
that the parchment had not necessarily been made locally a parchment of that fate from
Hereford bore the name of a London stationerrsquo
(Ryder 1963 541)
The aim of this project is to develop the first detailed overview of the post-medieval
English parchment industry This particular industry is one routinely overlooked by
historians and archaeologists and this work constitutes the only in-depth investigation
of the parchment industry of this period However not only is there ample evidence on
which to create a detailed outline of the size location and processes of this industry but
that this research will greatly contribute to our understanding of the past from both the
new data it will provide on this time period as well as potentially contributing new
material to the debates surrounding the agricultural revolution and the neglected area
of stockbreeding but also by providing essential historical context for groundbreaking
new studies on historical DNA (hDNA) found in parchment
However being that this is the first detailed review of this industry there is very little
academic literature to highlight the key components of the industry as well as the key
factors shaping the industry As a result this project is divided into two sections Firstly
the piecing together of the history of the industry assessing the size and structure of
the industry and the various processes that occurred during production Having
established the outline and processes of the industry and any changes over time the
second section will explore the driving factors shaping the development on the industry
Put simply the results of the first section should raise important new questions that
need to be asked of the historical record and section two will attempt to answer these
questions taking the study beyond the industry itself to address questions from
broader research agendas
10
A review of the key changes in this industry particularly those concerning the price of
materials the objectives of manufacturers and the fluctuations in the progress and
efficiency should prove significant in further developing our understanding of the
post-medieval agricultural change and the wider-economy more generally Furthermore
this research will help us to understand when paper became the primary lsquohardwarersquo for
recording information It will also offer new data to interpret the chronology and
geography of the agricultural revolution through the hitherto neglected area of livestock
improvement All the areas discussed above are topics that will be reviewed in this
project and from which a good understanding of the location and processes of the
parchment industry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century will be developed
Perhaps however as stated earlier the most consequential aspect of this research will
support the advancement of these scientific techniques currently deployed in the field
of archaeology to be applied in the study of the post-medieval period The research of
hDNA analysis appears the most quintessential use for this research though it is by no
means limited to this area alone The recent investigative fervour surrounding the
scientific study of parchment through the analysis of hDNA as well as chemical and
spectrographic analysis (discussed further in section 25 of the literature review) should
benefit from research of this nature greatly supporting its application on the
post-medieval period
11
12 The Research Question
What was the structure size and geography of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 and what light can the results throw onto wider research goals in a variety of
disciplines including hDNA studies historical archaeology and agricultural history
relating to the chronology and geography of agricultural improvement
13 Objectives
To complete a literature review of both materials written recently and those written
during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries The sources reviewed can then be used
to conduct a detailed overview of the structure of the parchment industry looking
primarily at the parchment manufacturing process the uses for parchment the
socio-economic status of the industry and the overall condition of the industry during
these centuries This will involve reviewing a variety of external factors such as changes
in law taxation the price of various agricultural products the paper industry and
transport
Once completed a more detailed analysis of the data can be undertaken reviewing
correlations in the data and assessing which factors were most significant in shaping the
development of the parchment industry In order to conduct such an analysis a detailed
review of the agricultural landscape between 1650 and 1850 must be completed
primarily investigating the location of various sheep breeds and the various agricultural
systems to which they most suited Any information on the geography of the parchment
manufacturing industry and the identification of any centres of production will not only
offer further information on this previously unstudied industry but more specifically
provide greater validity to post-medieval hDNA studies by offering further clarity on the
origin of parchment samples Furthermore this work will assess the key factors in the
changing industry and their effects on parchment quality over time
Finally a review of the impact of this research Reviewing if this new information
contributes to current debates surrounding agricultural improvement more specifically
12
the timing and significance of an agricultural revolution as well as how it affects the
results and methodologies of future hDNA studies
13
Figure 1 shows the research process that will be adopted This process should allow for
detailed analysis of the location of the industry while also allowing for the review a
significant number of external factors shaping the industry This form of research allows
for the more successful adoption of the chaicircne opeacuteratoire method (see section 15) and
should also provide a solid bedrock of information on a variety of topics on a subject
otherwise untouched in the historical and archaeological literature
14
14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire
lsquoWithout fertilizer no harvests without livestock no fertilizer which has such an immediate impact without seeded pastures no livestock finally without the elimination of fallowing no
or very few seeded pastures all is linked in agriculture its system must be totalrsquo
Instruction to the National Convention 1794 (Cited in Mazoyer and Roudart 2006 313)
Much of the data surrounding the production of parchment is intrinsically linked to
other areas of study There is likely a number of inter-relationships between a variety of
processes within the parchment industry and the broader agricultural economy For
example the price of sheep mutton and wool would have shaped the market and must
be understood to be able to understand the dynamics of the parchment industry
Furthermore issues such as changes in agricultural systems cultural changes legal
changes foreign policy changes would all have been entangled in the shaping and
development of the industry There are likely very clear links between many features of
the parchment industry and the wider English economy many not listed here though
the nature of these relationships is not always immediately obvious
By using the methodological tool of chaicircne opeacuteratoire it is possible in many cases to
unravel the logical sequences that caused and affected certain changes In other words
the correlations found between various linked markets can be analysed and used to
make logical conclusions as to what happened Perhaps the clearest description of this
process can be found in Frederic Selletrsquos 1993 paper Chaine Operatoire The Concept and
its Applications which states this method lsquoaims to describe and understand all cultural
transformations that a specific raw material had to go throughlsquo (Sellet 1993 106)
Knowing the importance and manufacturing processes of certain materials allows
inferences to be made as to the certain practices that were occurring as well as to
understand the logical steps taken to achieve these outcomes and to then map and
understand various industries and agricultural practices
15
Chapter 2 Literature Review
21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
The post-medieval parchment industry has remained lsquohiddenrsquo in the both the historical
and archaeological record The primary resources are often sources that briefly touch
upon the parchment trade though the parchment industry was not usually their
primary concern Such documents included encyclopaedias essays on livestock farmers
letters tours of England texts on the subject of the leather trade and legal documents
to name a few examples Although these indirect sources are relatively numerous there
is a dire need of recording comparing and contrasting as well as a detailed analysis
testing their validity Unfortunately validity has proved to be a significant issue with the
key components of the industry often being closely guarded secrets amongst
parchment-makers In 1775 Lalande highlighted this issue when writing his
Encyclopaedia stating lsquoanyone writing an article on the mechanical arts will learn after
having for some time gone from workshop to workshop with cash in his handrsquo that they
will often be paying for lsquothe most preposterous misinformationrsquo (Cited in Blom 2005
47)
This project constitutes the first detailed investigation into the parchment industry
during this period and so almost all information pertaining to the industry will prove
important and therefore a significant amount of information has been collected The
following chapters will therefore include a comprehensive review of all the major
processes and influences of the parchment industry hopefully creating the foundation
for future studies in this area
Firstly in regards to how parchment is made there are a number of texts from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which describe the process (see Ballard 1882
65-66 Houghton 1728 326 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456
Chambers 1728 351 Saxl 1954 94 Blanch 1774 42-43) However these descriptions
require thorough analysis particularly as none of the authors referenced above were
actually parchment-makers themselves The work of Chambers (1728) and Smellie
16
(1771) are encyclopaedias and perhaps therefore were less likely to have been
particularly thorough investigative pieces on the parchment trade similar issues of
validity remain with the Saturday Magazine article (The Saturday Magazine 1838) Ballard
(1882) and Blanchrsquos (1774) works are descriptions of the leather trade only briefly
reviewing the parchment industry though these texts share strikingly similar
descriptions of the manufacturing process Finally Houghtonrsquos work is perhaps the most
useful Written in 1694 though not published until 1728 it was written after an interview
with a parchment-maker reciting the production process in great detail These few
primary sources often share material details but they provide a vital historical platform
from which to build a fairly thorough understanding of the process and whether it
changed over the centuries
Just as there are few contemporary descriptions of the production processes so there
are also only a few texts describing the industry on a macro-scale Those that do exist
appear to only describe the process of the materials through the industrial system For
example Houghton (1728) and an article in The Saturday Magazine (1838) describe
parchment-makers purchasing their skins directly from butchers (Houghton 1728 326
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134) However there are various different descriptions of
the process For example Chambers and Smellie described the process as being started
by the skinner and finished by the parchment-maker (Chambers 1728 351 Smellie
1771 456) while a later text describes the skins as being purchased directly from the
abattoirs or slaughter-houses (Poole 1852 275) and Knight who describes the London
industry wrote about a lsquoskin-salesmanrsquo who acted as an agent between the sellers and
the fellmongers (Knight 1842 26) who then sold to the parchment-makers Finally
Hagadorn states that from the sixteenth century onwards English parchment-makers
purchased their skins from fellmongers (Hagadorn 2012 169) though it should be noted
that he draws this conclusion by referencing two texts neither of which supply
compelling evidence but instead simply outline the jobs of fellmongers (see Kite and
Thomas 2006 72 Thomas 1983 6) However Hagadorn does show evidence of Parisian
parchment-makers purchasing their skins locally (2012 170) which could perhaps
reflect the English model The directories and insurance records of the Sun Office and
Royal Exchange insurance groups two of the larger insurance groups that emerged
around the turn of the eighteenth century may also offer some insights into the roles of
17
parchment-makers during this period Overall the literature differs greatly on the
process of the exchange of materials and whether there are differences over time
geographical regions or simply authors who are mistaken as to how the process occurs
is not clear The primary sources therefore provide a conflicting picture of how the
industry functioned at least on a macro-scale again highlighting the need for greater
research in this area
A number of primary sources do provide some indication as to the scale and location of
the industry For example Chambers describes parchment as making a lsquovery
considerable article in the French commercersquo with large quantities being sent to
lsquoEngland Flanders Holland Spain and Portugalrsquo in the late 1720s (Chambers 1728 351)
a claim supported in The Saturday Magazine (1838 134) Despite this little is known
about the exact quantities or where they were transported to within England Also in
regards to where it was being made in England it is clear that large quantities were
being made in Bermondsey London (Knight 1842 18 Pendred 1785 33 37 Yeomans
2006 134) This area had a long history of tanning and with Knightrsquos detailed 1842
description of the parchment industry in the area (Knight 1842) it is possible to say with
confidence that this was a major centre for parchment production
Unfortunately however this appears the majority of the literature on the topic The
historical information on the post-medieval parchment industry is incredibly
fragmented with only a small number of texts referring to the industry and often only
in a few pages Of the more detailed summaries that do exist many describe different
systems with the majority of them have never been subject to any academic scrutiny
However a full review and analysis of these texts should begin to offer outlines of some
of the major aspects of the industry providing a reasonable overview of its history
22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry
There is a significant lack of any modern literature on the parchment industry between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries This is an issue perhaps best highlighted
recently by the lack of reference to any such documents in a number of modern studies
on hDNA in which providing an historical context for results would otherwise be
essential (see Teasdale et al 2015 Collins et al 2015 Campana et al 2010) Despite this
lack of literature there are a number of texts on parchment in the Middle Ages and
18
perhaps more importantly there are also a number of texts on the medieval
manufacturing processes which could prove useful for a later historical study of the
industry (see Clarkson 1992 Gullick 1991 Bicchieri et al 2008)
A number of texts on hDNA analysis highlight the need for greater research on the
parchment industry (Burger et al 2000) Species determination and STR-genotyping
from ancient DNA in art and artefacts have provided a comparison of the genetic status
of animals or plants with historical data and have greatly increased our knowledge lsquonot
only about the material itself but also about domestication cultivation planting and
herding practicesrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Bower et al write that if an extensive DNA
database of known provenance was created then future studies showing identical or
very similar hDNA identities could use it to determine the origin of their own samples
(Bower et al 2010)
Campana et al write however that their results showed multiple hDNA signatures in
other words that their results were affected by the environment in which the skins and
parchment were kept during production (2010 1324) an issue that can begin to be
combated once a better understanding of the post-medieval parchment manufacturing
process is developed It seems safe to assume that Campana et al would have reviewed
or even re-published their results if they could answer either of these issues but clearly
the material does not exist In fact their only reference to the history of parchment is to
a text by Ronald Reed (1972) however Reed only references modern methods of making
parchment and a single recipe from 800BC Ultimately there is a significant gap in
understanding about the structure of the industry and how parchment was made
between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries Overall all these studies only cover a
very small number of primary and secondary sources on the history of the parchment
industry despite the clear benefits associated with reviewing within a more clearly
defined historical context though this appears to be due to a lack of literature on the
topic than of choice
Despite a lack of literature on these areas there does appear to have been a cluster of
work on parchment between the 1950s and 1970s though primarily discussing how
parchment is currently made and what methods and source materials contribute to the
19
manufacture of the highest-quality parchment ( Ryder 1958 Ryder 1960 Ryder 1964
Ryder 1969 Reed 1972 Reed 1975 Reed 1991 )
The state of the parchment industry has also been measured by the quality of the
parchment over time which a number of studies showing the steady decline of
parchment quality over the centuries Ryder covers 200 samples of parchment between
the eleventh and nineteenth centuries to determine the relative quality (Ryder 1991
31-32) Relatively it can be argued that seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
parchment was of the worse quality than the medieval (Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1964
70 Clarkson 1992 5) Many writers have therefore made the claim that this shows the
decline of the parchment industry and the rise of the paper industry with cheaper
lower-quality parchment being made in order to compete However few writers appear
to have considered the possibility of changes in the quality of the materials available to
be used for making parchment an area that will be reviewed in this project
Yeomans (2006) is one of the only people to map parchment-makers using parish
records Her work covers the Bermondsey area in London which was the key area for
tanning in London and most likely therefore the main centre of parchment production
for all of England This work might provide a useful methodology for the current study
and data collection as well as providing key information about the structure of related
industry in London
Similarly Hagadorn (2012) reviews the parchment industry in eighteenth-century France
discussing elements of the industry such as how parchment was made (2012 169) how
skins were preserved (2012 171) the common use of lsquoadult sheep as opposed to lambsrsquo
sourced from local butchers by French parchment-makers (2012 170) and how the
market functioned more generally This work provides a useful methodology but also a
model of how a parchment industry would operate in that time period in a culture and
economy that is relatively similar to Englandrsquos It should be noted that the French
parchment industry has been well-studied and is very well-documented a luxury not
applicable to the study of the English parchment industry Fitzsimmons for example
has studied the integration of parchment-makers in Paris with other corporations
(Fitzsimmons 2010) and this might provide an insight into the role of English guilds in
the parchment industry Indeed one might expect the French and English parchment
20
industries to share many similarities both in scale and processes making both of these
pieces of work useful in both understanding the industry and creating a methodology
for future research
In conclusion despite little information being available on the history of the parchment
industry a number of texts detailing the composition of parchment and the effects of
breed-type diet environment grease content and age on the overall quality Combining
this information with the overview of the various texts discussing parchment quality
over time will offer some insights into the possible changes occuring in sheep farming in
the past These texts should also offer a number of interesting research possibilities for
reviewing any future conclusions made on the parchment industry between the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries
However literature surrounding the history of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 is extremely rare Very little is understood in terms of the size of the industry
its geography its source materials product prices taxation laws manufacturing laws
manufacturing practices or the various processes that occurred between an animals
slaughter the manufacture of parchment and the products eventual sale More detail is
known on the London and French parchment industry though the literature here also
remains limited The overall lack of literature on this topic further highlights the need to
initiate an investigation into this significantly overlooked industry and presents a source
of historical data on a time period severely lacking in economic historic and
archaeological information
21
23 New Areas of Research
There have been a number of groundbreaking new research methods surrounding
parchment that have been developed in recent times A plethora of new scientific
methods have been adopted for instance the chemical and spectroscopic analyses of
parchment has allowed archaeologists to identify the inks and other products used on
parchment for writing or decorative purposes ( DrsquoAgata et al 2007 ) In 2000 it was shown
that historic DNA (hDNA) could be be lsquoisolated from most of the various biomaterialsrsquo
and this hDNA has the possibility to be used to lsquodetermine the organic remnantrsquos
genusspecies of origin and on the other hand to create the genetic profile of an
individual animalrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Hence this new research could determine the
breeds of animal populations used in parchment production and help to determine the
timing or existence of an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo by developing a detailed
understanding of the animals being used in the agricultural system assessing the timing
of changes in sheep breeds due to changes in farming techniques and developing a
better understanding of the various objectives of farming communities However this
technology has primarily been focused on more specific rare medieval parchment
samples (see Stinson 2011 Teasdale et al 2017 Stinson 2009 Clarke 2001) however
the studies conducted creates a number of possibilities for similar research on the
post-medieval period However studies of this nature as stated earlier require research
on the processes of the parchment industry and how the parchment was prepared for
example as was warranted for the studies conducted on the Dead Sea Scrolls (see Poole
and Reed 1962)
There are of course still areas of concern with this research for example Campana et al
in 2010 presented how DNA found in parchment is more complex than first thought
with the manufacturing process affecting the hDNA extracted as a result of
cross-contamination during the industrial production process (Campana et al 2010)
However as Teasdale et al (2015) discuss the form of hDNA research used by Campana
et al has lsquowell-documented deficiencies particularly with regard to controlling and
estimating contaminationrsquo and that this next generation sequencing now being adopted
generates lsquomany orders of magnitude more datarsquo (Teasdale et al 2015 2) These
methods are clearly becoming increasingly accurate and it appears to be only a matter
22
of time before they are more widely applied to a range of archaeological research
However in order to understand the results of these tests it is imperative that they be
understood within the historical context Therefore a detailed understanding of the
industry and the manufacturing techniques is required before the results of these
experiments can be fully understood It also important it be understood where
parchment samples originate in order to understand to what geographical region the
results of any hDNA studies apply As a result the commonly adopted method of
reviewing any stationers stamp or taxation stamp to determine the origin of a sample of
parchment must also be questioned
Overall it remains particularly unfortunate that despite the incredibly interesting work
on hDNA its application to the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries has remained in its
infancy due in no small part to a significant lack of historical information on the
parchment industry during this period However there is by no means a lack of
information on this area and there therefore exists a great opportunity for research in
this area
23
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry
31 Uses for Parchment
From modern collections of parchment it is clear the material was still widely used well
into the early nineteenth century for a variety of purposes However parchment was
predominantly used for legal documents for example being the material used for the
custody of charters patents acts of parliament commissions chirographs deeds and
recognizances all of which were kept by the lsquoMaster of the Rollsrsquo (Chambers 1728 208
507) as well lsquococketsrsquo which were forms for recording goods that had been taxed (1728
242) Parchment was also used in the manufacture of pocket-sized memorandums (Sibly
1808 67) while parchment off-cuts were often used for the manufacture of glue (Smellie
1771 456 Sibly 1808 112) With parchment being the material used for such a huge
variety of products it appears clear that the industry must have remained of fairly
considerable size particularly with the rapid population increase between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries (see Wrigley and Schofield 1981) Furthermore the nature of
the documents recording property acts of parliament tax apprenticeships licenses
and so on likely means parchment was a material of high status it being almost
exclusively reserved for high status documents These were also documents often
required to be kept for a long period of time testifying to the view of parchment as a
high status material and one of greater state of cultural and physical permanence
Furthermore the demand for the products listed above can only have increased over
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of the huge population increase that
occurred over these centuries and the commensurate rise in bureaucracy and litigation
As time went on however many of these documents were instead made of paper but as
we know for many modern large collections of parchment the process was perhaps
slower than many have presumed
32 Who was Selling the Skins
Unfortunately very little is recorded about the parchment industry in regard to the
processes prior to the manufacture of parchment from skins Exactly who was flaying
24
the skins and from whom parchment-makers were purchasing skins is challenging to
determine from the limited literature and primary evidence
In the seventeen twenties Houghton described skins for manufacturing parchment
being sourced from butchers (1728 326) suggesting that the butchers flayed the skins
which were then purchased by tanners and parchment-makers Similarly a number of
the laws passed during this period on the topic of flaying skins referred to butchers as
the primary sources for flayed skins For example in 1603 the lsquoAct concerninge Tanners
Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupyinge the cuttinge of Leatherrsquo refers to
butchers as those flaying animals though also refers to there being various other trades
that involved the cutting of leather (1 Jas I c22) In fact for nearly all the laws on flaying
that succeeded this Act butchers are referred to as those primarily flaying animals
Similarly in 1806 The Flaying Act Considered As Without Benefiting the Pubic most Severely
Oppressing the Butchers of London (An Impartial Observer 1806) details the damaging
effects of the flaying laws on the butchers of London The author refers to the
lsquoindustrious butchersrsquo being fined extremely large amounts of money for damaging
skins (1806 15) Finally in 1808 when the inspection of skins in London was reorganised
the Butchers Company were assigned to appoint seven people to inspect all skins (Chitty
1824 353) This law also included the Curriers Company and the Cordwainers but given
the many references to butchers and the power given to them in this law it seems very
likely that butchers were the primary flayers of carcases
A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto
with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents published in 1824 also specifically
refers to Butchers as those who flay and sell skins (Chitty 1824 347) It refers to
lsquobutchers and others who flay carcasesrsquo as desposing of the raw or salted skins to
tanners who then sell them on to other workers of skinned-goods (1824 347) However
it is not required that the skins be tanned prior to making parchment and so perhaps it
is more likely that the parchment-makers purchased their skins from the butchers or
fellmongers
Chambers (1728) however describes the process of making parchment as being lsquobegun
by the skinner and ended by the parchment-makerrsquo (1728 351) Similarly the 1771
Encyclopaedia Britannica suggests that the process begins with skinners (Smellie 1771
25
456) This could refer to butchers but a number of historical sources make a distinction
between skinners and butchers (Bailey 1784 Campbell 1747 332 339 Kent 1798)
Ultimately it can only be determined that the initial stage of the process is started with
the skinning of the animal by someone other than the parchment-makers though in the
majority of cases this was done by butchers
In regards to who sold the skins to parchment-makers the process in London is fairly
well understood In 1842 Charles Knight elaborated on the processes that occurred in
London discussing who actually sold the skins after they had been flayed He states that
the skins were sold to the various manufacturers such as the wool-staplers
leather-dressers and parchment-makers by fellmongers in the area (Knight 1842 29)
These dealers of skins were found throughout England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries Baileyrsquos (1785) directory lists over 20 listed fellmongers across
England though it was likely there were a great deal more 1
A decade later Poole wrote that the skins of sheep were lsquocarried loose from the
abattoirs and slaughter-houses to the tanneries either loose or in casks without
heading for the purpose of being tanned into leather which is used in various ways as
covers for books parchment harness ampcrsquo (1852 275) This description of the process
remains somewhat odd as parchment was not actually tanned during its manufacture
However Knight also describes these skins being transported through London stating
lsquoWho is there that has not at some time or other had his ears dinned and tormented in
the London streets by a cart rattling and rumbling over the rough stones and laden
with sheep-skinsrsquo (Knight 1842 26) Whether this occurred exclusively in London or
more widely across Englandrsquos towns and cities is difficult to determine However it does
offer another example of fellmongers plying their trade purchasing flayed skins and
selling them on the streets of London
1 It is also worth noting that a few of the fellmongers listed in Baileyrsquos 1784 directory are often listed as being both fellmongers and skinners
26
It appears that skinners and butchers almost exclusively flayed the skins and then sold
the skins either directly to tanners parchment-makers or to skin salesmen and
fellmongers who would then sell on the skins Unfortunately there is little in the
literature on the exact process It appears that many people could be involved in the
sale of parchment and skins with the materials passing through many places (and
presumably geographical locations) prior to reaching the stationer However the records
that do exist show that the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then
sold either directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell In
London in particular skins were purchased from slaughter-houses and then sold
throughout the city by skin salesmen
It also appears that in many instances fellmongers would also be parchment-makers
Despite laws preventing tanners from selling skins (see section 72) the laws did not
extend to parchment-makers The insurance policies shown in section 35 show the
secondary occupations of those listed Of the 17 individual parchment-makers listed
around 47 of them were listed as also being fellmongers This would have been of a
significant benefit to parchment-makers as they would then have access to the specific
skins required for the manufacture of high quality parchment Furthermore it would
have allowed for two sources of income a position not available to many others in the
various skin trades and perhaps necessary given the low incomes of many
parchment-makers
In conclusion the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then sold either
directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell There are also
many instances where the parchment-makers were both source the skins and use them
to manufacture parchment
27
33 How was Parchment Manufactured
lsquoGood parchment must be thin strong yet flexible and have a smooth surfacersquo
(Ryder 1991)
There are a number of historic texts on how parchment was manufactured although
there are discrepancies in some of the more precise details A particularly detailed
description of the process from the period under discussion can be found in Husbandry
and trade improvd being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle
coals hops wool ampc (Houghton 1728 325-328) which has been summarised below
As stated this is perhaps the most detailed outlining of the manufacturing process
during the eighteenth century However it is worth comparing these details with a
variety of other descriptions from various sources in order to highlight possible
variations in the process
The first step is rarely mentioned in primary texts besides an 1838 article in The
Saturday Magazine which states that the skins are first de-haired then smeared with
28
quick-lime on the flesh-side and then were lsquoFolded once in the direction of their length
laid in heaps and left to ferment for ten or fifteen dayslsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838
134) The initial step of allowing the skins to deteriorate before removing the wool is also
a standard step for modern parchment-makers and appears unavoidable both then and
now as a necessary step allowing for the wool to be removed more easily Hanging the
skins and scrapping the wool were the same as the standard process for tanning
leather They are are also steps taken in the manufacture of modern parchment
samples as well as being steps outlined in a variety of other historical texts (Yeomans
2006 33 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456)
One improvement in the manufacturing process that did occur was the lsquosplitting
processrsquo which involves splitting the skin and using only the flesh-side for parchment
(Plenderleith amp Werner 1971 45 Ryder 1991 31 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134)
though this was a change that appears to have occurred very early in this period In fact
parchments lacking follicle remains with lsquoan open mesh of coarse collagen fibres
suggesting the flesh side of a split skinrsquo have been found in samples as early as the
thirteenth century though becoming common from the sixteenth century onwards
(Ryder 1969 534-535)
Putting the skins in a lime pit washing them and then stretching the skin over a frame
were also clearly standard steps in making parchment and are confirmed elsewhere in
the literature (Reed 1991 26 Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1983 730-731 Hagadorn 2012 169 ) However
many washed skins on site while others appear to have cleaned skins in fresh running
water This appears true at least in 1619 when complaints are recorded about
parchment-makers washing skins in Northamptonshire rivers (Page 1930 26-30) This
may explain the evolution towards the increased usage of pits for cleaning skins There
is also an example of an individual named Mr Cogan who washed skins in running fresh
water in Bristol claiming that although slower this would sufficiently soften the skins
(Ballard 1882 70) Although seemingly not the norm at least in London this may have
been adopted by many in the English countryside though presumably not in major
cities due to the issue of severe pollution of local water supplies
29
There are only a small number of sources that detail how long the skins were required
to be in the pit (or pits) with the overall amount of time varying depending on the skins
used Watt (1906) describes having to leave greasy skins in a lime-pit for a week or even
ten days (Watt 1906 439) suggesting the period of time they were left in these pits
would have been variable depending the levels of grease in the skins Also modern
parchment-makers lime the skins for a far shorter period than three weeks and yet it
appears the manufacturing process despite mechanisation has remained very similar
The skins were limed numerous times and in different pits or the same pit with
different solutions and the process seems to have been clearly understood by writers
both then and now however the time taken liming the skins appeared to differ
significantly
The final steps in the process from stretching the skins to the pumice are described in a
number of other texts (see Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1969 532 Plenderleith and Werner 1971 45)
However the time it would have taken for the skins to dry was dependent on the
weather and the skins used
In conclusion the range of literature offers a very clear and detailed overview of the
history of the manufacturing process of parchment with the process remaining very
similar over time However the profession of parchment-maker was a difficult and
required a great deal of skill and training
30
34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker
Unfortunately there are very few primary sources that allude to the socio-economic
position of parchment-makers However it is also important to consider that perhaps
most parchment-makers were located outside of major cities (discussed section 43) and
so would have proven difficult for writers of the time to judge the scale and revenue of
the industry
Campbellrsquos lsquo The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades
Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and
Westminsterrsquo offers overviews of the sums given with apprenticeships the cost of setting
up as a Master and the working hours on a wide variety of professions in London
However even in a text as thorough as this even Campbell confesses to his inability to
determine the incomes of journeymen parchment-makers (Campbell 1747 321)
Campbell does however list some key figures that may prove useful (see Table 1) His
data shows the fees surrounding parchment-making as being some of the lowest of any
London-based skin-related profession This data combined with the quote from
Campbell (1747 321) appears to show the profession was one of little financial merit
with Campbell describing the profession as requiring lsquoneither strength nor ingenuity nor
is there much profit attending it and very little of it manufactured in town so little at
least that after the strictest enquiry I cannot find what wages is given a Journeymanrsquo
(Campbell 1747 321) However parchment-making was clearly a fairly highly-skilled
trade with prior apprenticeship training and an in-depth knowledge of the production
31
required to partake in the profession Campbell however was unlikely to have actually
known the parchment manufacturing process it being a widely protected trade secret
and so his opinion appears conjectural However Campbell does clearly show that
parchment-making at least within the city of London was a profession of relatively low
income
This conclusion is further supported by The Book of Rates which shows the excise licence
for parchment-makers cost as little as pound1 which was far lower than most professions
and again lower than related professions (Anon 1787 109) though this may be due to
the already high stamp duty set on parchment (discussed section 51) However any
aspiring oil leather dressers would have had to pay double the rate of a
parchment-maker and a tawer of leather would have paid five times this amount (1787
109) However the fact the government felt capable of issuing both licensing costs and
stamp duty indicates the market still made enough money firstly to survive the costs
but also that it made enough money to profitably enforce nationwide licences and tax
However when comparing the costs with similar professions of the time it seems safe
to conclude that for many parchment-makers the profits remained relatively small
The incomes shown in the Witherby data (see appendix 1) do however show some
parchment-makers were making huge sums of money by the end of the eighteenth
century Perhaps a huge spectrum existed for profit-making potential with small and
large parchment works coexisting however it may also suggest that the incomes of
parchment-makers increased significantly during the eighteenth century with a rise in
litigation and legislation However perhaps a more likely situation is that the already low
incomes of parchment-makers coupled with the intensive taxation and regulation of the
market may have forced smaller parchment works out of business Overall despite a
lack of data on this area it is possible to see either an increase in profits for the period
or a huge range in the levels of production of the various parchment firms
32
35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry
It is important to note that the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries were a time that
most writers consider to have seen the steady decline of the use of parchment and the
beginning of the dominance of the paper industry (Lyall 1989 11-29 Ryder 1991 26
Reed 1991 217) Though this is not necessarily a reflection of the socio-economic status
of parchment which as shown earlier was still widely used for a variety of purposes
most of which were documents of major significance However it is often remarked for
example that after the introduction of paper the quality of parchment declined and the
parchment industry fell into serious decline (Rogers 1887 601 M L Ryder 1964 Ryder
1991 Clarkson 1992) It is rarely disputed that a causal relationship exists here however
a widespread number of other factors appear to have been ignored after the finding of
such a lsquoneatrsquo correlation in the historical data This decline could also be the result of a
forced change in manufacturing methods a change in the quality of the source
materials used in its production government policies or due to a decline in demand for
specifically high-quality parchment and shift to a more homogenous product
Furthermore more recent research has shown that the quality of parchment appears to
have actually increased between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries followed by a
second sudden decline in quality around the turn of the eighteenth century (see
Appendix 2) indicating the introduction of paper and the subsequent decline of
parchment is not the whole story Certainly the introduction of paper could explain this
initial decline however answers still need to be found for this second fall in quality for if
parchment quality and the state of the industry is intrinsically linked there are clearly
other factors that contributed to the eventual collapse of this industry
A direct link is often drawn between the rise of the paper industry and the subsequent
decline of the parchment industry However as Trolander states lsquoactually what drove the
rise in paper initially was improving economic conditions in England during the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries which created demand for skilled religious and
state administrators who relied on paper as a medium for record keepingrsquo (Trolander
2014) Furthermore if accepted that there were consistently around 15 million living
sheep each year (as stated in Apostolides et al 2008 43) then it could have proven
cost-effective to have produced parchment during this period with the huge supply of
33
skins lowering the cost of this key source material Also although the rise of paper
would have naturally affected what some parchment-makers were producing many
began developing new uses for their parchment lsquoTo meet this sudden new challenge of
the printed book parchment-makers of the sixteenth century found an outlet for their
product by using it as a full binding material to cover the early paper editions an activity
which they themselves largely undertook and developedrsquo (Reed 1991 217) Parchment
was still heavily involved in the production of books and yet there still exists lsquoa chasm in
our knowledge of the origins of the skin materials used in the construction of booksrsquo
(Neate et al 2011) which is further evidence of the importance of this research Finally
the significant population increase between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Brownlee 1915 221-222 Wrigley and Schofield 1989 577 Wrigley 2011 170-171)
needs to be considered Provided that parchment maintained any remotely significant
usage during these centuries the demand for the product was likely to have increased
substantially Again understanding what parchment was used for during seventeenth to
nineteenth centuries is therefore very subsequential
Overall it is clear that traditional parchment products were in decline during a period
when the use of paper was increasing across England The term lsquotraditional parchment
productsrsquo being key here as it appears parchment was beginning to be used in different
ways in order to survive though the extent of what parchment was actually used for
remains mostly unknown This also brings into question the traditional view of the
parchment industry falling into decline as a direct result of the widespread introduction
of paper A review of the changing parchment quality transaction sizes and number of
parchment-makers would answer many of the questions surrounding this debate In
fact a review of these details would offer a far clearer picture of the widespread
introduction of paper across England as well offering more information for those
studying the changes occurring in the English book trade Furthermore the traditionally
held view of the widespread adoption of paper being the direct and final cause of the
decline of the industry should be questioned
34
36 The Price of Parchment
The price of parchment is a source of data rarely used by writers when discussing the
agricultural revolution despite its value in offering insights into an entire unstudied
industry the value of livestock and the various leather and skin trades However despite
the potential gains there exists two key issues with the data on parchment prices Firstly
that parchment prices from the eighteenth century are difficult to obtain and secondly
that parchment often came in a variety of quantities making comparisons of price over
time difficult For example some sales were of individual parchment skins some by the
dozen and others by rolls a legally defined term meaning twenty skins (The Saturday
Magazine 1838134) This being said there is a number of fairly comprehensive datasets
on parchment prices
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices
Rogerrsquos lists a significant number of parchment transactions before 1682 but none
thereafter (Rogers 1887 575-606) This perhaps reflects the decline of the parchment
trade and a belief that the later prices were not important enough to include or perhaps
that the industry moved away from production for universities from which Thorold
received most of his prices (Rogers 1887 v) Similarly it could be a result of prices were
no longer recorded in the same materials and sources as after a 1711 act (9 Ann c11)
parchment prices were being set by the government with the government also
becoming the almost sole buyer of parchment (discussed in section 51)
Figure 2 presents a graph of the parchment transactions in Rogerrsquos work with the values
converted into pence in order to better illustrate the changes over time and to allow for
simpler data comparisons Furthermore transactions of vellum have been removed as
well as two transactions for parchment rolls (though they can be found in Appendix 3)
35
36
The transactions collected show the price of parchment to have increased though at at
a fairly slow rate (see figure 2) There are a number of very high transaction values
perhaps being the sale of very high quality parchment for specialist products
Unfortunately with transactions as small as these significant variability can occur
However Rogers does state that there was a 114 increase in the price of parchment
between his collection of 1541 to 1582 parchment transactions and his 1583 to 1702
data (Rogers 1887 794) though did not publish these transaction values in any later
volumes
Ultimately the prices collected by Rogers show that the price of parchment could vary
quite significantly with some transactions showing a dozen skins selling for considerably
more than others though the price of parchment seems to have remained stagnant for
much of this period Even the 114 increase does not constitute a huge increase when 2
compared to other price rises of the time When adopting the same periods of
comparison to Clarkrsquos collection of prices (Clark and Lindert 2006) mutton increased by
14972 between 1541 to 1582 prices compared to the 1583 to 1702 prices Barley
increased by 10546 and oats by 9084 However if the price of parchment had failed
to increase by any significant amount by 1682 (as shown in figure 2) and then increased
by 114 by 1702 parchment must have had a very sudden increase in price
362 Gregory Clark Prices
These prices are from a spreadsheet compiled by the economic historian Gregory Clark
from the University of California a document later re-formatted and converted to metric
by Professor P Lindert (Clark and Lindert 2006) Unfortunately the original source of
parchment prices has not been listed with the only other instance of these prices being
presented by Professor Clark were in an unpublished conference paper titled lsquoTowards a
Global History of Prices and Wagesrsquo (Clark 2004) This collection of prices is however one
of the most comprehensive collections available and spans admittedly with some gaps
from 1274 to 1706 (see figure 3)
2 It is also worth considering that the variability of prices was perhaps an indication of the variability of parchment quality
37
38
Similar to the results of Rogerrsquos 1887 work the prices shown in Clarkrsquos work present a
long history of a slowly ascending price for parchment followed by a sudden price
increase by the end of the eighteenth century This sudden increase perhaps being an
increase in prices being set by parchment-makers as a result of the advent of new forms
of taxation on some parchment products However Hughes (1941) writes lsquothe contracts
have been made with only two or three great stationers or others entered into
partnership with them who engross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it
in their power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo with this
being true at least until 1711 (Hughes 1941 248) Unfortunately the prices end 1706 and
a review of the original source material could help to shed light on these dramatic price
changes and the sudden lack of parchment prices There is likely some connection
however with the High Treasury beginning to set prices in 1711 as well as becoming the
exclusive purchasers of parchment To conclude however the market appears fairly
stable with the prices only increasing slowly and furthermore appear to support the
prices collected in Rogerrsquos listed transactions
Even when comparing Clarkrsquos prices to the inflation in the prices of goods from the
period as well as the average wages of the period the increase in the price of
parchment appears fairly substantial (see Appendix 4) However when comparing the
percentage increase in the average value of Clarkrsquos 1541 to 1582 parchment prices with
the average value of his 1583 to 1702 prices in a similar method to Rogers the value of
the parchment actually decreases by 98 There is however a spike in the prices of
parchment in Clarkrsquos work similar to the Rogerrsquos price spike with Clarkrsquos appearing to
occur around 1683 with the following year seeing a 100 increase in the price of
parchment Both of these datasets seem to show the price of parchment as being
stagnant for hundreds of years before a quite sudden spike roughly around 1683-1684
This considerable stagnation in prices may indicate a decline in the demand for
parchment and in part a decline of the industry more broadly It may also however
show an ability by parchment-makers to dramatically lower prices through increasingly
efficient methods of production and drastically increasing supply or lowering quality
though this appears unlikely given manufacturing methods remained consistent for
39
several centuries The results of this section will be revisited in the conclusion to
understand these changes within the context of other changes occuring in the market
40
363 Witherby Publishing Group Data
This section will review the data from the Witherby Publishing Group (see appendix 1)
collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018) The records show a
number of transactions that occurred with four parchment-makers during the
eighteenth century with fairly significant sums of money being exchanged
The data appears to show that a very different type of parchment market had emerged
by the end of the eighteenth century with parchment-makers generating very significant
incomes Unfortunately there is no information on the quantities of the parchment
being sold but even if one grants a significant increase in the price of parchment the
four individuals listed are clearly making a considerable quantity of parchment This is in
stark contrast to the few dozens being sold in various parts of the county as shown in
Rogerrsquos 1887 work
Furthermore it indicates that the price of parchment must have increased for if the
price of parchment remained stagnant and the price of parchment skins remained
similar to earlier centuries these four individuals would be making incredibly vast
amounts of parchment For example the average price of a single sheet parchment
during the seventeenth century according to Rogers data (1887) was just under a
shilling If the value for parchment had remained similar until the later eighteenth
century Noah Crook for example a parchment-maker from the Witherby data would
have been manufacturing between 7000 to 10000 sheets of parchment a year
The Witherby data provides a clear indication that the price of parchment must have
increased during the eighteenth century Furthermore it shows a possible changing
market structure in the industry The four individuals from the Witherby data were
making very significant sums of money and producing very large quantities of
parchment and yet prior to the eighteenth century the transactions sizes appear to
have been far smaller and from a variety of parchment-makers Perhaps this marks the
rise of larger parchment works and a move away from smaller-scale parchment-makers
41
364 Conclusions
Overall the nature of the records on the prices of parchment is sporadic containing
fairly substantial gaps in information The general consensus across the datasets
however shows a fairly stagnant market until towards the end of the seventeenth
century when there appears to have been an increase in the price of parchment Even
when compared to the general inflation in the prices of goods from the period the
increase in the scale of parchment production at least per site appears fairly
substantial Unfortunately the prices available in the literature stops a few years prior to
new legislation being enacted whereby parchment prices were to be set by the High
Treasury
The setting of prices coupled with the implementation of various laws surrounding the
production of parchment that were being set throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries appear the likely culprits of the increasing prices as inferred from the Witherby
data Furthermore a nineteenth-century writer under the pseudonym lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo wrote that these laws surrounding the quality control of parchment
production and the flaying of skins was expected to reduce the price of goods but that
instead they caused a number of goods to increase in price (An Impartial Observer 1800
20)
42
37 Salt Prices
The price of salt would have been a major influencer on the development of the
parchment industry Without the application of salt to skins the majority would have
only lasted between two to three days before they would become unusable Each skin
at least in more modern skins requires roughly two cups of salt for every pound of hide
and each skin to be salted twice (Churchill 1983 20) This is a fairly considerable quantity
of salt
In 1643 a Board of Excise was created an issued an early tax on salt This tax appears
likely to account for the early rise seen above It was withdrawn 1660 but reinstated in
1693 (6 Wil amp Mar c7) This tax was then continued and in some particular cases were
increased in 1696 (7 amp 8 Wil c31) The tax was then extended again 1698 (Pulteney
1731 8 ) In 1702 the salt commission was founded which overlooked and enforced the 3
tax on salt This tax on home produced white salt was by this point several times its
market value and was twice the rate on imported foreign salt (The Salt Association
2018)
3 This law was passed under 9th and 10th years of King William however I have yet to find the exact chapter pertaining to this extension of the law for this period of time There are however many extensions made in the 9amp10 Wil c44 law and so perhaps it is this law to which Pulteney refers
43
In 1730 the commission was ceased and the salt tax ended (3 Geo II c20) and this
would explain the very sudden dip in the price of salt around this period shown in figure
4 Lord Carteret when speaking in the House of Lords stated that in regards to the
various taxes set up and the effects they had on the lsquomanufacturers and artificiersrsquo of the
country stated lsquono tax lay so heavy upon them as this tax upon saltrsquo (Parliament House
of Lords 1742 66) After the country was lsquofree from such a heavy burdenrsquo (Parliament
House of Lords 1742 67) the prices again rose to pre-taxation prices Then despite
protests the duties on salt were reinstated in 1732 (5 Geo II c6) this being the likely
cause of the return to high salt prices post-1732 In 1798 the salt commission was
abolished and in 1825 the tax on salt was removed though the price remained fairly
high during this period most likely as consequence of the Napoleonic Wars
The high prices for salt during this period likely restricted many parchment-makers to
sourcing skins locally with any skins sourced further than a days travel likely being in an
unusable state by the time it arrived
44
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers
This section will present 676 records of parchment-makers between 1600 and 1900
from a variety of record-sets including apprenticeships probate records baptisms
directories marriage records records on crimes militia lists data from the Witherby
Publishing Group an unpublished site report and a variety of references to
parchment-makers from various authors The records go beyond 1650 and 1850 scope
of this project in order to further assess the validity of pre-census materials assessing
whether the numbers prior are particularly low or show any clear record-keeping biases
41 Review of Sources
Overall it is the census data that provides the most significant proportion of the records
in the data collected (see appendix 5) However these records only cover the period
after 1851 Prior to this period probate records and baptism records constitute the
majority of the records employed in this study the latter being used in preference to
probate records where possible with baptism records being produced when the
parchment-makers were still alive and engaged in the trade
The majority of all these records have been sourced from the ancestry website
Findmypastcouk Websites of this nature constitute perhaps the most significant
participation in the digitisation of the historic record turning the process into a
financially viable business model As such many of these sites now almost exclusively
own access to the digitised forms of these records which although present the issue of
paywalls to research projects of this nature provide the opportunity to collect and
interpret huge datasets in a relatively short period of time Until the archives sector or
academic community finds a viable method to digitise these records and make them
more accessible to the general public and academic institutions use of ancestry
websites such as Findmypastcouk are almost unavoidable However as this project
hopes to show use of sites such as this present the incredible importance of lsquobridging
the digital gaprsquo as termed by The National Archives in their current national digitisation
project (The National Archives 2018)
45
The records collected of the eighteenth century are primarily made up of apprenticeship
and probate records (see Appendix 4) These two records types are consistently found
throughout the various periods Partly as a result of the various duties associated with
such documents but also due to the importance of inheritance land and the nature of
parchment-making as being a highly skilled profession However there is the issue of
geographical bias in these records One such example may be York which holds a very
significant number of apprenticeship records due in part to the City of York Freemen and
Apprentices records that span over eight centuries This may bring into question the very
significant number of records found here prior to the eighteenth century however with
the records being kept all the way up until 1930 the later lack of records does offer
further validity to the eventual decline of the northern parchment industry at least in
the Yorkshire region
The eighteenth century records offer a greater variety of records types This is mostly in
part to the new and improving forms of records being kept and issued This allowed for
the use of more baptism and marriage records as oppose to probate records with the
former offering greater historical validity having been recorded when the
parchment-maker listed would have still been alive Regardless these probate records
do offer some insights into the socio-economic position of parchment-makers during
the time period with a seeming trend appearing to show a growing number of wealthy
parchment-makers over time however a more detailed analysis of these documents is
required There is also an increase in directory records with the recording and
publishing of trade directories becoming an increasingly common undertaking during
the period However there is an significant lack of parchment-makers being listed in
these directories both national (see Appendix 6) and local (see Appendix 7) This
highlights two key points Firstly the lack of parchment-makers in major towns and
cities where most trade directories covered And secondly it further highlights how
lsquohiddenrsquo parchment-makes are in the historical record and the need for the use of
digitised local record sets
Finally the nineteenth century offers the largest number of records with 424 records
during this century alone The records collected do go beyond what is considered the
46
scope of this project (1650-1850) however this use of later higher volume of records
should highlight any errors with the data that immediately preceded it
42 The Scale of the Industry
Upon on first glance 676 parchment-makers listed over a 300 year period seems rather
few at least when considering that the 1841 census lists 5957 tanners and 6982
tanners operating during 1841 alone (A Vision of Britain 2018) Furthermore parchment
is still being used for a wide variety of products during this period (see section 31)
There are are a variety of possible reasons for this figure It may be a lack of
representation of parchment-makers in the historical record Already it has been shown
parchment-makers were rarely mentioned in various trade directories (see Appendix 6
and 7) This appears significantly in part due to parchment-makers operating outside of
major towns and cities This appears very likely given the various smells and pollutants
involved in parchment production as well as the need by many for a fresh water supply
meant many were restricted to operating outside of major cities Parchment-makers
were also required to send the finished products to inspectors on the outskirts of towns
and cities (see section 52) and so there may have been little benefit to actually
operating within larger towns and cities to pay higher rents and to then send the
product out of town for inspection then taxation in London and eventual sale by
stationers What forms of record-keeping existed during this period being even more
sparse in the English countryside The only major cities in which parchment-makers
were consistently found in the historical record namely Salisbury York and London we
find a significant number of records
Furthermore perhaps many did not list their occupation as a parchment-maker Unlike
butchers curriers and tanners it was legally permissible that parchment-makers
glove-makers and a number of other light leather producers could work other
professions such as tanning cutting or selling skins or manufacturing other leather
goods (see section 52) For example many parchment-makers listed in section 45 were
also fellmongers There was also strong connections between parchment-makers and
glove-makers Many were organized together in various guilds in many locations over
long periods of time For example York between at least 1144 and 1419 (Hoffman 2011
184 Saxl 1954 18) Salisbury between 1613 until at least 1757 (Haskins 1912 80 204
47
737) London (Saxl 1954 18-19) Norwich (Crouse 1768 175) Chester (Freemen of
Chester 1992 18) Warwick (Craig 1960 287) and Paris (Fitzsimmons 2010 13) are just
some places where parchment-makers and glove-makers had been organised together
Glove-makers would have had in most cases the necessary tools while also using
similar types of light skins primarily sheepskins Finally parchment manufacture was a
highly skilled occupation though many of the laws of the period allowed for those
without apprenticeships to work on parchment provided they were under the
supervision of trained parchment-makers Perhaps many people working on parchment
were listed as lsquolabourersrsquo or lsquoservantsrsquo and were not themselves listed as
lsquoparchment-makersrsquo in the historical record
However the number of parchment-makers collected in the data presented in section
43 appears to actually represent a fairly accurate overview of the number of
parchment-makers These numbers after all do not offer insight into any changes in the
scale of production in various parchment works The 1841 census for example only lists
297 parchment-makers over the age of twenty in all of Great Britain with only two
operating in Scotland (A Vision of Britain 2018) There is no huge increase from the data
collected and this census data Furthermore this number is fairly significant when
compared to the paper industry The 1841 census lists 933 paper-makers Paper now
produces the majority of materials for the book trade and as the primary writing
material However Trolander estimates only one third of paper was produced for these
purposes with the rest being produced for other products (Trolander 2014 27) It is
perhaps a surprise then that an industry producing a material for so many uses
producing across the country (2014 28) unlike the parchment trade only employed just
over twice the number of producers Especially considering the fairly laborious process
that was still involved in paper production during the period (see Campbell 1747
125-126)
The Witherby data (appendix 1) also shows parchment-makers of the period producing
very high volumes of parchment Furthermore the parchment industry employed a
fairly significant number of manufacturers in spite of the industry only operating out of
a relatively small number of production centres The various economic motivations for
larger parchment works particularly the contracts between the High Treasury and larger
firms shows that the scale of production increased (discussed in chapter 5) In other
48
words the number of listed trained parchment-makers may be relatively low in the
historic record however the levels of production at these firms may have increased
significantly
Overall the data shows that the parchment industry was remained an industry of
significant economic importance There remained a significantly large highly-skilled
workforce operating in England The scale of this industry further highlights the need for
this research and highlights a significant source of future data and historical
information
49
43 Map of Parchment-Makers
This section reviews the maps made on the database created All the maps are shown
below however an interactive map is also available online at
httpsdrivegooglecomopenid=1cYHpfVWXK77s8yffkx3q6gN4ho8j8Eu6ampusp=sharing
An overview of the data is also available in appendix 8 with a detailed tabled of the
specific towns and cities recorded in appendix 9 and the types of records used during
each period is located in appendix 4
50
51
52
431 Review of the Data
The maps highlight several key aspects of the data Firstly a lack of parchment-makers
in the far south-west and the north of England In particular it appears there were a
fairly significant number of parchment-makers operating in York until the end of the
seventeenth century though there was a very sudden decline in these numbers over
time This likely suggests a decline in what was once a fairly major centre of parchment
production perhaps unsurprising due to a once flourishing book trade (Palliser and
Selwyn 1972 207) and the once high number of those purchasing legal and religious
materials in the region (see Winters 2012) The subsequent decline of the parchment
industry was perhaps therefore related to the decline of the book trade industry that
had occurred in the region however there a number of other possibilities are discussed
in the second half of this project
Secondly the data shows a fairly consistent number of parchment-makers in the
Midlands The figures here are not significantly high however they remain relatively
constant during between 1601 and 1900 The parchment industry may have survived in
this region due to the number of developing urban centres however if population
density and demand for local parchment supplies were directly correlated it would be
expected that this trend would continue in the more northern regions It could be stated
that this is the result of bias within the documentary records however the trend
continues very clearly in the later census data of 1851 and 1861 Perhaps the most
significant early conclusion that can be made is that there is no correlation between
developing urban centres and centres of parchment production
The data instead shows some very clear centres of production in the south of England
primarily in the regions stretching from Somerset to Middlesex and between Middlesex
through to Cambridgeshire and Suffolk In fact there appear to have been some very
clear towns and cities that were centres for the production of parchment between 1650
and 1850 (see Appendix 9) The top ten locations with records of operating parchment
works account for just under 44 of all parchment records from all the data collected
The parchment-makers listed in Salisbury Sherborne Marlborough Malmesbury and
the neighbouring town of Charlton represent a significant proportion of the data with
115 of the parchment-makers for these five locations alone Salisbury in particularly was
53
consistently a city with relatively significant number parchment-makers and was famous
for its production of parchment at least during the nineteenth century (Aubrey and
Britton 1847 95) Malmesbury also had a history of parchment-making being an area
which around c1800 had very few industries of significance besides lsquothe manufacturing
of leather gloves parchment and glue (Moffatt 1805 162 167) Aubrey and Britton offer
a possible theory that this was the result of lsquostrong watersrsquo in the region well-suited for
the washing skins (1847 95)
Sawston Cambridgeshire and Bury St Edmunds also offer interesting results Sawston
for example shows very few records being found for parchment works in the region
until the nineteenth century after which the data suggests the development of relatively
large parchment industry emerged A similar trend exists with the town of Bury St
Edmunds with only one record appearing between 1601 and 1800 though with 20
records appearing in nineteenth century It appears something has occurred that has
either allowed for or supported the growth of two large centres of production during
the nineteenth century
The persistent number of records in Middlesex and Surrey (primarily Bermondsey and
Southwark) is however of little surprise The boroughs inside the City of London offered
significant benefits to parchment producers being able to source from local abattoirs
as well as providing access to a incredibly vast trade network both nationally and
overseas The city also had a significant local market being the one of the largest cities
in Europe with a large demand for legal documents particularly from the central
government However a significant tanning industry had long been associated with the
settlements just beyond the outer reaches of London Yeomans highlighted the
eighteenth and nineteenth century existence of a parchment industry in this area as well
as its two major periods of production (Yeomans 2006) These industrial suburbs were
outside the punitive guild taxes enforced in the city of London offering even greater
financial benefits to parchment-makers and other workers of skinned goods
Overall the data shows a number of very clear centres of parchment production over
the period as the nexus for a fairly significant parchment industry across the country as
a whole Despite the traditional belief that the parchment industry fell into significant
decline following the widespread adoption of paper (as discussed in section 34) it
54
appears a significant number of parchment-makers were still operating at least until the
late eighteenth century The majority being located in South West England the Fenlands
regions and London or at least in very close proximity to London
55
44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies
A key source of information on the locations of parchment-makers can be found in The
British Book Trades 1775-1787 which lists a number of insurance policies taken out by
parchment-makers with the Sun Fire Office and The Royal Exchange insurance companies
(Maxted 1992) These records are by no means extensive the records only cover twelve
years during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and they also only represent
two of the insurance companies during a time when at least six were operating in
London and eight in the provinces (Maxted 1992 vi) However these policies state
where the parchment-makers were located as well as offering a more detailed insight
into the value and size of the firms and any secondary occupations the individuals held
Interestingly they further validate a number of the centres of production presented in
section 33 with Salisbury Malmesbury and St Margarets (in Marlborough) all listed
Coventry (10 parchment-makers) and Leicester (7) are also listed these also being areas
with a slightly higher than average number of parchment-makers (see Appendix 8)
Perhaps more surprisingly is the number of parchment-makers listed with high value
insurance policies Particularly as although different for the Royal Exchange the Sun Fire
Office only insured against fire until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickson 1960
110) This means that five individuals (records 10 12 16 17 21) held fire insurance
policies of a very high value particularly when compared to a number of other
insurance policies of those in other professions (see Maxted 1992) The value of these
policies is a clear indicator of the size and value of some of the parchment works in
operation during this period as well as further highlighting a number of key centres of
production
56
57
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844
To further test the validity of the previous data collected from primary sources (section
43) below are figures published by HM Stationers Office (HMSO 1844 1-237) This data
shows there to have been relatively few parchment-makers operating throughout
England during the nineteenth century identifying 357 parchment-makers though only
302 of them being over the age of 20 likely due in part to the number of young
parchment-makers in training as apprentices This data supports the location of many of
the major centres of production across the south east below a line from the Wash to
the Bristol Channel It further shows the lack of any parchment manufacturing industries
in the North of England or the south West The spreadsheet containing this information
is available on the CD included in this project
-
58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws
Despite the often sporadic nature of many of the records of the seventeenth eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries there still remains a reservoir of information in records
pertaining to tax and law The history of parchment industry can be in part ascertained
from what is found in these records The significant events and changes that occured in
the parchment industry as well as many of the main economic pressures of the period
can be determined by a review of this information The period was marked by increasing
levels of government regulation of various industries and the parchment industry was
no exception Taxation in particular played a key role in driving market forces and with
the growing development of early capitalism and the improved trade and transport
networks all these areas will have played key roles in shaping the parchment industry
during this period
51 Parchment Taxation
The 1688 revolution had plunged the country into lsquofinancial commitments on a level
previously unimaginablersquo (Beckett 1985 287) and as such the period of 1650 to 1850
was subject to a plethora of new and extensive taxation laws in order to raise money for
the crown In 1694 the Bank of England was established and this can perhaps be seen
as the focal point from which after a wave of various money-making government acts
were created primarily centred around the implementation of temporary taxation laws
the majority of which were later extended or made permanent
However no review of the laws specifically pertaining to the taxation of parchment
exists As such a review of all laws pertaining to parchment has been conducted and an
overview of parchment taxation laws can found in appendix 10 with a table of acts in
appendix 11 This history of these laws must first be understood before reviewing the
effects they had on the market
The laws passed implementing duties on various parchment-based products similar to
many products and materials taxed during this period were very extensive There were
a number of laws passed during the seventeenth century with many legal documents
59
being subject to various stamp duties along with strict organisational changes only
allowing trained individuals to partake in certain skinned-based activities for example
tanning flaying and parchment-making However the most significant and extensive act
occurred in 1711 during the ninth year of Queen Annersquos reign (9 Ann c11) As stated in
appendix 10 all parchment would now be taxed and was required to be sent to London
for inspection and the issuing of duties Furthermore the movement of skins the
network of the parchment trade and the market value of parchment was now all
essentially under the total control of the government
This is hugely significant in the development of the parchment industry Any
parchment-maker situated in or around London was now at a great advantage After
this act stationers would now purchase parchment (set at a fee fixed by the High
Treasury) and have the parchment issued with the necessary duties in London and then
distribute the parchment across England sending the parchment to one of the many
stationer offices set up across the country With the distribution network of parchment
almost exclusively owned and run by the government and with the market value set far
lower the survival of a parchment work could only be achieved with an increased
market share reduced production costs and a steady demand for parchment from a
local government-run stationer The reduction in production costs being of particular
significance and a standard only achieved with an increased scale of production a local
supply of high quality skins (likely purchased in relatively high quantities) the improving
efficiency of the manufacturing processes (though combined with a likely reduction in
parchment quality) and minimal land rents and local tax rates
Stationers were also certainly capable of stockpiling parchment supplies further
increasing government control of the market The industry was therefore likely subject
to great fluctuations in the levels of demand with the now almost exclusive purchaser of
parchment (the government) offering beneficial treatment to larger parchment works
The government could control how much it purchased and at what price and
consequently at least from the parchment-makers perspective the market was likely to
have been incredibly volatile with huge barriers to entry
Over the next century the laws covering the taxation of parchment became increasingly
extensive (see appendix 10) The result of these increasing duties and various attempts
60
to improve their implementation would have placed further strain on the smaller
parchment works and further incentivising the development of southern-based larger
parchment works capable of increased economies of scale and of providing a steady
supply to government stationers
However the actual success of these laws must be questioned The persistent re-issuing
of old duties the development of new duties stamps and regulations as well as the
continuous attempts to strengthen the governments market control brings into
question the success of previous laws Conversely with the necessity that all parchment
be stamped and the continued implementation of new stamps and increasingly difficult
to bypass regulations any black market would likely have declined significantly over
time
Furthermore it must also be considered that the extent of these laws and the incredible
amount of government investment may
instead indicate the success of these laws
By the early nineteenth century the
amount of money being made from stamp
duties on various products made almost
exclusively from parchment was
considerable (see figure 13) and with the
government controlling the value and
production of parchment very large sums
of money were clearly made The fact that
these laws were continuously enforced and
reissued over the course of a century
under the separate rule of four separate
monarchs may be a testament to the
success of profit made by the government
and the continuous attempts to access
further profits in already lucrative market
though at the likely expense of the success
of the industry itself The highly regulated
and difficult conditions were only
61
completely abolished in 1815 likely as a result of widespread social unrest of the period
and the various petitions made by many of the various members of the workers and
traders of skinned goods (see appendix 12) and not due to any failing in regards to the
funds raised for the government budget
62
52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment
lsquoThe examiners have attained the faculty of discovering the most trifling and frivolous reasons
for inflicting punishment for unavoidable offences insomuch that the said fines are now
nearly doubledrsquo
(An Impartial Observer 1800 23)
From the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century the implementation of a
series of increasingly intrusive laws surrounding the flaying of animal skins is apparent
A detailed overview of these laws had been conducted and is available in appendix 12
as well as a table outlining the specific laws available in appendix 13
The act of 1603 was the first act regulating the quality of skins and various skin-based
products and remained the only major defining regulatory act for over a century (1 Jac
c22) The law was likely a response to the decline of the guilds as well as the
significantly declining overall quality of parchment that had occurred in the previous
century (see Appendix 1) The steady improvement of parchment over the seventeenth
century and the lack of any newly issued laws regulating parchment manufacture
appear a testament to the success of this law
However the later eighteenth century manufacturing regulatory acts appear a response
to the 1711 law (9 Ann c11) the act essentially granting control of the movement price
distributors and tax rates of parchment giving government almost complete control of
the market The implementation of these laws was likely to enforce the maintaining of
high quality parchment despite a reduction in the market value of parchment overall
Essentially the government put parchment-makers in the position of being legally
required to produce high quality parchment but for a far lower price However the
persistent failure of the laws success with the decline of parchment quality during the
eighteenth century (see Appendix 1 Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70
Clarkson 1992 5) may be the likely cause of the reissuing and intensification of the
various regulatory measures
The repeated implementation of similar laws also seems to show the persistent failures
of the laws preceding them or at least that this was the belief of the governments of
the time These laws were likely to have deeply affected the parchment market as
63
growing government regulation of the various professions involving the manufacture of
goods from animal skins grew exponentially during these two centuries setting strict
manufacturing guidelines and limitations as well as the implementation of widespread
fines This period in general saw an ever-increasing level of intervention by government
in various industries and markets the various laws surrounding the flaying of skins were
therefore part of a larger regulation of standards and markets by government
Unfortunately even in spite of the incredible magnitude of the changes that occurred
over the following century it was clear the changes were not sufficient to see any
significant improvement or even maintaining of parchment quality (see Appendix 1) In
1806 a book was published by lsquoAn Impartial Observerrsquo titled The Flaying Act Considered
As Without Benefiting the Public most Severely Oppressing the Butchers of London
(1806) This text widely criticised the 1803 law (43 Geo III c127) introducing the new
fines and inspections to London stating all parchment must be taken to Leadenhall
Market for inspection if manufacture within a 15 mile radius of the site The Act also
instituted a fine of 2s 6d for anyone in possession of neglected or damaged skins with
an extra half penny for every damaged skin Below is a quote from lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo on the subject of these fines
lsquoNothing stronger proves the inattention of the industrious butcher to what was passing
parliament than the very great disproportion of fines this act enforces for it will hardly be
credited that sheep and lamb-skins which (independent of wool) are on a fair average
worth only seven-pence halfpenny from the butcher to the purchaser are liable to a fine of
three-pence which with the salesmanrsquos charge and inspectors fee amounts to four-pence
farthing while the severity of the examiners has been extended to censure nearly one-third of
all brought before themrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 15)
The laws had clearly made the production of leather and parchment very risky affairs
due to the incredibly severe fines The author of this text continues to discuss the failure
of the law to understand the parchment-making process They describe the operation of
converting sheep skins to parchment as lsquoa very delicate operationrsquo and one that causes
lsquofrequent cuts and gashesrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 19) This being considered as
well as the fact that inspectors were paid for every skin found to have been damaged
(Chitty 1824 351) it appears very likely these laws would have resulted in a great
64
number of (often unwarranted) fines The law incentivised officers to consistently find
cuts and blemishes on skins in an industry where cuts and blemishes were almost
inevitable Defects in the skins were not always immediately visible depending on the
physico-chemical treatment that had been applied in the vat however in many cases the
defects could only be recognised later when the material was actually put to use
(Minard 2011 150) The smaller parchment works of the period particularly those
without large contracts with stationers must have struggled significantly during this
period If only a small number of skins were considered damaged the parchment works
would receive very significant fines and the possible seizure of much of their stock
It is also worthy of note that the lsquoImpartial Observerrsquo also refers to many of the flayers
outside of London as being often untrained and consequently being the primary source
of damaged skins (An Impartial Observer 1806 5-6) This may indicate the high level of
specialisation in London and the failure of early laws to ensure high quality flayed skins
outside of London However it may also have simply proven pragmatic to state this as
the author may be attempting to have the 1803 law retracted while hoping to continue
profiting from the highly intrusive laws affecting the rest of England
By the time these laws were eventually repealed (after a significant number of petitions
from various groups) the effect on the parchment industry must have been substantial
Even if laws preceding the 1800 act (39 amp 40 Geo III c67) which implemented the
creation of inspection points be set up outside each city had been widely ineffective the
effect on the industry between 1800 and 1815 at a minimum must have been very
significant A huge number of smaller parchment works must have collapsed or been
forced to merge with other firms The widespread fines and inspections and the
incentivisation of inspectors to find damaged skins would have put further strain on the
market with only the larger firms capable of creating a more homogenous product and
able to afford the inevitable fines capable of surviving
53 Who is enforcing these laws
The 1603 act (1 Jac I c22) states that all leather goods within three miles of London
must be inspected and sealed before they can legally be sold Eight individuals were
therefore appointed to inspect and tax skins and hides these individuals were
65
designated the role ofrsquo lsquosearcher and sealerrsquo and these individuals were changed each
year They would each record all sales of leather hides and skins as well as recording
the name of the buyer and seller the price of the leather and any issues regarding the
quality of the products Any individual selling products sold that had not been lsquosearched
and sealedrsquo would have their goods confiscated In the event of goods being seized the
company of cordwainers the company of curriers and the company of tanners would
each elect two individuals with no connection to the accused who would examine the
goods and determine whether the goods were lsquosufficient and serviceablersquo Strangely
however the law does not discuss the maintaining of these laws beyond the three mile
radius of London set out in the act suggesting those outside of London were perhaps
beyond the scope of any government regulation of product quality If true there would
have been a fairly significant incentive to produce parchment outside of the city of
London
Then in 1694 the Treasury established a number of offices (see appendix 14) and hired a
number of commissioners to distribute stamped parchment throughout the country in
order to maintain this new tax they were what Hughes calls lsquoretailers of stamped paperrsquo
(Hughes 1941 247) It is fortunate that it appears the first list of these distributors was
recorded (see Appendix 15) According to the Calendar of Treasury Books there were
thirty-six distributors of stamped parchment and paper across England and Wales
spread across almost every county However it appears there may have been a number
of stampers an even smaller number of officers and only a single inspector of
parchment (see Shaw 1935 636-648) As a result of this system it appears the Treasury
would sign contracts with certain parchment-makers to insure the steady supply of
parchment throughout England (Hughes 1941 248-252) The contracts were made with
only two or three great stationers and others who entered into partnership with these
stationers who lsquoengross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it in their
power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo (Hughes 1941
248) These contracts greatly benefited the stationers however claiming an allowance of
six percent of each stamped paper or parchment batch sold while many of these
distributors lsquotransgress muchrsquo in charging higher prices than was permitted (1941 252)
It appears to have been a grossly inefficient system and one fraught with corruption
though one that greatly encouraged the reduction of parchment production costs
66
Each county had an office with a commissioner of stamps and these commissioners
were reported to have stamped all the parchment and paper legally used in England at
this time as well as to have made a record of such activities An investigation into these
individuals and the volumes of parchment they stamped in their respective counties
would offer further evidence of key centres of parchment production and usage in
England though as of yet it has not been possible to locate these documents Also for
most of this period it seems all parchment was required to be inspected at least once a
day for quality and tax purposes (Leadbetter 1755 339 Ashworth 2003 246) and so
perhaps even more data exists The nature of these laws also highlights the high
volumes of parchment still used across England a point further supported by the fact
that as late as 1714-1715 parchment was still generating huge sums of money from
stamp duties (see Shaw and Slingsby 1957 385)
The 1710 act (9 Ann c11) offers greater clarification on this issue This law states that
officers were appointed to weigh the skins and issue the necessary duties as well as
mark the hides skins and parchment to denote the charging of a duty The act does not
however specify if these officers are inspecting the quality of the skins though a later
text indicates this to be the case In 1778 a text titled Instructions for Officers of the Duties
on Hides in the Country details how the excise officers at this time were instructed to
inspect the skins (Great Britain Commissioners of Excise 1778) It was instructed that
the excise officers must lsquoinsert in an entry-book which is to be kept at the Excise Office
copies of all the entries made by tanners tawers ampcrsquo (1778 5) and furthermore that
they must weigh and mark the skins (1778 7) However it appears these officers were
also required to investigate the quality of the skins lsquoWhen you discover that any Tanner
Tawer or Oil-dresser ampc has diminished shaved or impaired his skins contrary to law
between the time of taking them out of the materials and weighing them or has
neglected to keep his hides or skins that not been duly markedrsquo officers must in such
cases lsquogive notices therof as soon as possible to your Collector or Supervisor that the
offenders may be prosecuted as the law directsrsquo (1778 7-8)
Unfortunately it cannot be said with complete certainty if these officers were inspecting
the skins quality prior to this however it appears to have been a long history of those
taxing the parchment to also inspect it going back to the lsquosearchers and sealersrsquo of
67
London Furthermore as early as 1671 the English government had created offices for
excise officers places where officers who would examine and stamp skins would be
based (Hughes 1941 247) A later text even details how the excise officers of the early
nineteenth century would inspect skins quality and then stamp the skins with either an
lsquoSrsquo marking them as acceptable skins or lsquoDrsquo for damaged skins (Hughes 1941 351)
Overall then those in charge of distributing the duties on these goods were also
inspecting the materials and goods for quality This being the case a great number of
skins and parchment goods would have been inspected in London due to the number
of goods that were required to be transported there for tax purposes (see section 61) as
well as the large market for parchment in the city
However the 1800 act (39-40 Geo III c66) saw to the creation of a number of places
outside of major towns and cities specifically for the examination and inspection of
skins It was written that these assigned locations will not exceed three miles nor be less
than two miles from each city or town to which they are assigned (Chitty 1824 348) The
inspections of London also changed slightly in 1808 when it was determined that the
inspectors would be named by the Butcherrsquos Company the Currierrsquos Company and the
Cordwainers (Chitty 1824 353) who would each appoint seven individuals Ultimately
however this did not last long with the various regulations and inspectors being
removed from English law during the nineteenth century This act marks the last
attempt by the government to control the development of the parchment industry until
the repeal of the various acts between 1808 and 1815
54 Effects on Parchment Quality
There is a general consensus that parchment between the seventeenth and eighteenth
century was of far lower quality than parchment of the medieval period (Rogers 1887
601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70 Clarkson 1992 5) Current research by Sarah
Fiddyment at the University of York offers further clarity on parchment quality
(Appendix 1) This research involves reviewing a large number of parchment samples to
assess changes in quality over time based on the development of a Parchment Quality
Index (PQI) measuring the levels of damage that occurred to parchment during the
manufacturing process This research shows two very clear period of decline in the
quality of parchment
68
The first sudden decline begins around the fifteenth century and has many possible
causes though Fiddyment has presented a clear correlation with the changing
proportion of parchment to paper used in the market based on the data presented by
Lyall et al (1989 11-29) The sudden influx of paper led to the steady dismantling of the
infrastructure of the parchment-making industry and would in part explain this sudden
decline However the detrimental effects of the plague must also be considered
Parchment-making was a highly skilled profession with knowledge of the various
processes having been well-kept secrets within the profession and the dramatic
population decline in the mid-fourteenth century likely saw the loss of much of the
inherited knowledge It may have taken many generations before this knowledge was a
disseminated across England once more
However the cause of the second sudden decline between c1710 and c1830 remains
something of an historical anomaly (see appendix 1) There are a number of possible
causes for example the continued competition with paper though it appears unlikely
to have caused such a sudden decline so late The effects of the influx of the new
breeds which were generally far less suited to the production of high quality parchment
presents another plausible theory However as stated earlier the majority of the major
parchment works in the country were primarily located in regions where the older more
suitable breeds remained Furthermore the decline appears to occur before the new
breeds such as those of Ellman and Bakewell had made any noticeable impact on
English agriculture Finally there is the possibility of European wars causing the decline
in quality France in particular was a significant producer of parchment (Massey 1763
58) and a major exporter of parchment to England for a number of centuries (see
Gullick 1991 154-156 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Chambers 1728 351 ) However
there is no evidence French parchment was of significantly better quality than English
parchment and England was still importing lsquovast quantitiesrsquo of parchment around 1728
If the higher quality parchment of previous centuries had been that of French origin
then it would be expected the quality would have risen significantly again by 1728
(Chambers 1728 351)
However the most plausible primary cause of this sudden decline was the 1711 Act (9
Ann I c11) as well as many of the laws that followed it Firstly the yearly setting of
69
prices by the High Treasury was likely very detrimental to the quality of parchment In
order to set the price of a product a universal measurement needed to be established
Prices could have been set to a certain quantity of parchment for example one piece of
parchment which was set to a duty of 6 d in this Act Similarly it could be set to the
weight of parchment This being possible as all inspectors were required to weigh
parchment before denoting a duty but they would also record the value of the
parchment after weighing (9 Ann I c11) Each method fails to take into consideration
the quality of the parchment a subjective characteristic one not mentioned in any law
during the period
The results over time would be little incentive to produce high-quality parchment as
parchment-makers would receive the same price for a low quality piece of parchment as
they would from a high quality product Furthermore being unable to improve profits
with increased prices firms could now only do so with an increased market share and
reduced production costs Over time competition over a reduction in production costs
was likely more significant than any competition over parchment quality
Furthermore the strict regulations set on the production of parchment would have
great discouraged the production of higher quality parchment The risk associated with
finely flayed skins as well as over-liming skins the removal of wool the scraping of skins
and removal of fat deposits would be so high as any damaged skins would result in high
fines and the seizure of parchment and skins that it seems likely to have greatly
discouraged the production of high quality parchment The quality of parchment only
increases (see Appendix 1) after the repeal of the variety of acts pertaining to the setting
of prices and the extensive regulations surrounding the production of parchment that
occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century (see section 34) This difficult period
was likely best navigated by larger parchment works capable of producing large
quantities of a more standardised quality of parchment that though perhaps not of
great quality met the strict criteria set out in these acts while reducing production costs
55 Conclusions
Overall the various laws on taxing parchment clearly played a key role in the
development of the industry With all parchment moving through London one might
70
expect the industry to be larger in the south given the huge price implications for
transporting parchment from the more northern regions Secondly clear deals were
being struck between the Treasury and stationers and between stationers and
parchment-makers in order to make large amounts of parchment more cost-effectively
(at least in theory) Larger manufacturers and larger trade routes meant increased
economies of scale but perhaps more importantly allowed for a more efficient method
for taxation The whole system appears to have greatly incentivised the development of
larger parchment works declining parchment quality and a geographical shift to the
southern regions These developments are likely to have forced the small-scale
parchment works to either develop a partnership with larger parchment works in order
to be a part of the huge deals that existed at the time or to stop manufacturing
altogether Also the percentage based charges set on each bulk of parchment sold the
economies of scale related to industry and the steadily developing systems for
processing and distributing large amounts of parchment will have greatly shaped the
parchment industry between 1711 and 1815
71
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds
61 Sourcing Sheepskins
lsquoThese skins are difficult to describe in general terms for they differ enormously in size fat
content general quality of the fibre network and the types of epidermal structures they
elaborate depending on a multitude of biological factors of which breed age environment
diet and conditions of rearing are the most obviousrsquo
(Reed 1972 41)
The skins most ideal for the manufacture of parchment had specific characteristics that
made them better suited for the manufacturing process The quality of the skins could
be affected by a variety of possible factors Therefore it must be determined which
skins were best for the production of parchment and which breeds of sheep under
which agricultural system would be best suited to producing skins used in the
manufacture of parchment Furthermore having established the significant financial
benefits of sourcing skins locally as well as the high risks involved with using low quality
skins due to possible damages to the final product establishing which breeds were best
suited to parchment-makers is vital to a study of this nature
611 Fat Content
lsquothe surface should be firm free from grease of good even colour and as smooth as possiblersquo
(Reed 1972 125)
The fat content of an animal drastically affects the quality of the skin for its use in
manufacturing parchment During the manufacturing process parchment-makers
remove the fat hypodermic layer of the skin in order to make a smooth surface free
from grease Failure to remove the grease from the skins results in the discolouration of
the final product (Reed 1972 21-24 Saxl 1954 6) as well as the possibility of marked
ridges on the parchment (Reed 1972 132) Removal of all fragments of grease is a
difficult and time-consuming task (Reed 1972 132) particularly before the
mechanisation of the parchment manufacturing process (Saxl 1954 31-32) Significantly
72
fatter sheep would have caused even great difficulties as in many cases the fat cells
could infiltrate the connective tissue residing in the dermal layer of skin which would
have proven an even greater challenge to parchment-makers (Reed 1972 30) Reed also
stated that fat can cause weakness at the epidermal junction causing the dermal and
epidermal layers of the skin to split (1972 43) However this appears to be of most
concern in skins sourced from older sheep though one might presume that skins
originating from fast-maturing sheep may suffer from this defect at an earlier age given
the lsquorelatively unstablersquo collagen development in some fast-maturing breeds (Henrickson
et al 1984 168) The removal of grease if not completed after the initial exposure to the
lime pits many craftsmen would use gesso quicklime powdered bones or chalk (see
Reed 1972 148-149) though the most common solution was the application of
additional treatments of lime (Yeomans 2006 33) Overall the more grease that had to
be removed the longer it would take to make parchment and the process would be
more costly The increased workload may also have increased the likelihood of the
damaging of skins a particularly significant issue given the various laws surrounding
skin and parchment quality between 1650 and 1850
The fat content of sheep between the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries was likely to
have varied significantly and determining which breeds produced usable skins and
which did not is a difficult task Even today both the overall fat content and the
distribution of fat in sheep appears to be very variable (see Palop 2016 7) It also
appears very likely that parchment-makers were unable to avoid using fatter breeds of
sheep over time as many of the breeds in England and Wales grew in size during this
period due to changes in breeding practices and husbandry (Davis and Beckett 1999
Henderson 2016 25-31) Ryderrsquos work may also support this as the eighteenth century
parchment samples he reviewed were of a greater thickness (1991 31) and studies have
shown a correlation between skin thickness and diet Sheep fed on a diet of lower
nutritional value can see a reduction in their skin thickness over time while sheep
intensively fed larger diets will keep thicker skins (Williams and Thornberry 1992 140) It
can be concluded that the skins of fattier faster-maturing breeds were likely to have
been spurned by parchment-makers in favour of smaller breeds with lower deposits of
grease
73
612 The Age of Sheep
Another key factor in determining the quality of a sheeprsquos skin is the age of the animal
Younger animals tend to have higher quality skins for parchment-making due to their
finer grained surface (Reed 1972 35-36) Older animals however despite being larger
and providing more skin per animal tend to have inferior fibre networks and increased
chances of skin defects and irregularities (Reed 1975 35-36) They are also more likely to
have far greater deposits of fat due to longer lives of eating and depending on the
breed and farming system very little exercise They are also more likely to have greater
deposits of fat spread throughout their entire bodies including their skin causing great
difficulty to parchment-makers With greater age also comes a greater propensity for a
variety of pathological conditions and connective tissue disorders as well as damage to
the skin from mites insects and physical trauma (Reed 1972 35-37)
Even when considering the issues connected with older sheep the harvesting of lamb
skins is a far more costly enterprise Lambs produce far less usable material for
parchment-makers and yet require very similar levels of skill time and production costs
as full-grown sheep
Another key area in regards to the effects of ageing on sheepskins is the difference
between the older native breeds of England and the so-called lsquonew breedsrsquo which
reached maturity far quicker A clear example being that of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester
sheep a breed that matured in only two years and had a far greater propensity to fatten
(Youatt and Weld 1837 25-26) In these faster-maturing improved breeds the dermal
collagen grows far more quickly than in the skins of the native breeds This rapid growth
of collagen results in the collagen becoming lsquorelatively unstablersquo and therefore the
lsquoleather obtained from intensively fed animals had a lower breaking point strength than
those obtained from regularly fed animalsrsquo (Henrickson et al 1984 168) Similarly it has
been argued that the lsquoincreased growth rate must be accompanied by increased
collagen degradation or reduced collagen synthesisrsquo and lsquothis is true whether the
increase results from nutrition or from selection for growth ratesrsquo (Lawrence et al 2012
44)
Unfortunately given the wide variety of breeds from the resulting cross-breeding from
the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries it is difficult to determine which breed exactly
74
presented a significant problem However it can be concluded that the skins of
fast-maturing intensively-fed breeds were overall more delicate than those of the more
lsquonaturallyrsquo raised sheep and therefore it seems likely that parchment-makers would have
avoided sourcing their skins from sheep farmed intensively for their mutton
613 Diet and Environment
lsquoa larger carcass inevitably meant longer heavier and coarser woolrsquo
(Wykes 2004 51)
Diet clearly affects the quality of skin with over-feeding resulting in issues of collagen
development and a weak fibre network as well as higher levels of grease (Henrickson et
al 1984 168 Reed 1972 37) However there are a variety of agricultural systems with
different foodstuff and feeding methods which Reed (1972) reviewed to assess the
impact of diet on the skin quality (Reed 1972 36-42)
Firstly Reed concluded that stall-fed sheep typically have looser thinner hides
compared to sheep that roam pastures for their food This is partly due to the lack of
exercise a common issue with the larger sheep as in the words of the
nineteenth-century land survey John Middleton lsquoanimals that are intended to be
fattened with the most speed the least food and the greatest profit are or ought to be
kept still and as free from exercise as possiblersquo (Middleton 1807 436) It is also due to
the diet of stall-fed sheep These animals would have experienced lsquoartificial feedingrsquo for
example barley oil-cake potatoes and food-waste and this diet as Reed states results
in skins that are often softer and more spongy in character (1972 37)
Reed goes on to write that the woolled downland sheep generally had large skins
lsquouniform in texturersquo though with large deposits of grease (1972 41) This was in stark
contrast to the mountain and hill-reared sheep which typically produce stronger
higher quality skins (1972 37) They also have thinner skins with a tighter dermal
network with a finer grain and far less grease (1972 41) The hilly and mountainous
districts have great tracts of uncultivated lands which provided rough grazing for a
number of sheep (Fussell 1964 49) The mountain and hill-reared breeds found in these
areas often had slower rates of maturity (relative to the improved breeds) and they
75
generally had increased levels of exercise as they roam for their food (1972 42) These
factors help to create a tighter dermal network and consequently stronger thinner
skins more ideal for making parchment
The environment and diet of sheep plays an integral part in developing high quality
skins and as Reed describes the more lsquonaturalrsquo the conditions in which the sheep are
raised the better (1972 37) We can therefore conclude that the parchment-makers
using the skins of the naturally fed roaming sheep (typically hill-reared) would be
producing the highest quality parchment and given the increased strength of the skins
(resulting in fewer defects) and the reduced levels of grease would be producing
parchment faster and with fewer damages to the material and with less wastage
76
614 Wool Sheep
lsquoBreeding for mutton however and breeding for wool are distinct and different objects and will in some measure depend on situation for those soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of mutton and on the other hand those soils which
fatten most in equal proportion deteriorate the woolrsquo
(Rudge 1807 306)
Between 1650 and 1850 there were a great variety of sheep
breeds with a varying range in the quality of their fibre
networks and types of epidermal structures At either end of
this spectrum existed the two extremes of wool breeds
Firstly the woolled sheep with epidermal growths of fine
soft and curly wool (Reed 1972 41) The latter breeds were
the lsquohair typersquo (often referred to as heath sheep) which had
coarse thick and tough fibres (1972 41)
The woolled type of sheep produced the worst skins for
parchment-makers Sheep with a high number of follicles
particularly those with a high ratio of secondary to primary
follicles such as the Merino sheep produced skins that were
loose in texture of a poor quality to parchment-makers The
extensive glandular structures would prevent the dense
packing of the connective tissue fibre networks (1972 41)
Furthermore the persistent shearing of sheep has an effect on
sheepskin thickness (Lyne 1961 152 Wodzicka 1958
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska 1960 197) an issue mostly affecting
sheep bred primarily for their wool Overall the better the
sheep for producing finer wool the worse it would be for
manufacturing parchment
The latter breed the lsquohair typersquo on the other hand had thick
fibres and fewer follicles therefore producing a far more firm fibre network (Reed 1972
41) and therefore better skins for parchment (see figure 14)
77
There were of course a greater variety of sheep breeds than those purely bred for wool
and the purely hair-type of sheep There were also medium-woolled sheep producing
fewer follicles with a lower ratio of secondary to primary hair follicles (see figure 14)
These sheep were primarily the downland sheep bred for the production of mutton The
larger carcass resulting in longer heavier and coarser wool (Wykes 2004 51) the skins
were generally thick and fairly uniform in texture (Reed 1972 42) though unfortunately
still proving difficult for parchment-makers due to their high deposits of grease Overall
the ideal breed for parchment-makers was one that had not succumbed to either
extreme of specialisation for either wool or mutton production The hill-reared sheep of
Britain therefore developed favour amongst many producers of light leathers (eg
gloves) and presumably therefore parchment-makers These sheep produced thinner
skins with tighter dermal networks (Reed 1972 41) and were therefore of the highest
quality for parchment-makers
Overall however there was a huge variety of sheep breeds but the studies into fibre
and follicle networks show that sheep with tighter and firmer fibre networks were best
for making parchment These were generally less woolly sheep with lower grease
deposits ones not subject to extreme specialisation unimproved sheep with the fatter
improved breeds promoted by Bakewell and others for either intensive mutton
production having skins that were too greasy and the wool-producing sheep having
skins that are too loose in texture
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used
Ryder (1960) reviewed the diameter of fibres and follicles in a variety of parchment
samples ranging from twelfth to the nineteenth century The results found that most of
the fine-wool samples came from the medieval period while most of the medium-wool
samples came from the sixteenth century onward and finally the coarsest samples
appear to have been from the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) This work also
shows that throughout these centuries there were still attempts to use lsquohair sheeprsquo This
is similar to Hedwig Saxlrsquos results (1954) which reviewed the development of sheep
breeding and a variety of samples and concluded that there was a progression from
medieval times which saw sheep with very few hair follicles to more modern
78
sheepskins which showed a great number of crowded hair follicles The results of this
paper similar to results of Ryderrsquos work suggest that sheep were being bred to produce
more wool over time or that producers of parchment were being more selective over
the skins they used
It is also worthy of note that according to Ryderrsquos work hair sheep were used in all
centuries including the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) However when discussing
the hair-bearing sheep an eighteenth century writer stated that lsquothe pure breeds of this
sort are scarcely anywhere to be found among manufacturing nationsrsquo (Anderson 1797
320) However Anderson also states that sheep such as these have often not been
separately categorised and have lsquoalmost entirely escaped the notice of naturalists and
othersrsquo (Anderson 1797 320) It appears likely then that many of these sheep were still
being used in the English agricultural system though were often overlooked by the
agricultural writers of the time who were more concerned with the breed capable of
producing high levels of mutton or wool Anderson even goes on to write that lsquothere is a
much greater proportion of the hair-bearing race among the breeds of sheep in the
southern parts of the islandrsquo and that a Mr Lisle had heard of these sheep under the
name lsquorowety-woolrsquo (Anderson 1797 330) The word lsquorowetyrsquo means a poor area of land
either an area recently harvested andor having been left unploughed for some time
(see Lisle 1757 157 Fussell 1966 39 Bath amp West of Eng Agr Soc 1792 85) These
sheep were therefore likely found in lands of high levels of lsquowastersquo with little attention
paid to the quality of the breeds being farmed
In general however despite clear benefits of using the skins of coarse woolled sheep
during the eighteenth century many parchment-makers were either becoming less
concerned with parchment quality or in most cases did not have a supply of the more
sheepskins from coarse-woolled breeds
615 Conclusion
It appears the best sheepskins for the manufacture of high quality parchment come
from sheep that have not been intensively farmed to produce quantities of mutton or
wool The most suitable sheep are most likely the hair-type of sheep as they have
tighter dermal networks Similarly sheepskins from smaller hardy sheep ones that
79
roam for their food and mature at the slower rate to many of the improved breeds of
the period would have been greatly advantageous to parchment-makers The areas of
England which did not follow the route of intensive sheep farming and did not employ
the improvements of farmers such as Barkwell and Ellman seem likely to prove best
sheepskins for making parchment These sheepskins would have also been subject to
fewer possible damages a hugely advantageous factor during a period of intensive
manufacturing standards and high fines
80
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds
lsquoThe different races of sheep in England are variously distinguished for uncommon size goodness of flesh and plenty of fineness of woolrsquo
(Aikin 1795 19)
This section of the research will attempt to outline the rural landscape between 1650
and 1850 looking primarily at the location of various sheep breeds throughout England
as well the iconic features of these breeds It will highlight whether there was any link
between the geographic distribution of breeds and the location of parchment works A
link that seems possible particularly given the wide variety of breeds and their effects
on the manufacturing quality (discussed in section 61) Furthermore the ability to
purchase skins from great distances was greatly limited by the high costs of salting skins
(see section 37) but also due to the high transport costs of the period that acted as a
lsquomajor constraint on economic activityrsquo (Gerhold 2014 1)
This section should also highlight when and where the new breeds like those promoted
by Ellman and Bakewell were used in the agricultural system the timing of
stockbreeding also being an issue of great consequence that is still relatively poorly
understood Perhaps unsurprisingly as the sheep farming industry during this period
has been widely overlooked by many economists historians and archaeologists As a
result this section constitutes a much-required review of sheep breed locations based
on various tours reports and works of agriculturalists though primarily the results of
this work are based on the reports produced by the Board of Agriculture
It is important to consider that the majority of the historical reports were published
around the turn of the nineteenth century This was an important period in sheep
farming coming at the end of nearly thirty years of determined efforts to lsquoimproversquo the
national agricultural base including the improvement of sheep breeds on a national
scale (Ryder 1983 487)
This chapter will now establish which regions of England were subject to any major
changes in sheep farming or wider agricultural objectives Combined with the
81
conclusions of section 61 this section will determine which regions had access to
supplies of high quality skins
621 The DownlandsSouth
lsquoFrom this central core long fingers of chalkland stretch out north-eastwards through the
Marlborough and Berkshire Downs and on into the Chilterns while south-westwards the
chalk downs extend across Cranborne Chase into Dorset reaching the English channel coast
between St Aldhelmsrsquos and Abbotsburyrsquo
(Thirsk 2000 27)
The chalk downlands have had a long history of agriculture and an absence of
large-scale industry (Thirsk 2000 29) For most of the period under examination this
region was under lsquosheep and corn husbandryrsquo whereby a system of grain production
was sustained by maintaining large sheep flocks that were fed on the unenclosed
downlands or waste by day and folded by night on the arable lands to enrich the thin
chalkland with their dung (2000 30) This system was continued even after the
introduction of new systems and crops in other counties as the soil of the chalk
lowlands was often too shallow to support the introduction of legumes Furthermore
many of these regions were particularly late enclosed Much of the high downland in
Berkshire Wiltshire Dorset and Sussex remained entirely open and unenclosed at the
end of the eighteenth century (2000 43) A particularly interesting factor as enclosures
are often seen as a necessary prerequisite for the instigating of new selective breeding
techniques and the adoption of the larger coarser-wooled breeds (Ryder 1991 455
Ryder 1964 70)
This system dominated these regions until the production of new artificial fertilisers in
the nineteenth century (Overton 1996 193) The livestock practices in these counties
were therefore sustaining the hardier breeds capable of travelling great distances in
order to fertilise the land supporting the popular lsquosheep and cornrsquo system of the region
Thirsk offers the following overview of this system and the subsequent breeds
lsquoHere sheep were specially selected not for their propensity to yield mutton or wool but for
their folding qualities Over the centuries prolonged selection have given rise to the distinctive
Wiltshire and Hampshire breeds and so a Berkshire strain known as the Berkshire Knott
82
These animals were large lanky and hardy producing a thin but fine fleece and a small
quantity of sweet mutton Their great advantage was that they were able to range the Downs
all day and had a propensity drop their dung and urine at night when penned in the fold
They require little water taking most of what they needed from the grass they grazed as this
too was an important advantage on the bare open Downs were where streams and wells
were few and far betweenrsquo
(Thirsk 1984 329)
This lsquosheep and cornrsquo system was particularly prevalent in Wiltshire Dorset the
Hampshire downs and Berkshire Wiltshire in particular had a lsquovast quantity of sheeprsquo
(Davis 1813 137) with Defoe estimating around 2-3 million prior to 1724 which though
perhaps an inflated figure highlights the prevalence of sheep in the region (Cited in
Fussell and Goodman 1930 146) There was an abundance of one particular breed a
small native breed lsquoof middling size and moderately fine woolrsquo (Aikin 1795 282) widely
used to fertilise the land during the period (Davis 1813 137) In 1813 Davis offered a
concise overview of some of the key issues pertaining to the sheep in the region
describing lsquothe peculiar aptitude of the soil and climate to sheep the singular use of
sheep-folding on arable land naturally light and loose the necessity of making sheep the
carriers of dung in situations where the distance from home and the steepness of the
hills almost preclude the possibility of carrying it by any other modersquo (Davis 1813 137)
As a result much of this land was limited to lsquorough pasturersquo until the later introduction of
later fertilising agents (Aikin 1795 332) making sheep a necessity in many areas and
making the improvement of the carcass not the primary objective for the region (Davis
1813 139) In fact the use of livestock to fertilise the land was commonplace across
much of the Wiltshire in particular (Aikin 1795 281 Cobbett 1912 40) with much of the
land not being enclosed until after c1750 Attempts were made to cross the New
Leicester with the widespread black-faced hill sheep of the period with a disastrous loss
of hardiness (Ryder 1983 487) Instead the smallness of an animal was a major
recommendation lsquoin a country where summer food is scarce and winter food raised
with difficultyrsquo (Davis 1813 147) These lands also had small enclosed fields and the
livestock were often left to graze with the minimum of attendance (Thirsk 1984 339)
Despite attempts to increase the size of the downland Wiltshire breed the new strain
possessed many serious shortcomings resulting it its eventual degeneration (Copus
83
1989 40)
Berkshire was home to a lsquopure breedrsquo sheep that had survived for hundreds of years
called the Berkshire Nott The longwool Berkshire Nott was bred throughout the county
for much of the seventeenth century (Trow-Smith 1951 161) and despite the
considerable changes the breed went through (Mavor 1813 381) it remained a common
breed in the region (see Mavor 1813 387-390) as it was well-suited to the sheep and
corn system due to its ability to travel long distances to fertilise the land (1813 382)
However the Berkshire Agricultural Society also supported the breed by disapproving of
crossing breeding until at least 1813 though it was stated that crossing was still fairly
common (Mavor 1813 387-390)
The breed was well-adapted to the chalk downlands according to writers of the time
however it had a poor quality fleece and produced relatively small quantities of mutton
(1813 381) Despite its previous success Mavor writes that around the turn of the
nineteenth century much of the livestock on the downs had been widely replaced by the
Southdown breed (Mavor 1813 381) this being either a reflection of an improvement in
the Southdown breed or a change of agricultural system on the lower downs Attempts
were made to introduce the new Leicester breed to the region though these sheep
lsquomade but little progressed being confined to a few select flocks onlyrsquo (Mavor 1813 391)
The Berkshire Nott survived in the Chiltern Hills even into the nineteenth century
(Ryder 1964 17) due to the continued reliance on lsquosheep and cornrsquo husbandry
The large Dorset and Mendip breeds were closely associated with the lowlands of
Dorset which under the right circumstances were known to produce very good mutton
(Youatt 1810 84) The Dorset breed was described as lsquotall and light of body somewhat
resembling the camel in shape and proportionlsquo and was only subject to improvement
towards the end of the eighteenth century (Anderson 1778 168) Nevertheless It was
known for producing a lsquorelatively finer woolrsquo (Ryder 1983 488) though this wool was
clearly not so fine to attain a high value at market compared to many of the other
breeds of the period (see table 3)
84
The chalk lands of Hampshire also required the use of hardy sheep to sustain the
sheep-corn system (Copus 1989 39) with breeds conditioned for the wet and cold
conditions of the woodland clays (Vancouver 1810 360) Despite the later increase in
popularity of the Southdown sheep in the region over the old Hampshire breed (Aikin
1795 286) there were still a great number of locations in the region where the older
breeds remained Attempts were made during the century to cross the Hampshire with
the old black-faced Berkshire and later with the Southdown though the latter did not
occur until around the mid-nineteenth century (Ryder 1964 11)
85
These chalk downlands also extended through Sussex Despite this region primarily
producing sheep for wool produce breeding sheep of lsquovery competitive excellencersquo
(Young 1808 296-297) many flocks were still used on the chalky hills primarily to
manure the land (1808 348) The sheep on chalk-hills were primarily fed on wheat
(1808 143) as the turnip was not a viable option There was a great variety of sheep in
the county however the main breed to occupy the chalk downlands was the Southdown
(Young 1808 300)
Finally Thirsk describes the chalk downland farming of Kent Despite the county being
primarily a region producing sheep for their mutton (Aikin 1795 222) the North and
South Downs of Kent practiced other agricultural systems due to the hilly nature and
chalk soils of the regions Instead of the large Romney-Marsh breed widely adopted in
the Kent lowlands the Southdown breed was farmed in the hilly chalk regions of the
county (Boys 1805 175) On first appearance this appears slightly odd as the
Southdown breed often disliked in similar regions due to its inability to walk great
distances (Billingsley 1798 243) however they were still relatively hardy animals and
perhaps the narrow nature of the North and South Downs meant these animals were
not required to walk quite as far to the fold as many of the breeds discussed above
However the more common use of this animal may in part explain why so few
parchment-makers were located in Kent until the nineteenth century when Canterbury
became a major centre of production (see section 43)
However it is important to consider that these clear systems did not last forever the
high prices set on arable crops during the Napoleonic Wars led to the establishment of
new farmsteads and the further spread of enclosures over the regions (Thirsk 2000 44)
and enclosures were used to convert land previously unsuitable for profitable arable
farming The availability of the kinds of sheep discussed in section 61 were very likely to
have declined quite dramatically during the Napoleonic Wars However for the majority
of the period these downland regions had an abundance of hardy sheep and failed to
adopt the new breeds of Ellman and Bakewell on any significant scale As a result many
of the breeds in this region would be have been particularly ideal for the production of
parchment based on the requirements set out in section 61
86
622 The Wolds
Thirsk defines the wold regions as hilly with relatively lightly spread woodland though
that the variety between the English wolds can be quite significant
The Yorkshire wolds in the East Riding were formerly known for two distinctive breeds in
this region the Holderness and the Wold breed both small hardy animals (Strickland
1812 231) However farmers in this region began crossing with the New Leicester breed
very early with the principal objective of the lsquospeedy fatteningrsquo of lsquogreat numberrsquo of
sheep (1812 51-52) Strickland writes lsquo great expense and pains are bestowed by many
in their endeavours to concentrate every good quality observed in the species in one
breed in order to bring this useful animal to a state of perfectionrsquo (1812 52) Clearly the
aim of this region was to specialise in the breeding of the largest sheep
Secondly the Lincolnshire Wolds which were particularly well known as a grazing
country producing animals of great size and weight (Aikin 1795 130) perhaps most
notably the widespread adoption of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester breed (Young 1799 365)
The New Leicester having been described as lsquoan indolent animalrsquo one lsquoindisposed to
actionrsquo and requiring pasture where it can collect its food with little exercise (Duncumb
1805 122-123) It was also said to have been subject to some peculiar disorders and as
such required much care and attention in the management (Duncumb 1805 122-123)
They were incredibly large animals (see Marshall 1793 229-232) capable of being
folded at less than a year old and which lsquowhen highly finished they appear as a solid
lump of fleshrsquo (Marshall 1793 229 233) It was certainly not an animal likely to produce
the skin necessary for high quality parchment
Finally the Cotswolds which Aikin described at the end of the eighteenth century as lsquoa
long tract of high ground for the most part bleak and bare yet affording in many places
a short fine grass for the feed of sheep and at present principally devoted to the
growth of cornrsquo (1795 163) Despite the use of turnips not being of first importance in
farming improvements in the neighbouring Wiltshire Somerset and to a lesser extent
Gloucester they were widely employed across the Cotswolds (Crittal 1959 43-64)
Turnips likely being used as a winter fodder that supported the growth of the heavier
stocking of livestock Mixed farming had generally been the standard however livestock
87
became increasingly important between 1640 and 1750 with experiments in the use of
Bakewellrsquos breeds occurring as early as the first half of eighteenth century (Thirsk 1984
320-321)
Overall the various wold landscapes appear to have introduced the newer breeds of
Bakewell and Ellman relatively early-on and farmers in these regions were widely
adopting the newly specialized forms of livestock management stocking a great number
of larger breeds for the purposes of producing mutton
623 Lowland Vales
The Lowland Vales are prominent across the centre of the country occupying large
parts of the counties of Buckinghamshire Bedfordshire Oxfordshire Leicestershire
Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire as well as more patches in
Hertfordshire Essex East Anglia Central Yorkshire and through parts of the Berkshire
vale (Thirsk 2000 78) The pastures of the vales were primarily based on the production
of mutton as well as the production of second-grade wool (2000 91) supported by the
widespread introduction of the turnip though in most counties in the Midlands the soil
was better adapted to the farming of cattle (Marshall 1793 217) Enclosures had spread
across many of these regions far earlier than many of the other parts of England
(Roberts et al 2016 129) with a renewed burst of enclosures between 1755 and 1780
(Thirsk 2000 91) In many of the grazing districts the larger farms had been divided up
with enclosed lands offering greater control over breeding practices As such it was the
New Leicester and Southdown breeds that were lsquocentral to the improvement which
swept across Lowland England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(Walton 1983 175-176) However the Midlands was still breeding a number of sheep
Marshall describes as lsquothe small and hardy mountaineersrsquo a short-wooled breed kept
on the commons and fields of the region
Buckinghamshire had high quality soil that supported large quantities of crops with only
little manure (Aikin 1795 323) as well as the production of fat lambs for the London
market (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) The fattening of lambs for London markets
appears to have been an objective shared by many counties in close proximity to
London
88
Leicestershire had quantities of rich grazing land (Aikin 1795 135) with the eastern and
south-eastern regions breeding a great number of cattle to very large sizes while the
northern grazing tracts supported great numbers of sheep (1795 135-136) The
principal sheep breeds of the county were the Old and New Leicester breeds (Pitt 1809
245) and these Leicestershire breeds were lsquovery large in size without horns and clothed
with thick long flakes of soft wool particularly fit for the worsted manufacturersrsquo (Aikin
1795 136) Lincolnshire also bred a large number of New Leicester sheep as well as the 4
long wooled large Lincoln breed (Young 1799 365) It is of little surprise that Lincoln and
Leicester exported large quantities of wool (Aikin 1795 66) Nottinghamshire was also
an area with widespread enclosures with turnip husbandry being widely adopted in the
enclosed regions (Lowe 1794 11) and consequently the enclosed areas began to see
the adoption of the Lincolnshire and New Leicestershire breeds (1794 33) However the
sheep kept on fallow lands were lsquoa poor breedrsquo described as a mixture of the forest and
Lincolnshire pasture sheep (1794 11) a breed which may have perhaps proven viable
for parchment However these breeds were by no means widespread The New
Leicester was also found in Warwickshire principally a feeding and dairy county (Aikin
1795 151) with great attention paid by farmers to improve the wool and mutton of their
sheep Many breeders were said to have purchased the lsquofinest Leicestershire ramsrsquo at
lsquothe most extravagant pricesrsquo to cross with their best shaped ewes (Murray 1815 161)
Hertfordshire which Thirsk describes as having lsquopatchesrsquo of these Lowland Vales though
primarily an arable county (Young 1804 194-195) The primary breeds were the
Wiltshire and the Southdown breeds the former a possible contender for sourcing
parchment materials though these too were not found in any great numbers Essex also
only had lsquofew breeding flocksrsquo (Young 1807 308) and generally fattened lambs for spring
and ewes for sale at the end of summer (Young 1807 308) Oxfordshire also primarily an
arable county (Davis 1794 7) with the fertile lowlands in particular having long
produced wheat and malt for London market (Havinden 1961 73) The northern tip of
Oxfordshire however had extremely fertile soil (Young 1813 5) with cattle and sheep
important to the region (Havinden 1961 74) with a large profitable local breed (Page
4 The establishment of the New Leicester in this county attesting to the regions success
in sheep farming
89
1907 279-292)
Overall these regions were quite varied though in the majority of cases many of these
regions were not farming a significant number of sheep Furthermore in most cases the
breeds found here were often the newer larger Leicestershire breed However many
farmers in many counties were still opposing the introduction of these improved breeds
for example Warwickshire Northamptonshire Rutlandshire and Leicestershire were all
counties with graziers opposing the new breeds (Marshall 1793 224)
624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture
Although conceding that there is no single agreed term to define the agricultural
systems of this region Thirsk more broadly defines these areas as lsquowood pasturesrsquo and
lsquopastoral lowlandsrsquo providing a somewhat clearer idea of the regions The region
primarily stretches from parts of Cheshire to Dorset Typically these areas were widely
enclosed with enclosures continuing throughout the sixteenth seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries as a result of agreements rather than as a result of parliamentary
acts (Thirsk 2000 117)
The primary product of Cheshire during the eighteenth century was dairy while lsquoless
attention is paid to sheep in this than in most countiesrsquo (Holland 1813 286-287) Only a
few farmers in the region had the Leicester flocks and paid some attention to their
breeds while there were also some Southdown sheep lsquoin the hands of a few gentlemenrsquo
(Holland 1813 287) An eighteenth century writer described three fourths of the land
being dedicated to pasture with the grass of the region used in part to feed horses but
in most cases fed to milking cows with little attention paid to fattening cows (Aikin 1795
92) Shropshire too had few breeding flocks though the sheep that were kept were said
to have varied from the small Welsh breeds to the far larger Leicestershire breeds of
Leicestershire (Plymley 1803 259) A great number of experiments occurred in this
region with almost all farmers of different districts having tried almost all the improved
breeds (1803 260-261) However in general the low parts of the county were primarily
used to feed cattle used widely for production of cheese while the hilly tracts were for
the breeding of sheep producing a fine wool (Aikin 1795 98-99) The Old Shropshire
sheep were prevalent a very hardy animal that Plymley claimed did not require food
from farmers during the winter nor did they generally drink or require any attention
90
from the shepard (Plymley 1803 260)
Staffordshire was also lsquonot a great feeding countyrsquo (Pitt 1817 69) though the beast was
horned cattle and the primary product of the county was milk (1817 66) However of
the sheep kept in the region the main breeds lsquodeserving of particular attention were the
native Cannock-heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds breeds from Leicestershire and the
Southdown breedrsquo (1817 70-71) The native breeds were under certain management
well disposed to fatten and lsquoproduced mutton equal to that from any other breedrsquo (1817
71) and produced a fine wool (Pitt 1817 71 Pitt 1796 136) while the breeds bred for
wool were lsquorefined and improved in a high degree upon principles introduced by the late
Mr Bakewell of Dishley (Pitt 1817 71) The region did however continue to breed the
older smaller black-faced horned varieties many of which had died out in most
counties by this time (Russell 2007 173-174 Plot 1686 109) and possibly these
un-improved breeds were well-suited to parchment (Russell 2007 174)
Herefordshire was similar in many respects with wool a primary export of the county
with the sheep of the region generally small lsquoaffording a fine silky wool in quality
approaching the Spanishrsquo (Aikin 1795 105) This county had previously employed the
farming of sheep to collect lsquofood from situations where no other animal was capable of
subsistingrsquo but Duncomb suggests that by the end of the eighteenth century lsquoan
opposite system has been adopted and many thousand acres of the best tillage ground
have been converted into pasture of sheeprsquo (Duncumb 1805 122-123) This allowed for
the adoption of breeds such as the New Leicester however many of the breeds already
bred in this region produced a finer wool and in greater quantities (1805 123)
Worcestershirersquos primary products were lsquocorn cattle fine wool hops cyder and perryrsquo
(Aikin 1795 157) with the sheep of the region being described as being lsquoof no particular
breedrsquo except the sheep on the commons and wasteland which were breeds of the
same origin as the Staffordshire Cannock Heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds (Pitt 1810
216) The north and east of the country were described as primarily farming flocks of the
Leicester and Cotswold sorts though widely crossed with the New Leicester breeds (Pitt
1810 217) However the wastelands and hills of the south were generally stocked with
Cotswold sheep (1810 217-218) The northern regions bred sheep generally ideal for the
butcher (Pitt 1805 217)
91
The majority of the land of Warwickshire was also committed to the breeding of
improved breeds as the following concise summary offered in the Board of Agriculture
report states lsquoThe great attention that has been paid by many eminent breeders in
Warwickshire to improve the wool and mutton of this animal by selecting the finest
Leicestershire rams and paying the most extravagant prices for them only for a season
to cross with from a selection of the best shaped ewes in the country has now produced
a breed of sheep equal if not superior to most counties in Englandrsquo (Murray 1815 161)
There were large numbers of the New Leicester and Wiltshire sheep in this region
though also with a number of the Southdown Merino and Welsh breeds on the
commons (Murray 1815 161) Ultimately the county was not producing breeds of sheep
most ideal for parchment in any great number however the breeds here were varied
and with small Welsh breeds creating a possible supply for local smaller parchment
works
Gloucester was almost exclusively home to what Marshall describes as lsquomountain
sheeprsquo however the county swept them away during the summer 1782 (Marshall 1789
208) Following this summer the county developed a wide-range of the improved breeds
by the end of the eighteenth century There appears to be very differing methods for
breeding sheep in the county (see Rudge 1807 307-312) though with only two clear
objectives either producing large quantities of fine wool or significant weights of
mutton As a result the Cotswold breed an animal primarily bred for its mutton and the
principal breed of the county was widely crossed with the Southdowns in an attempt to
improve the fineness of wool (Rudge 1807 305) The pure Cotswold breed had however
become lsquoscarcersquo by the end of the eighteenth century with the introduction of the new
Leicester being used to improve the breed to create a finer (though also shorter) wool
and a more compact and fatty carcase (1807 306)
A number of woodland lowland areas in Wiltshire Dorset and Somerset all followed the
same paths as many of the counties listed above and were widely enclosed The result
being the introduction of a number of improved breeds However these regions were
small due to the type of agriculture commons in these counties For example much of
south Wiltshire avoided enclosure with the lsquopeculiar shape of many of the manorsrsquo and
the lsquogeneral application of the landrsquo made enclosures impractical (Davis 1813 44-45) In
92
Somerset too there was great resistance to enclosure in the hilly regions The issue of
enclosure was so significant in this county in fact that the Board of Agriculture report
dedicates thirty pages to attempting to disprove the perceived disadvantages of the
local population (Billingsley 1798 48-78) an issue not so intensely discussed in the
majority of the other reports There was also a widespread aversion to improved
breeds the key belief being that the lsquodeficiency in the fat of the inside would so disgrace
their sheep in the eye of the butcher that they would have lost their old customersrsquo
(Billingsley 1798 243) Despite Billingsley describing the aversions to the the improved
breeds as lsquofallaciousrsquo he later discusses the instance of a Mr Lowman crossing sheep
with the Leicester breed and the significant issue of the new breeds being unable to
walk far to the fold finally concluding that rsquoif they cannot walk a mile to the fold they will
never gain much ground in this countryrsquo (1794 255) This might explain why so many of
the hilly regions of county did not adopt the new improved breeds (see Billingsley 1798
76)
Finally the county of Dorset shared many of the same characteristics listed above The
region was said to have sheep very similar to those in Somerset (Stevenson 1812 393)
though primarily for the purpose of selling lambs to the London market (Stevenson
1812 393 Aikin 1795 297) The differing agricultural system of Dorset to many of the
neighbouring counties the system of pastoral farming likely allowed for the later
improvement to the breeds that occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century
(Stevenson 1812 393) Overall however Dorset may have produced a number of viable
sheep for parchment with the local breed being described as lsquotall and light in bodyrsquo as
later as 1778 (Anderson 1778 168) as well as the late introduction of the turnip being a
testament of the regions refusal to adopt new farming methods (Stevenson 1812 251)
By the end of the eighteenth century the majority of these regions were not producing
viable sheep for parchment production besides a few of the more southern counties It
appears much of the woodland regions described by Thirsk was enclosed and quickly
began to adopt the improved breeds of the time
625 Fenlands
Thirsk describes lsquotrue fenlandsrsquo as existing widely across England the most extensive of
93
which being the mosses of Lancashire and Cumbria and the Eastern Fenlands of
Cambridgeshire and south Lincolnshire (Thirsk 2000 167) describing the regions as
having lsquocountless drainsrsquo and lsquowatercourses criss-crossingrsquo wide-scale cooperation
amongst farmers in the regions
Westmorland and Northumberland appear to have shared the same breeds of sheep
with Bailey and Culley (1797 126) and Walls (1901 141) listing the same three major
breeds of the region None of them particularly fat or woolly (Pigot 1834 144) Firstly
the Cheviot breed a short woolled lsquohardy and valuable mountain sheeprsquo bred in the
north-west of the county (Pigot 1834 144) Secondly the heath sheep otherwise
referred to as the hair-type of sheep (Ryder 1983 496) A lsquopure breedrsquo sheep typically of
a smaller size and as described in the earlier section (section 61) as an ideal breed of
sheep for manufacturing parchment Walls even claimed that the heath breed was
actually the most common breed in Westmorland (Walls 1901 141) Finally the Lincoln
and New Leicester breeds though these were primarily found in the enclosed grazing
lands and did not represent a significant proportion of the sheep population in these
counties Similarly most of the Cumberland farmland was populated by a significant
number of sheep in the hilly regions (Aikin 1795 38 73 Pigot 1995 15) many of which
were said to travel great distances often unsupervised for long periods of time (Pigot
1995 16) However the Cumberland downlands primarily bred cows certainly to a larger
degree than Westmorland and Northumberland
The primary breed of sheep in the flat fenlands of south Lincolnshire and
Cambridgeshire region was a cross between the Leicester and the Lincoln breed (Gooch
1811 272 Young 1799 365) Cambridgeshire in particular although mostly farming the
Leicester and Lincoln cross breed had a very significant range of breeds including
Norfolks West-country Cambridgeshire Berkshire Hertfordshire South Down Lincoln
and Leicester (1811 272) Despite a clear propensity for breeding larger breeds
Cambridgeshire still bred some smaller hardier breeds for some time and remained
one of the few regions to farm sheep with coarse wool over fine wool (Ryder 1964 77)
This region therefore may have still bred sheep ideal for parchment production
however there were still a significant number of the newer larger breeds in this region
These fenlands then seem to have produced a number of viable breeds though in a
94
greater quantity in the more northern regions while eastern fens instead produced a
wider variety of sheep of a wide variety of weights and wool weights (see Gooch 1811
273) particularly around the southern tracts of Lincolnshire (Aikin 1795 189) and the
northern region of Cambridgeshire (Aikin 1795 205) Overall the variability of farming
objectives in these regions make a definitive conclusion difficult however most of the
locations appear certainly capable of supplying local parchment-makers with a relatively
significant number of viable skins However the systems adopted here were certainly
not as beneficial to local parchment-makers as the regions adopting the lsquosheep and cornrsquo
system a system far more likely to incentivise the growth of a far more lucrative
parchment industry
626 Moorlands
This section will cover the uplands of the Pennines the North York Moors as well as the
uplands of Exmoor Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor These regions have varying
agricultural outputs with some at this time being entirely uncultivated covered in peat
or tall inedible grasses (Thirsk 2000 188) while others were accessible regions or
reasonable agricultural outputs
The northern tip of the Pennines stretches through west Durham a region of peaty soils
accompanied with lsquoyellow orchrey clay or white sand both of them certain indications of
unproductivenessrsquo (Bailey 1810 10) The south of Durham however bred a significant
number of sheep and was formerly famed for having the largest breed of sheep in the
kingdom (Bailey 1810 248) though these were being overtaken by the New Leicester
which were slowly being introduced to the region (1810 248)
The west- and north-ridings of Yorkshire both farmed sheep of possible significance The
North Riding being home to the lsquoold stock of the northern part of the Vale of York and of
Clevelandrsquo sheep that were lsquovery large coarse boned slow feeders and the wool dry
and harshrsquo (Tuke 1794 64) While the West Riding of Yorkshire bred a large quantity of
Scotch sheep (Rennie 1799 186) However though these sheep were perhaps viable
options for parchment production both the regions were subject to widespread breed
improvement along the principles of Robert Bakewell (Tuke 1794 64 Rennie 1799 186)
The native breed of Devon was the Exmoor (Vancouver 1808 338) while Cornwall was
95
home to the Exmoor the Dartmoor and many other breeds while the pure Cornish
sheep had become very rare by the beginning of the nineteenth century (Worgan 1811
148) Despite the surviving native breeds farmers in both Devon and Cornwall had
attempted to introduce a wide breadth of different breeds as well as attempting to cross
the local sheep with the new breeds such as the New Leicester by the first decade of the
nineteenth century (Vancouver 1808 341 Worgan 1811 148) Cornwall in particular was
said to be breeding lsquoflocks of sheep as any count either as to form weight of fleece
hardiness of constitution aptitude to fatten quickly at an early age or flavour of
muttonrsquo (Worgan 1811 148) Devon despite the many attempts at crossing with the
New Leicester breed still appeared have a number of native breeds though many were
still bred for their wool growing properties (Vancouver 1808 342) and the Exmoor its
native breed was a longwool breed of fairly considerable size Overall there is again a
possibility that there were some breeds in this area were viable options for
parchment-makers but ultimately the objectives of many of the farmers in the two
counties were in stark contrast to what was required
The moorlands in general were not areas of any significant agricultural output and
unlikely to support any great parchment industry Even the counties in which Moorland
farming took place generally adopted agricultural objectives in contrast to farming
sheep most viable for parchment production
627 Londonrsquos Hinterland
The final section deals with a region not defined in most agricultural histories however
most of the counties surrounding London appear to share a similar agricultural output
in the production of lambs of the London market The defining feature of many of these
counties being their proximity to London rather than any shared agrarian
characteristics Many of the farmers located nearer to London primarily farmed sheep
to sell lambs into London included Sussex (Davis 1813 140 Pitt 1810 216-217 Young
1808 297) Buckinghamshire (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) Essex (Young 1807 308)
and a number of the farmers of Middlesex (Middleton 1813 434) as well as the farmers
of Surrey breeding Dorsetshire sheep (Stevenson 1809 536) which were a very popular
breed amongst farmers producing lambs for the London market
The sale of lambs was likely a difficult and expensive occupation requiring the transport
96
and sale of a very delicate and relatively expensive commodity The counties therefore
in close proximity to London were at a great advantage Another reason for the large
lambing market in this region was also perhaps the inability of the region to compete in
the specialised breeding of sheep for mutton and wool with the Midland and northern
regions due to topographical restraints
628 Conclusion
Andrew Copus stated that sheep had three major uses within in the English agricultural
system the production of mutton and tallow the production of wool and the
fertilisation of arable land (1989 36) Having reviewed the agricultural regimes of the key
regions and the types of sheep preferred it has become clear that those using sheep
for the fertilisation of arable land were the most suited to providing skins for parchment
making These regions appear to be predominantly in the lsquosheep and corn regionsrsquo with
particular emphasis on the south-west of England and some of the fenland farming
regions Also as Copus states lsquoany attempt to provide fattening fare would have been
incompatible with the other objective of the sheep-corn farmer of that time maximizing
cereal outputrsquo (Copus 1989 39) with the poor soils heavily reliant on the use of sheep to
produce satisfactory crops (Cook and Williamson 1999 185) This being important as the
main area for high cereal production appears to have been the south-west (1989 39)
likely due to the history of the specialisation of this market but seemingly also due to
the soil quality in the region The systems in these heavy clay areas relied heavily on the
use of sheep for fertilising arable land while the objectives in the region appear to be in
contrast to the supporting of larger breeds An article in the Farmerrsquos Magazine offers a
short summary of the fodder grown in these heavy clay regions
lsquoClover vetches and cabbages are the only crops which can be raised as food for
sheep or cattle on the latter and cabbages cannot be eaten off by sheep on such land
There is more expence in the production and consumption of the crops on wet clay
land than on a dry friable soil and therefore the expence of improving such land is
greater The crops must be carted to be consumed in the yard by stock and the dung
carted again into the field besides the injury done to the land in wet weather by
carting off the corps is great Vetches and clover may however be folded by sheep in
97
the summer months on clay soilsrsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838 188)
The Midlands and more northern regions (though excluding most of Cumberland
Northumberland and Westmorland) were generally better suited to the specialised
breeding of sheep for either mutton and wool production This was due in part to the
prevalence of enclosures which gave greater control to the selective breeding practices
of landowners though also due in part to the topography of the regions For example
the diets and levels of exercise of the sheep could greatly affect the quality of the wool
(see section 634) Lisle writes that clover-grasses cause sheep to develop coarser-wool
while lsquothe better the hayrsquo the finer the wool Lisle particularly recommends the
hill-county hay (Lisle 1757 358) Furthermore the growing of legumes according to Lisle
in his book Observations on Husbandry and particularly the cultivation of the turnip
resulted in better conditions allowing shearing to take place earlier than normal (cited
in Ryder 1983 485) The soil in any region would greatly dictate the type of breeding
that could take place for example in the Board of Agriculture report on Gloucester
there is a concise description of the severe limitations of certain soils
lsquoThose soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of
mutton and on the other hand those soils which fatten most in equal proportion
deteriorate the wool it being a fact ascertained by experience that wherever fine woolled
sheep have been introduced on more luxuriant soils than they were bred or accustomed to
the wool has increased in quantity but become coarser in qualityrsquo (Rudge 1807 306)
The primarily mutton producing regions emerged in areas of enclosures where it was
possible to grow large quantities of winter fodder which allowed for intensive
year-round feeding Also the ability to separate their sheep across a lot of land (Young
1796 489) and keep the level of exercise in these animals to a minimum with small
enclosed fields and artificial feeding
As stated in an 1838 article in The Farmerrsquos Magazine
lsquoThe quantity of food produced by turnips and by two years of clover and vetches will enable
the farmer to keep and fatten a large quantity of sheep on the ground which will by their
trampling and by the manure left on it give to this kind of soil the best preparation for the
succeeding crops of cornrsquo (The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 188)
98
In conclusion the objectives of the farmers in the south-west (excluding the West
County) the eastern fenland and most northern regions of England for many years
hindered the adoption of the newer breeds which were spreading across England
under the banner of lsquoimprovementrsquo Breeds in these regions were crossed with other
sheep though appear to have remained hardier animals not being bred primarily for
either wool or mutton However the introduction of many artificial fertilisers in the later
nineteenth century (Cook and Williamson 1999 193) and the more economically
preferable position of mutton and wool over cereal following the levelling of prices in
the 1820s (Copus 1989 44) may have resulted in some farmers changing systems
Overall though for the majority of the period under discussion the agricultural systems
in these regions appear to have been breeding sheep better suited for parchment
production and until at least the first half of the nineteenth century the south-western
and fenland counties were likely to have produced the most viable sheepskins for
parchment-makers
This is greatly significant as parchment-makers with a high supply of local viable skins
were at a great advantage As discussed parchment-makers for much of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries could not compete over price (see section 51) and were held
accountable to incredibly strict manufacturing standards standards particularly difficult
to attain with the use of fatty or weak skins The parchment works with a local supply of
quality skins were therefore likely producing a higher quality product at a lower cost and
therefore able to bargain for the lucrative contracts offered by the High Treasury during
the period Furthermore the likelihood of parchment works being able to transport
skins from distant locations is questionable given the increasing prices for salt the strict
laws controlling the movement of skins and parchment and the high transport costs of
the period As a result it is unsurprising that the regions with a higher supply of high
quality skins are in the majority of cases the locations with a higher number of
parchment works (see section 43)
99
Chapter 7 Conclusions
71 Conclusion
This work has provided the first systematic studies of the post-medieval parchment
industry shedding light on a previously unknown industry It has highlighted that it was
not only of significant size but survived the influx of paper during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries producing high volumes of parchment up until at least 1850 This
work also includes the first major collection and review of a significant number of both
historical and modern literature on the post-medieval parchment industry tying
together hundreds of years of information and presenting a plethora of historical texts
on which to develop future research
Overall the parchment industry went through very significant changes between 1650
and 1850 The industry appears to have developed from a large collection of small firms
operating across England with parchment-makers of relatively low income or turnover
engaging in small-scale production and transactions Between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries the increasing regulation increasing taxation and a drastically
increasing population resulted in the control of production being shifted to a smaller
number of larger firms These firms primarily aimed to compete through a reduction in
production costs and the manufacture of a more homogenous product resulting in the
slow decline in parchment quality over time The results of this research also highlight
that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming nation
clinging onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and where
older hardier breeds survived
Finally the work has highlighted the extent and significance of government intervention
on a number of skin-based industries during this period The collection and
interpretation of a number of parchment taxation laws and of laws on the regulation of
manufacturing standards has also been the first of its kind The results of this particular
analysis offer a primary cause of the sudden decline in parchment quality during the
eighteenth century as well as the eventual decline of the parchment industry requiring
100
the reconsideration of the traditional view of the widespread introduction of paper
being the sole cause
This project has answered all the questions set out in its aims and objectives though
has also highlighted the importance of future research on this previously unstudied
industry Furthermore it has provided the first detailed overview of post-medieval
parchment production and determined the key factors influencing its development
while also presented a number of key indicators that can be researched to enrich our
current understanding of the post-medieval period Overall the results accrued have
widespread applications and this project has shown that there exists a plethora of
literature and historical data capable providing a basis for further investigation
72 Discussion
This work highlights some key issues in any models used for post-medieval hDNA
studies that find any relationship between when parchment was dated and when it was
produced Furthermore it highlights the issues of determining the manufacturing origin
of parchment from any stamp duties or stationers marks with parchment often being
moved great distances for tax purposes before being distributed across England by a
series of stationers offices Thankfully this work does present some clear centres of
parchment production as well as a more widespread geographical shift of parchment
firms to the south of England over time Any post-medieval parchment samples
analysed in any hDNA study are in most cases likely representative of the regions last
to adopt agricultural changes associated with an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo Any future
hDNA studies on the period between 1650 and 1850 must now consider these results
Such studies are unlikely to represent any agricultural changes in the north of England
or in most cases any regions adopting the intensive production of mutton or fine wool
However any hDNA research that finds a shift in the types of animals being farmed can
now more confidently state when the period of agricultural improvement had spread
across the majority of England for the regions from which skins were collected for
parchment production were primarily the regions that were late to adopt these
changes
The results of this research are not only significant to hDNA studies but also contribute
to the debate of agricultural improvement particularly in regards to determining the
101
timing of the adoption of new sheep breeds and stockbreeding techniques though also
the chronology and geography of agricultural improvements more generally Firstly if
there was a lsquosuddenrsquo agricultural revolution that occurred between 1650 and 1850 it did
not result in any sudden or major changes to the parchment industry The changes that
did occur primarily in regards to livestock improvement occurred over a 200 year
period and were variable depending on geographical location and the agricultural
objectives within that region These results strongly suggest that no such sudden change
occurred particularly as mutton was a more important resource than beef during this
period (Kerridge 1967 303 Mathias 1969 65) and with any sudden improvement likely
to have strongly affected this particularly important market Furthermore the results
indicate that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming
nation it clung onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and
where older hardier breeds survived As a result this research can offer further
clarification on the development and geographical movement of agricultural
improvement between 1650 and 1850 with an emphasis on the changes in sheep
farming another industry often overlooked in modern literature
Furthermore from the results of this research it is also now understood that the decline
of parchment quality that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century was primarily
due to legal changes and the subsequent changing market processes rather than as a
direct result of the introduction of new breeds of sheep This should contribute to the
current work of Sarah Fiddyment but also to studies on parchment quality more
broadly It also highlights the danger of drawing a causal relationship between
agricultural improvement and any industries decline during this period with growing
government intervention also being a hugely significant though often overlooked factor
likely affecting the development of a number of industries
In regards to the size of the industry and the growing scale of production future
research on the specific large scale producers of parchment would be greatly beneficial
In many of the parchment centres of production clear family-led parchment firms
appear to own and run a number of parchment works for example the Crook family
with Noah Crook Thomas Crook John Crook Snr and John Crook Jnr all operating
different parchment works in Wiltshire during the eighteenth century A more detailed
review of the sources used in this project combined with a review of local resources of
102
Wiltshire would offer greater detail on the development of the scale of production of
parchment during this period but also the development of a monopolistic market
structure in certain regions This work should constitute a firm basis on which future
investigations can be conducted
Overall the significance of this research should drastically affect the interpretations of
any hDNA studies on the post-medieval period Any changes found in the hDNA data
during this period can now be interpreted within the historical context Correlations can
now also be drawn between the data and the various historical changes that occurred
during this period This work has also contributed to a number of debates and currently
held theories on the period while also highlighting the importance for further study in
this area and demonstrating the value of digitised local records
103
Appendices
104
Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data Collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018)
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Noah Crook Abingdon 1795 Twice a month pound30 pound386 Orders placed about 15 months in advance Paid in advance
1796 Twice a month pound26 pound265
1797 Twice a month pound30 pound164
1798 Once a month pound40 pound225
1799 Once a month pound40 pound96
1803 Once a month pound40 pound140
1804 Once a month pound40 pound597
1805 Once a month pound40 pound94
pound2038
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Crook Marlborough 1795 Three times per month pound26 - Orders placed about lt1 months in advance Paid in advance Incomplete years Last two years
1796 Three times per month pound30 pound674
1797 Three times per month pound26 -
1799 Four times per year -
1800 Four times per year pound637
1802 Four times per year pound206
pound1517
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Rake Salisbury 1796 Once a month pound30 pound120 Incomplete years 1797 Once a month pound30 pound169
1798 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound65
1801 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound58
1802 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound85
1803 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound221
1804 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound247
pound966
105
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Samuel Bishop Bristol 1798 Twicethree times per year pound21 Only a few purchases across the year but multiple years Specialist certain type of parchment
1799 Twicethree times per year pound47
1801 Twicethree times per year pound39
1804 Twicethree times per year pound41
1805 Twicethree times per year pound34
1806 Twicethree times per year pound21
pound205
Stamped Parchment Sold - (LMA) Witherbys 4682E01001 (page 21-22) 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806
J nd 794 769 995 827 874 799 859 932
F nd 782 1047 936 929 1047 1034 851 1092
M nd 855 727 1030 1179 814 1098 1002 1106
A nd 903 1000 941 1028 1005 910 946 1279
M nd 972 1312 1230 1012 1100 1001 1147 1263
J nd 1036 879 1236 1151 1139 1077 1128 1117
J nd 780 1251 1182 1069 1031 867 1061 1058
A nd 763 789 676 779 810 761 906 920
S nd 711 849 549 660 722 913 667 686
O 933 996 904 928 972 933 1054 977 nd
N 813 1283 896 950 1136 914 821 1040 nd
D 1119 788 1033 851 822 928 704 1056 nd
Total 2865 10663 11456 11504 11564 11317 11039 11640 9453
106
Appendix 2 Parchment Quality Source Fiddyment 2018
107
Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions Source Rogers 1887 575-606
Mendham 1585 4 Parchment Skins 7 Worksop 1588 Skin Parchment 6 Eton 1589 2 Rolls Parchment 18 Oxford 1590 Skin Parchment 6 Gawthorp 1592 2 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1592 2 Skins Parchment 6frac12 Oxford 1593 Sheet Parchment 8 Oxford 1594 5 Skins Parchment 8frac12 Gawthorp 1595 1 Skin Parchment 7- Oxford 1595 Parchment Skin 9- Oxford 1599 9 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1601 16 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1602 8 do Parchment 7 Oxford 1603 8 Skins Parchment 8
Eton 1604 4 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1605 3 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1607 2 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1608 2 Skins Parchment 6 Cambridge 1609 1 Skin Parchment 8 Oxford 1610 4 Skins Parchment 4frac12- Chatham 1624 Parchment 5 doz 6 Oxford 1629 Parchment 8 doz 6- Oxford 1632 Parchment 15 doz 6- Winchester 1644 4 Skins 7- 3 Bridles 14 Winchester 1645 4 Skins 6
Oxford 1646 10 Sheets Parchment 32 12 Skins 7 Winchester 1648 8 Skins 6 Oxford 1649 78 Skins 12
Eton 1651 6 Skins 8 Winchester 1656 Parchment 3 doz 9- Winchester 1657 Parchment 4 doz 9- Winchester 1658 Parchment 1 doz 9- Winchester 1660 16 Parchment 10 Winchester 1661 2 Rolls 12- Winchester 1663 8 Parchment 1- Winchester 1665 Parchment 2 Doz 9- Winchester 1667 Parchment 1 Doz 9- Winchester 1668 16 Skins 9- Winchester 1672 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1673 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1677 7 Parchments 50 Cambridge 1682 20 Sheets 13-
108
Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages
109
Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected
1601-1901 Record Type No
DeathWill 145
Baptism 129
Directory 27
Marriage 71
Apprenticeship 49
Reference 13
Census 242
Total 676
110
Appendix 6 National Directories
111
Appendix 7 Local Directories
112
Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data
County 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 1851-1900 All Periods
Bedfordshire 0 0 1 1 1 0 3
Berkshire 0 0 0 0 9 7 16
Buckinghamshire 1 1 7 5 3 9 26
Cambridgeshire 2 0 0 1 31 21 55
Devonshire 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
Dorset 11 8 0 0 4 0 23
East Riding of Yorkshire 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
Gloucestershire 3 0 1 3 0 11 18
Hampshire 0 0 1 3 8 20 32
Hertfordshire 0 0 0 3 5 4 12
Kent 0 1 0 1 1 12 15
Lancashire 0 0 0 0 5 0 5
Leicestershire 0 1 1 3 5 1 11
Lincolnshire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Middlesex 1 2 1 1 10 26 41
Norfolk 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
North Riding of Yorkshire 30 6 0 1 0 0 37
Northamptonshire 2 0 3 4 4 30 43
Nottinghamshire 0 1 0 0 0 5 6
Oxfordshire 0 1 0 2 2 9 14
Rutland 0 0 0 1 0 4 5
Shropshire 1 0 1 0 1 0 3
Somerset 2 5 2 7 12 3 31
Staffordshire 0 1 1 0 4 0 6
Suffolk 1 0 0 0 14 6 21
Sussex 0 0 0 0 0 5 5
Surrey 0 1 8 5 20 42 76
Warwickshire 1 1 2 5 2 0 11
Wiltshire 16 37 18 12 36 16 135
Worcestershire 0 2 0 3 4 10 19
Total 73 68 50 61 182 242 676
113
Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location
Location No Location No
Abingdon England 5 Lambeth England 20
Andover England 1 Leicester England 7
Ayleburton England 1 Leicestershire England 1
Aylesbury England 3 Lenton England 5
Barrowden England 5 Lichfield England 1
Barton St David England 1 Lingfield England 4
Basingstoke England 2 Little Weldon England 7
Bassingbourn England 1 Liverpool England 5
Bath England 4 Longparish Hampshire England 1
Bedford England 2 Lyncombe England 1
Bedminster England 3 Malmesbury England 10
Bengeworth England 5 Marlborough England 29
Bere Regis England 1 Marylebone England 1
Bermondsey England 48 Middlesex England 4
Beverley England 3 Milton Abbas England 1
Bexley Kent England 1 Motcombe England 0
Bottisham England 1 Newington England 2
Bristol England 7 Newport Pagnell England 1
Brokenborough England 2 North Cerney England 1
Buckingham England 5 North Petherton England 6
Buriton England 1 Northampton England 6
Burnham England 1 Northleach England 2
Bury St Edmunds England 21 Norwich England 1
Butleigh England 1 Nottingham England 1
Camberwell England 14 Oborne England 2
Canterbury England 13 Olney England 1
Castle Cary England 2 Oswestry England 1
Caversham England 6 Oundle England 1
Charlton Wiltshire England 6 Powick England 1
Cheltenham England 2 Preshute England 1
Chepping Wycombe England 1 Princes Risborough England 5
Chichester England 1 Ravenstone England 1
Chippenham England 3 Reading England 8
Clifton Gloucestershire England 1 Rotherhithe England 2
114
Compton Dando England 1 Saint Margaret Leicestershire England 2
Corfe Mullen England 1 Salisbury England 56
Coventry England 10 Sawston England 51
Crowle England 1 Shepton Beauchamp England 0
Darlaston England 1 Sherborne England 14
Deptford England 1 Sherston England 6
Devon England 0 Southwark England 12
Dorchester England 1 St Margarets Wiltshire England 1
Dorset England 4 Steyning England 3
Ealing England 1 Stockbridge England 9
Earls Barton England 8 Stourbridge England 2
Eastham England 1 Tewkesbury England 1
Ely England 1 Thame England 1
Emneth England 1 Tring England 5
Emsworth England 1 Trowbridge England 1
Evesham England 11 Walcot England 1
Exeter England 1 Walworth England 1
Finsbury England 1 Wantage England 3
Fugglestone England 1 Warminster England 4
Gloucester England 8 Weldon England 1
Great Doddington England 2 Wells England 1
Gretton England 10 West Wycombe England 1
Harrold England 1 Westbourne England 1
Havant England 11 Westport St Mary England 4
Heston England 1 Wheatley England 0
High Wycombe England 4 Whitington England 1
Highworth Wiltshire England 1 Wilby England 2
Hillingdon England 2 Winchester England 6
Hitchin England 7 Wisbech England 1
Holloway England 1 Witney England 5
Ipswich England 0 Wooburn England 1
Irthlingborough England 6 Wycombe England 3
Kennington England 3 Yeovil England 3
Kingswinford England 4 York England 37
Kintbury England 2 London 11
Knowle England 1 Total 676
115
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws
The first major relevant actor pertaining to the parchment industry occurred in 1603 (1
Jam c22) regulating the manufacturing process and the organisation of the industry
The first significant act between 1650 and 1850 however occurred in the aftermath of
the Great Fire of London after which Charles II introduced a variety of taxes in order to
raise funds for the rebuilding of London One of these laws enforced the taxation of lsquoany
charter or grantrsquo with the rate of 40 s for one skin of parchment and 20 s for every
additional skin (22 amp 23 Cha II c9) The act covered a number of other uses including
inter alia grants of lands or leases conveyances surrender or release documents writs
of covenant original writs or bills and pleas The vast number of documents taxed were
those typically used in court This came into force in 1671 and was instituted for the
period of 9 years and although only applied to a relatively small number of uses all
parchment that was to be used for any of these purposes had to be transported to the
head tax office at Lincolnrsquos Inn London to be stamped (see Glasse 1794 452)
These laws surrounding the taxation of parchment were more firmly established in 1711
(9 AnnI c11) The new act ensured the extension of many of the previous duties while
also setting higher rates on a number of other specific parchment-based documents
Most significantly however this act stated that all parchment would now be taxed and
therefore all parchment must be transported to London for stamping this included any
parchment or vellum imported into Great Britain For every dozen parchment sold there
was a duty of 6 d while the fee stood at 1 s for vellum The act went further however
stating that all parchment works were now to be inspected regularly by appointed
officers who were permitted to enter the place of work of any parchment-maker while
refusal to allow entry would result in a fine of pound10 Finally these acts set out that at least
once a year the Lord High Treasurer or the commissioners of the Treasury would set
the prices at which stamped vellum parchment and paper would be sold (an issue
discussed further in section 72 and section 82) with officers instated to weigh skins
and hides determine the duty that was to be paid and mark the products that been
charged appropriately
A 1712 act (10 Ann I c19) enacted further duties on parchment and vellum as well as
applying a number of duties to Scotland In 1712 (11 Ann I c26) and 1713 (12 Ann I c9)
116
further duties were set on parchment (with varying prices depending on the intended
use of the parchment) with indentures pardons appeals to high court or documents
granting any office or employment in Great Britain above the value of pound50 a few of the
major documents now taxed The extension and increasing of duties would be a
common feature of the market over the next century
In 1716 George I made the tax of 6 d on every dozen parchment a perpetual tax rather
than a temporary one (3 GeoI c7) Two years later another act was passed that set out
clear regulations to ensure the more efficient collection of the duties set on parchment
(5 GeoI c2) In 1725 additional stamps duties were put in place for the period of 16
years (12 Geo I c30) though these too were continued by a later act (9 Geo II c32)
Finally these duties were also made perpetual though not until 1749 (24 Geo II c12) By
1755 the standard duty for a dozen pieces of parchment was 1 s 6 s as taken from a table
given to officers of the period (see (Leadbetter 1755 134) Under George II and later
under George III there was a seemingly ever-growing number of parchment stamp
duties (see appendix 5)
In 1757 a 1 s duty was set on leases bonds and deeds (30 Geo II c19) In 1759 further
parchment documents used in court would have a duty of at least 6 s while laws copies
of laws writs and their copies depositions and pleas were just some of the documents
covered by new stamp duties (32 Geo II c35) In 1765 a number of other duties were
passed that now pertained to parchment used in the British colonies (5 Geo III c12) In
fact new duties were being continually introduced and many others were changed in
price over the following years For example in 1776 (16 Geo III c34) a new duty of 1 s
and 6 d was set on all parchment manufactured in Great Britain This act follows an
plethora of a number of new duties and fines with acts passed in 1777 (17 Geo III c50)
1779 (19 Geo III c66) 1780 (20 Geo III c28) 1782 (22 Geo III c33) 1783 (23 Geo III c7)
1791 (31 Geo c21 c25) 1794 (34 Geo III c14 c32) 1795 (35 Geo III c30) 1796 (36
Geo III c136) 1800 (39 amp 40 G III c67) 1801 (40 Geo III c86) and 1803 (41 Geo III c86)
Over time the duties increased to cover a increasing variety of parchment products
while various new attempts were made to improve the efficiency of the tax collection
methods In 1804 for example the greatest number of new acts were passed to
117
improve the efficiency of the various stamp duties This law made numerous attempts
to consolidate and simplify the process
Over the next few years however many of the laws surrounding parchment were
repealed The stamp duties set out in the 1804 (44 Geo III c98) 1805 (45 Geo III FINISH)
and 1806 (46 Geo III c43) laws were mostly all repealed in 1808 (48 Geo III c149) There
were still many exceptions however with newspapers almanacks pamphlets and
medicine forms and licences for those selling alcohol just some still in effect However
the majority of the documents that remained heavily taxed appear to be documents
more likely to have been made from paper with many of the parchment documents
(mostly documents used in courts) were no longer subject to stamp duty Finally in
1815 all the duties set out in 1808 (48 Geo c149) as well as the those that remained
from the the 1804 act (44 Geo III c98) and those instated in the 1810 act (50 Geo III
c35) were repealed These laws marked the end of over a century of widespread
government intervention in the parchment industry
118
Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws
Year Law Title Law Reference
1671 An act for laying impositions on proceedings at law 22 amp 23 ChaII c9
1694 An act for granting to their Majesties several duties upon vellum parchment and paper for four years towards carrying on the war against France
5 amp 6 WampM c21
1696 An Act for granting to His Majesty several Duties upon Paper Vellum and Parchment to encourage the bringing of Plate and hammered Money into the Mints to be coined
8 amp 9 WampM c 7
1697 An act for making good the deficiencies of several funds there-in mentioned and for enlarging the capital stock of the bank of England and for raising the publick credit
8 amp 9 Wil III c20
1698 An act for granting to his Majesty his heirs and successors further duties upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
9 amp 10 WilIII 25
1702 An act for making good deficiencies and for preserving the publick credit 1 Ann I c13
1702 An Act for preventing Frauds in her Majestyrsquos Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper 1 Ann I c22
1705 An act for laying further duties on low wine and for preventing the damage to her Majestyrsquos revenue by importation of foreign cut wholebone and for making some provisions as to the stamp duties and the duties on births burials and marriages and the salt duties
4 Ann I c12
1706 An act for continuing the duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction and the duties payable by harkwers pedlars and petty chapmen and part of the duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and the late duties on sweetsfor the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven and other uses therein expressed
5 Ann c19
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Ann I c11
1711 An Act for licencing and regulating hackney coaches and chairs and for charging certain new duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and on cards and dice and on the exportation of rock salt for Ireland
9 Ann I c23
1712 An act for laying several duties upon sope and paper made in Great Britain or imported into the same and upon chequered and striped linens imported and upon certain silks callicoes linens and stuffs printed painted or stained and upon several kinds of stampt vellum parchment and paperhellip and for better securing her Majestyrsquos duties to arise in the office for the stampt duties by licences for marriages and otherwise and for relief of persons who have not claimed their lottery tickets in due time
10 Ann I c19
1712 An act for laying additional duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment and new duties on starch coffee tea drugs gilt and silver wire and policies of insurance to secure a yearly fund for satisfaction of orders to the contributors of a further sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds towards her Majestyrsquos supplyhellip
10 Ann I c26
119
1713 An act for laying additional duties on soap and paper and upon certain linens silks callicoes and stuffs and upon starch exported coals and upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
11 Ann I c9
1716 An act for redeeming the yearly fund of the South-Sea companyhellipand for making the said new yearly fund and annuities to be hereafter redeemable in the time and manner thereby prescribed (National Debt Act)
3 Geo I c7
1718 For continuing the duties on malt mum cyder and perry for the service of the year 1719 and for enlarging the time for entring at the exchequer such assignments of reversionary annuities as are therein mentioned and for better securing the duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment
5 Geo I c2
1725 For the relief of th suitors of the high court of chancery 12 Geo I c33
1735 For continuing for the purposes therin mentioned the additional duties uon stamped vellum parchment and paper laid an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the First
9 Geo II c32
1750 An act for making good a deficiency upon the revenue of the office of keeper or clerk of the Hanaper and for preventing any future deficiency therein to answer the publick services provided for out of the same and for augmenting the income of the office of master or keeper of the rolls
24 Geo II c25
1756 An act for granting to his majesty a duty upon licences for retailing beer ale and other excisaable liqours for establishing a method for granting such licences in Scotland and for allowing such licences to be granted at a petty session in England in a certain cafe therein mentioned
29 Geo II c12
1757 For granting to his Majesty several rates and duties upon indentures leases bonds and other deeds and upon news papers advertisements and almanaks and upon licences for retailing winehellip
30 Geo II c19
1759 An act for augmenting the salaries of the puisne judges in the court of Kingrsquos Bench the judges in the court of Common Pleas the barons of the cois in the court of Exchequer at Westminster the judges in the courts of session and Exchequer in Scotland and justices of Chester and the great sessions for the counties in Wales
32 Geo II c35
1776 An act for granting to his Majesty several duties on coaches and other carriages therein mentioned and several rates and duties upon indentures leases bods and other deeds and upon cards dice and news papers and for raising the sum of two millions by annuities and a lottery to be attended with annuities
16 Geo III c34
1777 An act for granting to his Majesty certain duties on licences to be taken out by all persons acting as auctioneers and certain rates and duties on all lands houses goods and other things sold by auction and upon industries leases bonds deeds and other instruments
17 Geo III c50
1779 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for better securing the stamp-duties upon indentures leases deeds and other instruments
19 Geo III c66
1780 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on advertisements and certain duties on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions or the custom of any province or place
20 Geo III c28
1782 An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand
22 Geo III c33
120
1783 An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts
23 Geo III c49
1783 An act to explain and amend an act made in the last session of parliament intiruled An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts and for indemnifying all persons who have written or signed any bill of exchange promissory or other note or any receipt not stamped according to law
23 Geo III c7
1783 An Act for granting to his Majesty several additional new Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper and also for repealing certain Exemption from Stamp Duties
23 Geo III c58
1789 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional stamp duties on probates of wills letters of administration and on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions
29 Geo III c51
1790 An act for repealing the duties upon licences for retailing wine and sweets and upon licences for retailing distilled spirituous liqours and for granting other duties in lieu therof
30 Geo III c38
1791 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional duty on certificates issued with respect to the killing of game
31 Geo III c21
1794 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on indentures of clerkships to solicitors and attornies in any of the courts in England therein mentioned
34 Geo III c14
1794 An act for enabling the commissioners of the stamp duties to stamp bills of exchange and notes in certain cases
34 Geo III c32
1795 An act for granting to his majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for repealing a certain exception as far as relates to bonds given as security for the payment of one hundred pounds or under contained in an act of the twenty-third year of hsi present Majestyrsquos reign
35 Geo III c30
1795 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on sea insurances 35 Geo III c63
1796 An Act for the more effectually securing Duties on Indentures Leases Bonds and other Deeds
37 Geo III c19
1797 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional stamp duty on deeds 37 Geo III c111
1796 An Act to enable the Commissioners of Stamp Duties to Stamp Duties to stamp Deeds and other Instruments Bills of Exchange Promissory and other Notes in Cases therein mentioned
37 Geo III c136
1798 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on bills of exchange and promissory notes for small sums of money
c 107
1799 An act for altering the period of making up the annual account of the duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper
39 Geo III c92
1800 An act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland 39 amp 40 Geo III c67
121
1801 An act for granting to his Majesty additional Stamp Duties on cards and dice on Probates and Wills on certain Indentures Leases Bonds or other deeds
41 Geo III c86
1803 An act for granting to his majesty several duties therin mentioned to be levied by the commissioners for managing stamp-duties in Ireland
43 Geo III c127
1804 An Act to repeal the several Duties under the Commissioners for managing the Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper in Great Britain and to grant new and additional Duties in lieu thereof
44 Geo III c98
1805 An Act for granting to His Majesty additional Stamp Duties in Great Britain on certain Legacies and also the several Duties granted by the Act passed in the Forty-sixth Year of His Majestys Reign intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to Appraisers in Great Britain
45 Geo III c28
1806 An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to appraisers in Great Britain
46 Geo III c43
1806 An act to repeal the several duties under the care of the commissioners for managing the duties pon stamped vellum parchment and paper in Ireland and to grant new and additional duties in lieu thereof and to amend the laws relating to the stamp-duties in ireland
46 Geo III c64
1808 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Law Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments andthe Duties on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in great Britain and for granting new Duties in lieu thereof
48 Geo III c149
1810 Act act for altering the Mode of collecting the Duty on Insurances against Loss by Fire upon property in His majestyrsquos Islands and Possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere beyond the Seas and for exempting certain Bonds and Receipts from Stamp Duty for giving Relief in certain cases of Stamps spoiled or misused and for explaining Part of an Act passed in the Forty eighth Year of His Majestyrsquos Reign for granting Stamp Duties in Great Britain
50 Geo III c35
1815 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Laws Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments and the Duties on Fire Insurances and on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in Great Britain and for granting other Duties in lieu therof
55 Geo III c184
122
Appendix 12 Flaying Laws
The first act passed during the seventeenth century (Jac 1 c22) stated that earlier
statues had been passed on the topic of the flaying of animal skins but that lsquothe laws
and statutes formerly established and made for the true and just tanning currying and
working of leather have not taken that good effect which was expectedrsquo and had failed
to address the lsquodeceits and abusesrsquo that were lsquocommonly practised by the tanners
curriers and workers of leatherrsquo (see Britain and Pickering 1763 106) The act then
reiterated that no butcher or any other person could damage the skin of any ox bull
steer or cow though interestingly it does not state that the same laws apply to skins
more specifically to the skins of sheep Strangely however the law later defines leather 5
as any tanned skin of ox steer bull cow calf deer and fallow goats and sheep so
presumably the law did cover tanned sheep-skins It also states that anyone selling
sheep skins that did not adhere to this law should be fined 3s 4d This particular Act is
quite difficult to interpret so much so that a later act (14 Cha II c7) offers clarification as
to what animal skins were actually covered as well as clarifying that the law pertained to
all of Great Britain and not just England It certainly brings into question the efficiency of
this tax system provided that there were clear misinterpretations (or explorations) of the
law by some for nearly sixty years
The law also began to create legally protected professions For example only a trained
tanner with a tan-house could tan any hide after the passing of this law while no tanner
could cut the leather The law also set out clear instructions on how leather should be
manufactured stored and dried It was no longer permitted that any individual could be
both a butcher and a tanner and tanners were also not allowed to occupy any other
trade that involved the cutting or working of leather It was now illegal to work the jobs
of other professions simultaneously and furthermore to work any of the professions
pertaining to the working of skins Also the law reiterated the 1563 law stating
individuals must either gain an apprenticeship or must be hired as a servant of an
individual in that profession There were clear attempts by the government to create
separate legally protected professions in the hope of improving specialisation and
5 Interestingly it is also stated that no butcher shall kill to sell any calf under five weeks old or they will be fined six shillings and eight pence This then prohibits the use of very young calves in the production of vellum and brings into question the early use of the skins of very young calves were used for the production of vellum However this law was repealed in 1685 in another act (22 amp 23 Car II c19)
123
consequently the efficiency of a number of industries The law does not however list
parchment-makershellip ADD
This law also extended to the manufacturing process of all goods in the various
skin-based industries while extensive fines were also implemented For example there
was a fine of 3 s 4 d for any putrefied or rotten skin put up for sale (1819 1040) The law
also extended to ensuring high-quality wears and to reduce wastage Any attempt to
transport leather that was cut or unwrought for sale was now illegal Curriers would also
be fined if they attempted to sell leather that had not been sufficiently tanned No
leather could be sold that had not been lsquosearched and sealedrsquo in other words inspected
and taxed (further clarification in section 63) No tan fats before liming and skins must
not be left in lime pits for too long Skins must not be left to dry in frost nor in direct
sunlight Finally the fine for the sale of a dozen sheep skins that did not meet these high
standards was six shillings and eight pence This appears a particularly troubling issue as
many of the standards set were subject to the opinions of inspectors inspectors with a
monetary incentive to find as many damaged skins as possible The consequential
finding of a high volume of lsquodamagedrsquo skins would then be likely to further support the
need for further regulation
The 1662 Act (14 Cha 2 c7) was the next major law bringing about stricter laws
surrounding the exportation of skins and leather From 1662 no tanned hide or
untanned hide of any ox steer bull cow or calf was allowed to be exported out of the
country as well as a number of limitations regarding to the transport of hides within
Great Britain The law does however state that sheep-skins not dressed with wool may
be transported this was in keeping with the law stating that the exportation of wool was
also illegal at this time (see 14 Cha I c 18) The law also further details the punishment
of tanners who cut and raked the hides impairing them shall have their hides seized
The 1688 law(1 WampM c33) more clearly states what the previous statutes cover every
hide skin or piece of tanned leather shaved or liquored of whatever colour with any
liquoring or dressing Clearly then even if poorly enforced for some time the laws
pertaining to the flaying of skins the strict manufacturing processes and the
requirement of searches and seals all applied to the parchment manufacturing process
at least after 1689 Interestingly this law also states that individuals may now sell
124
leather hides or skins by weight This would allow for individuals to sell more
homogenised products with less emphasis on quality
The 1710 act (9 Ann I c11) was extensive although pertaining primarily to the taxation
of hides and skins it enacted even further laws and punishment surrounding the
manufacture and sale of skins and parchment Setting out clear punishments for those
lsquodefrauding the crownrsquo and most importantly further punishments were created for the
damaging of skins It is also the first law to specifically refer to the manufacture of
parchment The law also creates and clarifies a significant number of limitations and
instructions on the manufacturing process for a number of skin-goods For example
who may cut the skins how they were cut how the skins were dried when and if skins
could be transported and who shall inspect these skins It states that officers would now
inspect skins and various tanned products to review their quality This law seems to
highlight the failure of the previous laws as the laws of 1603 (1 Jac I c22) and 1689 (1
WampM c33) were also extensive and yet it was deemed necessary to enact further laws
and punishments as well as offering further clarification of the previous laws For
example it was considered necessary to clarify that previous laws had also extended to
Scotland in the 1784 act (24 Geo II c19)
As late as 1800 attempts were still being made by the crown to limit the number of
damaged skins (39-40 Geo III c66) This is a clear indicator of the failures of previous
laws as well as indicating the still widespread problem of damaged materials at least in
the opinion of government new lsquoproper and convenient placesrsquo were set up for the
examination and inspection of all raw hides for each city (Chitty 1824 348) This perhaps
indicates the lack of appropriate inspections outside of the city of London The act also
sets out new fines for the improper flaying of skins even greater than those preceding
them (Britain 1811 390-391) These fines were so high that only a year later a new law
was passed (41 Geo III c53) reducing the amount perpetrators were fined (Minard
2011 154) In 1803 (43 Geo III c 106) it was also deemed necessary to apply these more
thorough inspections to London a troubling sign considering the issues clearly still
pertained to London despite the significant size of the tanning industry and the
high-quality works expected to accompany an industry of that size
The 1808 law pertaining to London exclusively saw the reduction of these fines (Minard
125
2011 154) with the fine now being no more than 3 s though no less than 2frac12 d (Chitty
1824 353) This law also saw the reorganisation of the inspectors in London and the
requirement that all sheep and lamb skins be inspected either at the Woodsclose
Market the Borough Market or Whitechapel Market (Britain 1824 353) The timing of
these changes again shows the failure of the laws the preceded them and marks the
the beginning of the end for the intensive regulation of this market by the government
That same year a petition was put forward titled A Petition of Several Tanners of London
and its vicinity was presented (House of Commons 1808 120) attempting to repeal a
number of the regulations enforced on the various skin-working professions A few
weeks later on the 17th March the committee created to consider the petition decided
the acts ought to be repealed (1808 183) and on the 28th of March a bill was presented
(1808 218) In the same year a similar petition was put forward by Scottish tanners
(1808 271) and yet another by lsquocurriers and other dealers in tanned leatherrsquo (1808 286)
The previous laws had clearly been a failure and caused major issues across Great
Britain On the 20th of May 1808 a bill was passed to repeal some of the acts that
implemented strict requirements for those working with animals skins
The inspections remained however with inspections on the flaying of skins still
undertaken by the government though in 1824 this too was abolished The 1824 act (5
Geo IV c57) repealed the 1800 (39 amp 40 Geo III c66) the 1801 act (41 Geo III c53) the
1803 local act (43 Geo III ccvi) and the 1808 act (43 Geo III clxxi) (Williams 1824 90-91)
This 1824 act marks the end of two centuries of intensive government regulation
126
127
Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws
Year Act Name Legal Abbreviation
1485 An act shewing the duties of a corwainer tanner or currier 1 Hen VII c5
1563 Statute of Artificiers (An act containing divers orders for artificiers labours servants of husbandry and apprentices)
5 Eliz I c 4
1603 An Act concerning tanners curriers shoe-makers and other artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather
1 Jac I c22
1662 An act to restrain the exportation of leather and raw hides out of the realm of England
14 Cha 2 c7
1689 An act for explaining part of an act made in the first year of King James the First concerning tanned leather
1 WampM c33
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Anne c11
1784 An act for encouraging the manufacture of leather by lowering the duty payable upon the importation of oak bark when the price of such bark shall exceed a certain rate for a limited time and for extending several acts of parliament relative to the manufacture of leather to that of Great Britain called Scotland
24 Geo III c19
1800 Use of Horse Hides etc Act 39-40 Geo III c66
1801 An act to explain and amend an act passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of the reign of his present Majesty intituled An act to repeal so much of an act passed in the second year of King James the First as prohibits the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and for better preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
41 Geo III c53
1803 To extend the provisions of two acts passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth and in the forty-first years of the reign of his present Majesty relating to the use of horse-hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw-hides and skins in the flaying thereof to and to alter and amend as to the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark and liberties therof and all places within fifteen miles of the Royal Exchange of the said city of London
43 Geo III ccvi (local act)
1808 For repealing an act made in the 43rd year of his present majesty for extending the provisions of two formers acts relating to the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
48 Geo III clxxi (local act)
1808 An Act for repealing an Act passed in the First Year of king james the First intitled An Act concerning Tanners Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather and also for repealing and amending certain Parts of several other Acts of Parliament relating thereto
48 Geo III c60
1824 An Act to repeal Four Acts of his late Majesty relating to the Use of Horse Hides in making Boots and Shoes and for better preventing the damaging of Raw Hides and Skins in the flaying thereof
5 Geo IV c57
128
Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 Source Shaw 1935 671-672 (Originally sourced from Calendar of Treasury Books 1694)
The like of persons to be distributors of the [stamped] parchment and paper in all the counties of England and Wales and to be collectors of the duty thereby arising as follows
Berkshire John Paise of Reading
Beds Francis Brace
Bucks Charles Herle
Cambridgeshire William Percivall
Cheshire Richard Backwell and Robert Foulks
Cornwall Thomas Horwell
Cumberland Robert Jackson
Derbyshire Peter Gery
Devonshire Benj Robins
Dorsetshire Jos Watson and Peter Clinton
Durham William Roper
Essex William Wright and Francis Blythe
Gloucestershire Walter Marshall Edward Bulstrode and Thomas Wale
Hampshire Thomas Shory and Paul Burwood
Herts Francis Isaacson of Barnet
Herefordshire Thomas Mathews
Hunts John Mason
Kent Thomas Raworth of Dover and Thomas Cason of Maidstone
Lancs William Townsen of Lancaster and mdash Dodd of Preston
Leicestershire and Rutland John Cradock
Lincolnshire Edward Cowly
Monmouthshire Walter Marshall
Norfolk Edward Barnes and Henry Marriott
Northants Edward Butler
Northumberland Cha Sanderson and Samuell Wilson
Notts John Bury
Oxfordshire William Busby and John Langston
Shropshire William Leake
Somerset Humphry Burton of Tiverton and mdash Babb of Taunton
Stafford Geo Nevell and John Dunster
Suffolk Robert Warren
Surrey John Balchen
Sussex John Dee Richard Holmes John Newton of Lewes and Samuel Bruer of Battle
129
Warwickshire Jer Withers
Westmorland John Procter
Wilts Robert Cutler of Sarum
Worcestershire William Collins
Yorks Geo Maynard for the West Riding John Hall for the North Riding William Lyster for the East Ridinng
Town of Hull Jos Claver
Denbighshire John Lloyd
Anglesey Montgomery Merioneth and Carnarvon Samuel Howson and Richard Wright
Flintshire Robert Foulks
Carmarthenshire Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire John Evans
Glamorganshire Edward Thomas
Radnorshire Cha Jones
Brecknockshiremdash Davys
130
Bibliography
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Anderson J 1797 Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Dublin Messrs P Wogan P Byrne and J Moore
An Impartial Observer 1806 XXXIX and XL Geo III c 66 The Flaying Act considered as without benefiting the Public most severely oppressing the Butchers of London By an Impartial Observer 30 June 1800 London E Thomas
Anon 1787 The Book of Rates Dundee Printed for George Milln
Aubrey J Britton J 1847 The natural history of Wiltshire Wiltshire Topographical Society Salisbury
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Ashworth WJ 2003 Customs and Excise Trade Production and Consumption in England 1640-1845 Oxford Oxford University Press
Bailey J 1810 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Durham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London R Phillips
Bailey J amp Culley G 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Northumberland With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement by J Bailey and G Culley London Sol Printed by S Hodgson and sold by M Robinson and G Nicol
Bailey W 1784 Baileyrsquos British Directory First Edition London Printed by J Andrews
Ballard E 1882 Report in Respect of the Inquiry as to Effluvium Nuisances Arising in Connexion with Various Manufacturing and Other Branches of Industry London HM Stationery Office
Bath and West of England Agricultural Society 1792 Letters and papers on agriculture planting ampc [electronic resource] Selected from the correspondence of the Bath and west of England Society for the encouragement of agriculture arts manufactures and commerce Vol IV The second edition Bath Printed by order of the Society by R Cruttwell and sold by C Dilly Poultry London and by the booksellers of Bath Bristol Salisbury Gloucester Exeter ampc ampc
Beckett JV 1985 Land Tax or Excise the levying of taxation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England The English historical review C(CCCXCV) pp285ndash308
Bicchieri M et al 2008 Inside the parchment Proceedings of Art pp25ndash30
Billing M 1855 Directory amp Gazetteer of Worcestershire 1855 Birmingham M Billing Steam-Press Offices
131
Billingsley J 1798 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Somerset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Bath R Cruttwell
Brownlee J (1915) The history of the birth and death rates in England and Wales taken as a whole from 1570 to the present time Public Health 29 pp211-222
Blanch J 1774 The art of tanning and currying leather with an account of all the different processes made use of in Europe and Asia for dying leather red and yellow London Printed for J Nourse
Blom P 2005 Enlightening the world Encyclopeacutedie the book that changed the course of history London Macmillan Publishers
Boys J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London B McMillan
Bower MA et al 2010 The potential for extraction and exploitation of DNA from parchment a review of the opportunities and hurdles Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 33(1) pp1ndash11
Burger J Hummel S amp Herrmann B 2000 Palaeogenetics and cultural heritage Species determination and STR-genotyping from ancient DNA in art and artefacts Thermochimica acta 365(1) pp141ndash146
Campana MG et al 2010 A flock of sheep goats and cattle ancient DNA analysis reveals complexities of historical parchment manufacture Journal of archaeological science 37(6) pp1317ndash1325
Campbell R 1747 The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and Westminster London T Gardner
Chambers E 1728 Cyclopedia - Volume 1 London Printed for James and John Knapton John Darby Daniel Midwinter Arthur Bettersworth John Senex Robert Gosling John Pemberton William and John Innys John Osborn and Tho Longman Charles Rivington john Hooke Ranew Robinson Francis Clay Aaron Ward Edward Symon Daniel Browne Andrew Johnston and Thomas Osborn
Chitty J 1824 A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents London A Strahan
Churchill JE 1983 The Complete Book of Tanning Skins and Furs London Stackpole Books
Clark G 2004 Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous Living Costs of the Rich versus the Poor in England 1209--1869 In Conference paperldquoTowards a Global History of Prices and Wagesrdquo Utrecht Available at httpswwwresearchgatenetprofileGregory_Clarkpublication246687497_Lifestyles_of_the_Rich_and_Famous_Living_Costs_of_the_Rich_versus_the_Poor_in_England_1209-1869links546e62200cf2b5fc176075b5pdf
Clark G 2007 The long march of history Farm wages population and economic growth England 1209ndash1869 The Economic History Review 60(1) pp97ndash135
Clark G amp Lindert P 2006 England_1209-1914_Clarkxlsx Global Price and Income History Group Available at httpgpihucdavisedufilesEngland_1209-1914_(Clark)xls [Accessed September 9 2018]
Clarke M 2001 The analysis of medieval European manuscripts Studies in Conservation 46(2) pp3ndash17
Clarkson C 1992 REDISCOVERING PARCHMENT THE NATURE OF THE BEAST Paper Conservator 16(1) pp5ndash26
Cobbett W 1912 Rural Rides in Surrey Kent and Other Counties London A Cobbett
132
Collins M J Fiddyment S Webb C OConnor T P Bradley D Teasdale M Doherty S Curtis A Vnoucek J Hall 2015 Reading the leaves sheep parchment as a 1000 year genetic resource Advances in Animal Biosciences p63
Cook HF amp Williamson T 1999 Water Management in the English Landscape Field Marsh and Meadow Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press
Copus AK 1989 Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in Southern England 1750ndash1900 The Agricultural history review 37(1) pp36ndash51
Craig H 1960 English religious drama of the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford Clarendon Press
Crittal E 1959 Wiltshire Volume 4 Other Industries In A History of the County of Wiltshire Volume 4 London British History Online pp 43ndash64 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchwiltsvol4 [Accessed July 29 2018]
Crouse J 1768 The History of the City and County of Norwich From the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time London Printed John Crouse and sold by M Booth
DrsquoAgata R et al 2007 The use of atmospheric pressure laser desorption mass spectrometry for the study of iron-gall ink Applied Physics A Materials Science amp Processing 89(1) pp91ndash95
Davis JM amp Beckett JV 1999 Animal husbandry and agricultural improvement the archaeological evidence from animal bones and teeth Rural history economy society culture 10(1) pp1ndash17
Davis T 1813 General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Dickson PGM 1960 The Sun Insurance Office 1710-1960 Oxford Oxford University Press
Doherty Sean 2018 The proteomic and isotopic analysis of parchment and their application to post-medieval sheep husbandry in Britain PhD Thesis University of York
Duncumb J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Hereford Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Fitzsimmons MP 2010 From Artisan to Worker Guilds the French State and the Organization of Labor 1776ndash1821 New York Cambridge University Press
Freemen of Chester 1992 Chester Freemen and Guilds Information and History Booklet Chester Chester City Record Office
Fussell GE 1966 The English Dairy Farmer 1500-1900 London Frank Cass amp Co
Fussell GE 1964 THE GRASSES AND GRASSLAND CULTIVATION OF BRITAIN I Before 1700 Grass and Forage Science 19(1) pp49ndash54
Fussell GE amp Goodman C 1930 Eighteenth Century Estimates of British Sheep and Wool Production Agricultural history 4(4) pp131ndash151
Gerhold D 2005 Carriers and coachmasters trade and travel before the turnpikes Oxford Phillimore
Glasse S 1794 The Magistratersquos Assistant Or A Summary of Those Laws which Immediately Respect the Conduct of a Justice of the Peace Continued to the End of the Session--1793 Gloucester Printed by R Raikes
Gooch W 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge London Sherwood Neely and Jones
133
Great BritainCommissioners of Excise 1778 Instructions for officers of the duties on hides in the country London
Gullick M 1991 From parchmenter to scribe some observations on the manufacture and preparation of medieval parchment based upon a review of the literary evidence In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 145ndash157
Hagadorn A 2012 Parchment making in eighteenth-century France historical practices and the written record Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 35(2) pp165ndash188
Haskins CH 1912 The ancient trade guilds and companies of Salisbury Kindle Salisbury Bennett Brothers
Havinden MA 1961 The Rural Economy of Oxfordshire 1580-1730 B Litt thesis Oxford University
Henderson S 2016 A Revolution in Sheeprsquos Clothing BA University of York
Henrickson RL Ranganayaki MD amp Asghar A 1984 Age species breed sex and nutrition effect on hide collagen Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 20(3) pp159ndash172
Her Majestyrsquos Stationery Office 1844 Reports from Commissioners Seventeen Volumes 13 London English Government Available at httpsmarketandroidcomdetailsid=book-jmoSAAAAYAAJ
Hoffman T 2011 Guilds and Related Organisations in Great Britain and Ireland a bibliography - Part 1 Unpublished Available at httpwwwbbkacuklibrarydownloadsguilds-part-1pdf [Accessed 28102018]
Holland H 1813 General view of the agriculture of Cheshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Houghton J 1728 Husbandry and trade improvrsquod being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle coals hops wool ampc With a complete catalogue of the several sorts of earths With many other useful particulars communicated by several eminent members of the Royal Society to the collector John Houghton The second edition London Printed for Woodman and Lyon
Hughes E 1941 The English Stamp Duties 1664-1764 The English Historical Review 56 (222) pp234ndash264
Hunt amp Co 1849 Hunt amp Corsquos Directory of Gloucester amp Bristol London BW Gardiner
Ibbetson J 1845 Ibbetsonrsquos Directory of the Borough of Bradford etc Bradford Printed and Published by J Ibbetson
Kent H 1798 Kentrsquos directory for the year 1798 containing an alphabetical list of the names and places of abode of the directors of companies persons in public business merchants of London and Westminster and Southwark etc 66th edn London Richard amp Henry Causton
Kellyrsquos Directories Ltd 1936 Kellyrsquos directory of stationers printers publishers booksellers papermakers amp c of England Scotland and Wales 18th edn 1936 London Kellyrsquos Directories
Kerridge E 2013 The Agricultural Revolution London Routledge
Kite M amp Thomson R 2006 The Manufacture of Leather Conservation of Leather and Related Materials London Elsevier Science amp Technology Ltd
Knight C 1842 London London Published by Charles Knight
Lawrence T Fowler V amp Novakofski J 2012 Growth of Farm Animals 3rd edition London CABI
Leadbetter C 1755 The royal gauger or Gauging made perfectly easy as it is actually practised by the officers of His Majestyrsquos revenue of excise London Printed for E Wicksteed
134
Lisle E 1757 Observations in Husbandry London J Hughs
Lowe R 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Nottingham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London C MacRae
Lyall RJ 1989 Materials The Paper Revolution In J Griffiths et al eds Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375--1475 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 11ndash29
Lyne AG 1961 The Postnatal Development of Wool Follicles Shedding and Skin Thickness in Inbred Merino and Southdown-Merino Crossbred Sheep Australian Journal of Biological Sciences 14(1) pp141ndash156
Marshall M 1789 The rural economy of Gloucestershire including its dairy together with the dairy management of North Wiltshire and the management of orchards and fruit liquor in Herefordshire Glocester Printed by R Raikes for G Nicol Pall-Mall London
Massey W 1763 The Origin and Progress of Letters An Essay in Two Parts London J Johnson
Mathias P 1969 The first industrial nation The economic history of Britain 1700-1914 London Metheun and Co
Mavor WF 1813 General view of the agriculture of Berkshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Mazoyer M and Roudart L (2006) A History of World Agriculture from the neolithic age to the current crisis London Earthscan
Maxted I 1992 British Book Trades 1775-1787 An Index to Insurance Policies (Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History) London JMaxted
Minard P 2011 Micro-Economics of Quality and Social Construction of the Market Disputes Among the London Leather Trades in the Eighteenth-Century Historische Sozialforschung = Historical social research Zentrum fur Historische Sozialforschung Koln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften Bonn 36(4) pp150ndash168
Moffatt JM 1805 The History of the Town of Malmesbury and of Its Ancient Abbey Together with Memoirs of Eminent Natives to which is Added an Appendix Tetbury JG Goodwyn
Murray A 1815 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Warwick with Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London B McMillan
Narayan S amp Rathore A 1964 Skin follicles and wool characteristics of seven breeds of Rajasthan sheep Research Studies-University of Udaipur 2
Neate S Howell D Ovenden R Pollard AM 2011 The Technological Study of Books and Manuscripts as Artefacts Research Questions and Analytical Solutions Oxford Archaeopress
Overton M 1996 Re-Establishing the English Agricultural Revolution The Agricultural history review 44(1) pp1ndash20
Page W 1930 A History of the County of Northampton In The borough of Northampton Trades London British History Online pp 26ndash30 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchnorthantsvol3pp26-30 [Accessed 30102018]
Page W 1907 Agriculture In A History of the County of Oxfordshire London British History Online pp 279ndash292 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchoxonvol2pp279-292 [Accesse 30102018]
Palop R 2016 Sheepskin and Cattle Hide Degreasing PhD University of Barcelona Available at
135
httpwwwcromogeniacomimagesnoticiasAF_LIBRO_DESENGRASE_english_bajapdf
Palliser DM amp Selwyn DG 1972 The Stock of a York Stationer 1538 The Library s5-XXVII(3) pp207ndash219
ParliamentHouse of Lords 1742 The history and proceedings of the House of Lords from the Restoration in 1660 to the present time London Ebenezer Tumberland
Parson WM amp White WM 1830 Directory of Leeds York and the Clothing District of Yorkshire Northowram Ovenden From Weaver to Web Northowram Calderdale Libraries Northgate Halifax West Yorkshire England
Pendred J 1785 The London and Country Printers Booksellers and Stationers Vade Mecum Moorfields J Pendred
Pigot 1995 National commercial directory Norwich Michael Winton
Pigot 1834 National commercial directory of the merchants bankers professional gentlemen manufacturers and traders in the counties of Chester Cumberland Durham Lancaster Northumberland Westmorland and York etc London Pigot
Pigot J 1825 Pigot and Corsquos New Commercial Directory of Scotland for 1825-1826Together with the most extensive Directory of London Manchester J Pigot and Co
Pitt W 1796 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Stafford With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G Nicol and sold
Pitt W 1809 A general view of the agriculture of the county of Leicester with observations on the means of its improvement London R Phillips
Pitt W 1817 A Topographical History of Staffordshire Including Its Agriculture Mines and Manufactures Memoirs of Eminent Natives Statistical Tables and Every Species of Information Connected with the Local History of the County With a Succinct Account of the Rise and Progress of the Staffordshire Potteries J Smith
Plenderleith HJ amp Werner A 1971 Papyrus Parchment and Paper In The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art Treatment Repair and Restoration Oxford Oxford University Press pp 44ndash73
Plot R 1686 The Natural History of Staffordshire Oxford Printed at the Theater
Plymley J 1803 General View of the Agriculture of Shropshire with Observations Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole B 1852 Statistics of British commerce Being a compendium of the productions manufactures imports and exports of the United Kingdom London WH Smith amp Son Simpkin Marshall amp Co
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Priest SJ amp Parkinson R 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Buckinghamshire Drawn Up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Reed R 1972 Ancient Skins Parchments and Leathers New York Seminar Press
Reed R 1991 Some thoughts on Parchment for Bookbinding In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 217ndash220
136
Reed R 1975 The nature and making of parchment Leeds Elmete Press
Rennie G Brown R amp Shirreff J 1799 General View of the Agriculture of the West Riding of Yorkshire Surveyed by Messrs Rennie Brown amp Shirreff 1793 With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement and Additional Information Since Received Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement Edinburgh G Nicol
Roberts C David Roberts F amp Bisson D 2016 A History of England Volume 1 Prehistory to 1714 London Routledge
Rogers JET 1887 A History of Agriculture and Prices in England From the Year After the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the Commencement of the Continental War (1793) Oxford Clarendon Press
Rudge T 1981 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Gloucester London R Phillips
Russell N 2007 Like Engendrsquoring Like Heredity and Animal Breeding in Early Modern England Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Ryder M 1981 A survey of European primitive breeds of sheep Annales de genetique et de selection animale 13(4) pp381ndash418
Ryder ML 1963 A survey of the gross structural features of protein fibres Fibre Structure pp534ndash566
Ryder ML 1958 Follicle arrangement in skin from wild sheep primitive domestic sheep and in parchment Nature 182(4638) pp781ndash783
Ryder ML 1960 Follicle remains in some British parchments Nature 187(4732) pp130ndash132
Ryder ML 1969 Remains derived from skin Science in Archaeology 43 pp539ndash554
Ryder ML 1983 Sheep and man London Gerald Duckworth amp Co Ltd
Ryder ML 1991 The biology and history of parchment In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thurbecke pp 25ndash33
Ryder ML 1964a The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain The Agricultural history review 12(1) pp1ndash12
Ryder ML 1964b The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain (Continued) The Agricultural history review 12(2) pp65ndash82
Saxl H 1954 An investigation of the qualities the methods of manufacture and the preservation of historic parchment and vellum with a view to identifying the animal species used PhD University of Leeds
Sellet F 1993 Chaicircne opeacuteratoire the concept and its applications Lithic technology 18(1-2) pp106ndash112
Shaw W 1935 Entry Book June 1964 1-10 In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 10 1693-1696 London British History Online pp 636ndash648 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol10pp440-449 [Accessed 30102018]
Shaw W amp Slingsby FH 1957 Declared Accounts Stamp Duties In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 29 1714-1715 British History Online pp 381ndash398 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol29 [Accessed 30102018]
Sibly E 1808 Magazine of Natural History Comprehending the Whole Science of Animals Plants and Minerals Divided Into Distinct Parts the Characters Separately Described and Systematically Arranged London Chimpante and Withrow
Sims M 2004 Homewell Parchment Works Archaeological Report Available at
137
httplibrarythehumanjourneynet890 [Accessed 13082017]
Sketchley J 1775 Sketchleyrsquos Bristol Directory Bristol James Sketchley
Slater I amp Pigot 1857 Slaterrsquos - late Pigot amp cos - Royal national commercial directory and topography of the counties of Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire Rutlandshire amp Yorkshire the towns of Hull Leeds Nottingham and Sheffield embellished with beautiful maps of Lincolnshire Nottingham amp Yorkshire etc Manchester Isaac Slater
Slater amp Pigot 1852 Slaterrsquos Royal National Commercial Directory and Topography of Scotland etc 1852 Aberdeenshire Isaac Slater
Smellie W 1771 Encyclopaeligdia Britannica [electronic resource] or a dictionary of arts and sciences compiled upon a new plan Illustrated with one hundred and sixty copperplates By a Society of gentlemen in Scotland In three volumes Edinburgh printed for A Bell and C Macfarquhar and sold by Colin Macfarquhar
Smith F 2009 Smithrsquos Directory of Halifax Bradford Oldfield and Horsfall
Stevenson W 1812 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Dorset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G and W Nicol
Stevenson W 1809 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Surrey London J Phillips
Stinson T 2011 Counting Sheep Potential Applications of DNA Analysis to the Study of Medieval Parchment Production In F Franz C Fritze amp G Vogeler eds Kodikologie und Palaumlographie im digitalen Zeitalter 2 - Codicology and Palaeography in the Digital Age 2 Norderstedt Books on Demand (BoD) pp 191ndash207
Stinson TL 2009 Knowledge of the flesh using DNA analysis to unlock bibliographical secrets of medieval parchment Papers Bibliographical Society of America 103(4) pp435ndash453
Strickland HE 1812 A general view of the agriculture of the East-Riding of Yorkshire published by order of the Board of Agriculture author
Teasdale MD et al 2015 Paging through history parchment as a reservoir of ancient DNA for next generation sequencing Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B Biological sciences 370(1660) p20130379
The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 The Rotation of Crops The Farmerrsquos Magazine 8 p188
The House of Commons 1808 The Journals of the House of Commons Volume 63 London Printed by Order of the House of Commons
The National Archives 2018 Bridging the Digital Gap technical traineeships in archives Available at httpwwwnationalarchivesgovuk [Accessed October 23 2018]
The Salt Association 2018 Salt amp the Salt Tax | Salt History The Salt Association Available at httpwwwsaltassociationcoukeducationsalt-historysalt-the-chemical-revolutioneighteenth-century-salt-making-salt-and-the-salt-tax [Accessed July 5 2018]
The Saturday Magazine 1838 The Saturday Magazine 12-13(402) pp129ndash136
Thirsk J 1984 The Agrarian History of England and Wales Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Thirsk J 2000 The English Rural Landscape USA Oxford University Press
Thomas S 1983 Leathermaking in the Middle Ages In Leather Manufacture through the Ages Proceedings of the 27th East Midlands Industrial Archaeology Conference (27) EMIAC 27 pp 1ndash10
138
Trolander P 2014 Literary Sociability in Early Modern England The Epistolary Record London Rowman amp Littlefield
Trow-Smith R 1951 English husbandry From the earliest times to the present day London Faber and Faber
Tuke J 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the North Riding of Yorkshire With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London W Bulmer and Company
Vancouver C 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Hampshire Including the Isle of Wight London R Phillips
Walls GF 1901 Westmorland Agriculture 1800-1900 London Book on Demand
Walton JR 1983 The diffusion of improved sheep breeds in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Oxfordshire Journal of historical geography 9(2) pp175ndash195
Watt A 1906 The Art of Leather Manufacture Being A Practical Handbook in Which the Operations of Tanning Currying and Leather Dressing Are Fully Described London Kessinger Publishing
Williams TW 1824 A Compendious Abstract of the Public General Acts passed in 6 Geo IV London Printed for GWightman
Williams AJ amp Thornberry KJ 1992 THE SKIN THICKNESS OF MEDIUM WOOL MERINO SHEEP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WOOL PRODUCTION Proceedings of the Australian Society of Animal Production 19 pp138ndash141
Williams amp Co 1844 Williams amp Co Directory of York Printed by Edward Baines amp sons York
Winters J 2012 THE ENGLISH PROVINCIAL BOOK TRADE BOOKSELLER STOCK-LISTS C 1520-1640 PhD University of St Andrews
Wodzicka M 1958 Studies on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin of sheep ImdashDevelopment techniques New Zealand Journal of Agricultural Research 1(4) pp582ndash591
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska M 1960 Effect of cold on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin in sheep In Proc Aust Soc Anim Prod pp 195ndash198
Worgan GB 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall London G and W Nicol
Wrigley E (2011) The Early English Censuses Oxford Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press
Wrigley E and Schofield R (1981) The Population History of England 1541-1871 Cambridge Mass Harvard Univ Press
Wykes DL 2004 Robert Bakewell (1725-1795) of Dishley Farmer and Livestock Improver The Agricultural history review 52(1) pp38ndash55
Yeomans LM 2006 A zooarchaeological and historical study of the animal product based industries operating in London during the post-medieval period PhD University of London Available at httpwwwacademiaedudownload30464459Yeomans_phdpdf
Youatt W 1810 A Treatise on the Choice Buying and General Management of Live Stock Comprising Delineations and Description of the Principal Breeds London B Crosby and Company
Youatt W amp Weld MC 1837 Sheep Their Breeds Management and Diseases London Baldwin and Cradock
Young A 1799 Experiments on the Winter and Summer support of sheep Annals of Agriculture and other
139
Useful Arts 34 pp414ndash425
Young A 1807 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary of the Board In Two Volumes Vol 2 London RPhillips
Young A 1804 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk London G and W Nicol
Young A 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary to the Board London B Macmillan
Young A 1808 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex London R Phillips
Young A 1813 General view of the agriculture of Oxfordshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
140
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws 59 51 Parchment Taxation 59 52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment 63 53 Who is enforcing these laws 65 54 Effects on Parchment Quality 68 55 Conclusions 70
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds 72 61 Sourcing Sheepskins 72
611 Fat Content 72 612 The Age of Sheep 74 613 Diet and Environment 75 614 Wool Sheep 77
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used 78 615 Conclusion 79
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds 81 621 The DownlandsSouth 82 622 The Wolds 87 623 Lowland Vales 88 624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture 90 625 Fenlands 93 626 Moorlands 95 627 Londonrsquos Hinterland 96 628 Conclusion 97
Chapter 7 Conclusions 100 71 Conclusion 100 72 Discussion 101
Appendices 104 Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data 105 Appendix 2 Parchment Quality 107 Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions 108 Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages 109 Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected 110 Appendix 6 National Directories 111 Appendix 7 Local Directories 112 Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data 113 Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location 114
4
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws 116 Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws 119 Appendix 12 Flaying Laws 123 Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws 128 Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 129
Bibliography 131
5
List of Tables
Table 1 Campbellrsquos London Tradesmen 31
Table 2 Parchment-Maker Insurance Policies 1770-1779 57
Table 3 Sheep Breeds Overview 85
6
List of Figures
Figure 1 Depiction of the Research Process 14
Figure 2 Thorold Rogers Parchment Prices 1858-1683 36
Figure 3 Gregory Clark Parchment Prices 1274-1706 38
Figure 4 Salt Prices 1500-1850 43
Figure 5 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1900 50
Figure 6 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1650 51
Figure 7 Map of Parchment-Makers 1651-1700 51
Figure 8 Map of Parchment-Makers 1701-1750 52
Figure 9 Map of Parchment-Makers 1751-1800 52
Figure 10 Map of Parchment-Makers 1801-1850 52
Figure 11 Map of Parchment-Makers 1851-1900 52
Figure 12 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Figure 13 Net Produce of Stamp Duties 1807 61
Figure 14 Fibre Groupings - Dead Sea Scrolls 77
7
Acknowledgements I would like thank my thesis advisor Dr Jonathan Finch of the Archaeology Department at
the University of York for all his help and support throughout this project I would also
like to thank Matthew Collins Sean Doherty Sarah Fiddyment and Matthew Teasdale for
including me in their conversations on their research surrounding the lsquohidden history of
parchmentrsquo
I would also like to express my gratitude to my family for proof-reading my project and
apologise for the many hours they will never get back and for the wealth of sheep and
parchment knowledge they will carry around with them for years to come
8
Declaration I declare that this thesis is a presentation of original work and I am the sole author This work has not previously been presented for an award at this or any other University All sources are acknowledged as References
9
Chapter 1 Introduction
11 Aims
lsquoThe assumption has been made that parchment was made in the region of the place in which
the document was written However certainly as early as the seventeen-nineties it was clear
that the parchment had not necessarily been made locally a parchment of that fate from
Hereford bore the name of a London stationerrsquo
(Ryder 1963 541)
The aim of this project is to develop the first detailed overview of the post-medieval
English parchment industry This particular industry is one routinely overlooked by
historians and archaeologists and this work constitutes the only in-depth investigation
of the parchment industry of this period However not only is there ample evidence on
which to create a detailed outline of the size location and processes of this industry but
that this research will greatly contribute to our understanding of the past from both the
new data it will provide on this time period as well as potentially contributing new
material to the debates surrounding the agricultural revolution and the neglected area
of stockbreeding but also by providing essential historical context for groundbreaking
new studies on historical DNA (hDNA) found in parchment
However being that this is the first detailed review of this industry there is very little
academic literature to highlight the key components of the industry as well as the key
factors shaping the industry As a result this project is divided into two sections Firstly
the piecing together of the history of the industry assessing the size and structure of
the industry and the various processes that occurred during production Having
established the outline and processes of the industry and any changes over time the
second section will explore the driving factors shaping the development on the industry
Put simply the results of the first section should raise important new questions that
need to be asked of the historical record and section two will attempt to answer these
questions taking the study beyond the industry itself to address questions from
broader research agendas
10
A review of the key changes in this industry particularly those concerning the price of
materials the objectives of manufacturers and the fluctuations in the progress and
efficiency should prove significant in further developing our understanding of the
post-medieval agricultural change and the wider-economy more generally Furthermore
this research will help us to understand when paper became the primary lsquohardwarersquo for
recording information It will also offer new data to interpret the chronology and
geography of the agricultural revolution through the hitherto neglected area of livestock
improvement All the areas discussed above are topics that will be reviewed in this
project and from which a good understanding of the location and processes of the
parchment industry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century will be developed
Perhaps however as stated earlier the most consequential aspect of this research will
support the advancement of these scientific techniques currently deployed in the field
of archaeology to be applied in the study of the post-medieval period The research of
hDNA analysis appears the most quintessential use for this research though it is by no
means limited to this area alone The recent investigative fervour surrounding the
scientific study of parchment through the analysis of hDNA as well as chemical and
spectrographic analysis (discussed further in section 25 of the literature review) should
benefit from research of this nature greatly supporting its application on the
post-medieval period
11
12 The Research Question
What was the structure size and geography of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 and what light can the results throw onto wider research goals in a variety of
disciplines including hDNA studies historical archaeology and agricultural history
relating to the chronology and geography of agricultural improvement
13 Objectives
To complete a literature review of both materials written recently and those written
during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries The sources reviewed can then be used
to conduct a detailed overview of the structure of the parchment industry looking
primarily at the parchment manufacturing process the uses for parchment the
socio-economic status of the industry and the overall condition of the industry during
these centuries This will involve reviewing a variety of external factors such as changes
in law taxation the price of various agricultural products the paper industry and
transport
Once completed a more detailed analysis of the data can be undertaken reviewing
correlations in the data and assessing which factors were most significant in shaping the
development of the parchment industry In order to conduct such an analysis a detailed
review of the agricultural landscape between 1650 and 1850 must be completed
primarily investigating the location of various sheep breeds and the various agricultural
systems to which they most suited Any information on the geography of the parchment
manufacturing industry and the identification of any centres of production will not only
offer further information on this previously unstudied industry but more specifically
provide greater validity to post-medieval hDNA studies by offering further clarity on the
origin of parchment samples Furthermore this work will assess the key factors in the
changing industry and their effects on parchment quality over time
Finally a review of the impact of this research Reviewing if this new information
contributes to current debates surrounding agricultural improvement more specifically
12
the timing and significance of an agricultural revolution as well as how it affects the
results and methodologies of future hDNA studies
13
Figure 1 shows the research process that will be adopted This process should allow for
detailed analysis of the location of the industry while also allowing for the review a
significant number of external factors shaping the industry This form of research allows
for the more successful adoption of the chaicircne opeacuteratoire method (see section 15) and
should also provide a solid bedrock of information on a variety of topics on a subject
otherwise untouched in the historical and archaeological literature
14
14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire
lsquoWithout fertilizer no harvests without livestock no fertilizer which has such an immediate impact without seeded pastures no livestock finally without the elimination of fallowing no
or very few seeded pastures all is linked in agriculture its system must be totalrsquo
Instruction to the National Convention 1794 (Cited in Mazoyer and Roudart 2006 313)
Much of the data surrounding the production of parchment is intrinsically linked to
other areas of study There is likely a number of inter-relationships between a variety of
processes within the parchment industry and the broader agricultural economy For
example the price of sheep mutton and wool would have shaped the market and must
be understood to be able to understand the dynamics of the parchment industry
Furthermore issues such as changes in agricultural systems cultural changes legal
changes foreign policy changes would all have been entangled in the shaping and
development of the industry There are likely very clear links between many features of
the parchment industry and the wider English economy many not listed here though
the nature of these relationships is not always immediately obvious
By using the methodological tool of chaicircne opeacuteratoire it is possible in many cases to
unravel the logical sequences that caused and affected certain changes In other words
the correlations found between various linked markets can be analysed and used to
make logical conclusions as to what happened Perhaps the clearest description of this
process can be found in Frederic Selletrsquos 1993 paper Chaine Operatoire The Concept and
its Applications which states this method lsquoaims to describe and understand all cultural
transformations that a specific raw material had to go throughlsquo (Sellet 1993 106)
Knowing the importance and manufacturing processes of certain materials allows
inferences to be made as to the certain practices that were occurring as well as to
understand the logical steps taken to achieve these outcomes and to then map and
understand various industries and agricultural practices
15
Chapter 2 Literature Review
21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
The post-medieval parchment industry has remained lsquohiddenrsquo in the both the historical
and archaeological record The primary resources are often sources that briefly touch
upon the parchment trade though the parchment industry was not usually their
primary concern Such documents included encyclopaedias essays on livestock farmers
letters tours of England texts on the subject of the leather trade and legal documents
to name a few examples Although these indirect sources are relatively numerous there
is a dire need of recording comparing and contrasting as well as a detailed analysis
testing their validity Unfortunately validity has proved to be a significant issue with the
key components of the industry often being closely guarded secrets amongst
parchment-makers In 1775 Lalande highlighted this issue when writing his
Encyclopaedia stating lsquoanyone writing an article on the mechanical arts will learn after
having for some time gone from workshop to workshop with cash in his handrsquo that they
will often be paying for lsquothe most preposterous misinformationrsquo (Cited in Blom 2005
47)
This project constitutes the first detailed investigation into the parchment industry
during this period and so almost all information pertaining to the industry will prove
important and therefore a significant amount of information has been collected The
following chapters will therefore include a comprehensive review of all the major
processes and influences of the parchment industry hopefully creating the foundation
for future studies in this area
Firstly in regards to how parchment is made there are a number of texts from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which describe the process (see Ballard 1882
65-66 Houghton 1728 326 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456
Chambers 1728 351 Saxl 1954 94 Blanch 1774 42-43) However these descriptions
require thorough analysis particularly as none of the authors referenced above were
actually parchment-makers themselves The work of Chambers (1728) and Smellie
16
(1771) are encyclopaedias and perhaps therefore were less likely to have been
particularly thorough investigative pieces on the parchment trade similar issues of
validity remain with the Saturday Magazine article (The Saturday Magazine 1838) Ballard
(1882) and Blanchrsquos (1774) works are descriptions of the leather trade only briefly
reviewing the parchment industry though these texts share strikingly similar
descriptions of the manufacturing process Finally Houghtonrsquos work is perhaps the most
useful Written in 1694 though not published until 1728 it was written after an interview
with a parchment-maker reciting the production process in great detail These few
primary sources often share material details but they provide a vital historical platform
from which to build a fairly thorough understanding of the process and whether it
changed over the centuries
Just as there are few contemporary descriptions of the production processes so there
are also only a few texts describing the industry on a macro-scale Those that do exist
appear to only describe the process of the materials through the industrial system For
example Houghton (1728) and an article in The Saturday Magazine (1838) describe
parchment-makers purchasing their skins directly from butchers (Houghton 1728 326
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134) However there are various different descriptions of
the process For example Chambers and Smellie described the process as being started
by the skinner and finished by the parchment-maker (Chambers 1728 351 Smellie
1771 456) while a later text describes the skins as being purchased directly from the
abattoirs or slaughter-houses (Poole 1852 275) and Knight who describes the London
industry wrote about a lsquoskin-salesmanrsquo who acted as an agent between the sellers and
the fellmongers (Knight 1842 26) who then sold to the parchment-makers Finally
Hagadorn states that from the sixteenth century onwards English parchment-makers
purchased their skins from fellmongers (Hagadorn 2012 169) though it should be noted
that he draws this conclusion by referencing two texts neither of which supply
compelling evidence but instead simply outline the jobs of fellmongers (see Kite and
Thomas 2006 72 Thomas 1983 6) However Hagadorn does show evidence of Parisian
parchment-makers purchasing their skins locally (2012 170) which could perhaps
reflect the English model The directories and insurance records of the Sun Office and
Royal Exchange insurance groups two of the larger insurance groups that emerged
around the turn of the eighteenth century may also offer some insights into the roles of
17
parchment-makers during this period Overall the literature differs greatly on the
process of the exchange of materials and whether there are differences over time
geographical regions or simply authors who are mistaken as to how the process occurs
is not clear The primary sources therefore provide a conflicting picture of how the
industry functioned at least on a macro-scale again highlighting the need for greater
research in this area
A number of primary sources do provide some indication as to the scale and location of
the industry For example Chambers describes parchment as making a lsquovery
considerable article in the French commercersquo with large quantities being sent to
lsquoEngland Flanders Holland Spain and Portugalrsquo in the late 1720s (Chambers 1728 351)
a claim supported in The Saturday Magazine (1838 134) Despite this little is known
about the exact quantities or where they were transported to within England Also in
regards to where it was being made in England it is clear that large quantities were
being made in Bermondsey London (Knight 1842 18 Pendred 1785 33 37 Yeomans
2006 134) This area had a long history of tanning and with Knightrsquos detailed 1842
description of the parchment industry in the area (Knight 1842) it is possible to say with
confidence that this was a major centre for parchment production
Unfortunately however this appears the majority of the literature on the topic The
historical information on the post-medieval parchment industry is incredibly
fragmented with only a small number of texts referring to the industry and often only
in a few pages Of the more detailed summaries that do exist many describe different
systems with the majority of them have never been subject to any academic scrutiny
However a full review and analysis of these texts should begin to offer outlines of some
of the major aspects of the industry providing a reasonable overview of its history
22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry
There is a significant lack of any modern literature on the parchment industry between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries This is an issue perhaps best highlighted
recently by the lack of reference to any such documents in a number of modern studies
on hDNA in which providing an historical context for results would otherwise be
essential (see Teasdale et al 2015 Collins et al 2015 Campana et al 2010) Despite this
lack of literature there are a number of texts on parchment in the Middle Ages and
18
perhaps more importantly there are also a number of texts on the medieval
manufacturing processes which could prove useful for a later historical study of the
industry (see Clarkson 1992 Gullick 1991 Bicchieri et al 2008)
A number of texts on hDNA analysis highlight the need for greater research on the
parchment industry (Burger et al 2000) Species determination and STR-genotyping
from ancient DNA in art and artefacts have provided a comparison of the genetic status
of animals or plants with historical data and have greatly increased our knowledge lsquonot
only about the material itself but also about domestication cultivation planting and
herding practicesrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Bower et al write that if an extensive DNA
database of known provenance was created then future studies showing identical or
very similar hDNA identities could use it to determine the origin of their own samples
(Bower et al 2010)
Campana et al write however that their results showed multiple hDNA signatures in
other words that their results were affected by the environment in which the skins and
parchment were kept during production (2010 1324) an issue that can begin to be
combated once a better understanding of the post-medieval parchment manufacturing
process is developed It seems safe to assume that Campana et al would have reviewed
or even re-published their results if they could answer either of these issues but clearly
the material does not exist In fact their only reference to the history of parchment is to
a text by Ronald Reed (1972) however Reed only references modern methods of making
parchment and a single recipe from 800BC Ultimately there is a significant gap in
understanding about the structure of the industry and how parchment was made
between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries Overall all these studies only cover a
very small number of primary and secondary sources on the history of the parchment
industry despite the clear benefits associated with reviewing within a more clearly
defined historical context though this appears to be due to a lack of literature on the
topic than of choice
Despite a lack of literature on these areas there does appear to have been a cluster of
work on parchment between the 1950s and 1970s though primarily discussing how
parchment is currently made and what methods and source materials contribute to the
19
manufacture of the highest-quality parchment ( Ryder 1958 Ryder 1960 Ryder 1964
Ryder 1969 Reed 1972 Reed 1975 Reed 1991 )
The state of the parchment industry has also been measured by the quality of the
parchment over time which a number of studies showing the steady decline of
parchment quality over the centuries Ryder covers 200 samples of parchment between
the eleventh and nineteenth centuries to determine the relative quality (Ryder 1991
31-32) Relatively it can be argued that seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
parchment was of the worse quality than the medieval (Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1964
70 Clarkson 1992 5) Many writers have therefore made the claim that this shows the
decline of the parchment industry and the rise of the paper industry with cheaper
lower-quality parchment being made in order to compete However few writers appear
to have considered the possibility of changes in the quality of the materials available to
be used for making parchment an area that will be reviewed in this project
Yeomans (2006) is one of the only people to map parchment-makers using parish
records Her work covers the Bermondsey area in London which was the key area for
tanning in London and most likely therefore the main centre of parchment production
for all of England This work might provide a useful methodology for the current study
and data collection as well as providing key information about the structure of related
industry in London
Similarly Hagadorn (2012) reviews the parchment industry in eighteenth-century France
discussing elements of the industry such as how parchment was made (2012 169) how
skins were preserved (2012 171) the common use of lsquoadult sheep as opposed to lambsrsquo
sourced from local butchers by French parchment-makers (2012 170) and how the
market functioned more generally This work provides a useful methodology but also a
model of how a parchment industry would operate in that time period in a culture and
economy that is relatively similar to Englandrsquos It should be noted that the French
parchment industry has been well-studied and is very well-documented a luxury not
applicable to the study of the English parchment industry Fitzsimmons for example
has studied the integration of parchment-makers in Paris with other corporations
(Fitzsimmons 2010) and this might provide an insight into the role of English guilds in
the parchment industry Indeed one might expect the French and English parchment
20
industries to share many similarities both in scale and processes making both of these
pieces of work useful in both understanding the industry and creating a methodology
for future research
In conclusion despite little information being available on the history of the parchment
industry a number of texts detailing the composition of parchment and the effects of
breed-type diet environment grease content and age on the overall quality Combining
this information with the overview of the various texts discussing parchment quality
over time will offer some insights into the possible changes occuring in sheep farming in
the past These texts should also offer a number of interesting research possibilities for
reviewing any future conclusions made on the parchment industry between the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries
However literature surrounding the history of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 is extremely rare Very little is understood in terms of the size of the industry
its geography its source materials product prices taxation laws manufacturing laws
manufacturing practices or the various processes that occurred between an animals
slaughter the manufacture of parchment and the products eventual sale More detail is
known on the London and French parchment industry though the literature here also
remains limited The overall lack of literature on this topic further highlights the need to
initiate an investigation into this significantly overlooked industry and presents a source
of historical data on a time period severely lacking in economic historic and
archaeological information
21
23 New Areas of Research
There have been a number of groundbreaking new research methods surrounding
parchment that have been developed in recent times A plethora of new scientific
methods have been adopted for instance the chemical and spectroscopic analyses of
parchment has allowed archaeologists to identify the inks and other products used on
parchment for writing or decorative purposes ( DrsquoAgata et al 2007 ) In 2000 it was shown
that historic DNA (hDNA) could be be lsquoisolated from most of the various biomaterialsrsquo
and this hDNA has the possibility to be used to lsquodetermine the organic remnantrsquos
genusspecies of origin and on the other hand to create the genetic profile of an
individual animalrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Hence this new research could determine the
breeds of animal populations used in parchment production and help to determine the
timing or existence of an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo by developing a detailed
understanding of the animals being used in the agricultural system assessing the timing
of changes in sheep breeds due to changes in farming techniques and developing a
better understanding of the various objectives of farming communities However this
technology has primarily been focused on more specific rare medieval parchment
samples (see Stinson 2011 Teasdale et al 2017 Stinson 2009 Clarke 2001) however
the studies conducted creates a number of possibilities for similar research on the
post-medieval period However studies of this nature as stated earlier require research
on the processes of the parchment industry and how the parchment was prepared for
example as was warranted for the studies conducted on the Dead Sea Scrolls (see Poole
and Reed 1962)
There are of course still areas of concern with this research for example Campana et al
in 2010 presented how DNA found in parchment is more complex than first thought
with the manufacturing process affecting the hDNA extracted as a result of
cross-contamination during the industrial production process (Campana et al 2010)
However as Teasdale et al (2015) discuss the form of hDNA research used by Campana
et al has lsquowell-documented deficiencies particularly with regard to controlling and
estimating contaminationrsquo and that this next generation sequencing now being adopted
generates lsquomany orders of magnitude more datarsquo (Teasdale et al 2015 2) These
methods are clearly becoming increasingly accurate and it appears to be only a matter
22
of time before they are more widely applied to a range of archaeological research
However in order to understand the results of these tests it is imperative that they be
understood within the historical context Therefore a detailed understanding of the
industry and the manufacturing techniques is required before the results of these
experiments can be fully understood It also important it be understood where
parchment samples originate in order to understand to what geographical region the
results of any hDNA studies apply As a result the commonly adopted method of
reviewing any stationers stamp or taxation stamp to determine the origin of a sample of
parchment must also be questioned
Overall it remains particularly unfortunate that despite the incredibly interesting work
on hDNA its application to the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries has remained in its
infancy due in no small part to a significant lack of historical information on the
parchment industry during this period However there is by no means a lack of
information on this area and there therefore exists a great opportunity for research in
this area
23
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry
31 Uses for Parchment
From modern collections of parchment it is clear the material was still widely used well
into the early nineteenth century for a variety of purposes However parchment was
predominantly used for legal documents for example being the material used for the
custody of charters patents acts of parliament commissions chirographs deeds and
recognizances all of which were kept by the lsquoMaster of the Rollsrsquo (Chambers 1728 208
507) as well lsquococketsrsquo which were forms for recording goods that had been taxed (1728
242) Parchment was also used in the manufacture of pocket-sized memorandums (Sibly
1808 67) while parchment off-cuts were often used for the manufacture of glue (Smellie
1771 456 Sibly 1808 112) With parchment being the material used for such a huge
variety of products it appears clear that the industry must have remained of fairly
considerable size particularly with the rapid population increase between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries (see Wrigley and Schofield 1981) Furthermore the nature of
the documents recording property acts of parliament tax apprenticeships licenses
and so on likely means parchment was a material of high status it being almost
exclusively reserved for high status documents These were also documents often
required to be kept for a long period of time testifying to the view of parchment as a
high status material and one of greater state of cultural and physical permanence
Furthermore the demand for the products listed above can only have increased over
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of the huge population increase that
occurred over these centuries and the commensurate rise in bureaucracy and litigation
As time went on however many of these documents were instead made of paper but as
we know for many modern large collections of parchment the process was perhaps
slower than many have presumed
32 Who was Selling the Skins
Unfortunately very little is recorded about the parchment industry in regard to the
processes prior to the manufacture of parchment from skins Exactly who was flaying
24
the skins and from whom parchment-makers were purchasing skins is challenging to
determine from the limited literature and primary evidence
In the seventeen twenties Houghton described skins for manufacturing parchment
being sourced from butchers (1728 326) suggesting that the butchers flayed the skins
which were then purchased by tanners and parchment-makers Similarly a number of
the laws passed during this period on the topic of flaying skins referred to butchers as
the primary sources for flayed skins For example in 1603 the lsquoAct concerninge Tanners
Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupyinge the cuttinge of Leatherrsquo refers to
butchers as those flaying animals though also refers to there being various other trades
that involved the cutting of leather (1 Jas I c22) In fact for nearly all the laws on flaying
that succeeded this Act butchers are referred to as those primarily flaying animals
Similarly in 1806 The Flaying Act Considered As Without Benefiting the Pubic most Severely
Oppressing the Butchers of London (An Impartial Observer 1806) details the damaging
effects of the flaying laws on the butchers of London The author refers to the
lsquoindustrious butchersrsquo being fined extremely large amounts of money for damaging
skins (1806 15) Finally in 1808 when the inspection of skins in London was reorganised
the Butchers Company were assigned to appoint seven people to inspect all skins (Chitty
1824 353) This law also included the Curriers Company and the Cordwainers but given
the many references to butchers and the power given to them in this law it seems very
likely that butchers were the primary flayers of carcases
A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto
with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents published in 1824 also specifically
refers to Butchers as those who flay and sell skins (Chitty 1824 347) It refers to
lsquobutchers and others who flay carcasesrsquo as desposing of the raw or salted skins to
tanners who then sell them on to other workers of skinned-goods (1824 347) However
it is not required that the skins be tanned prior to making parchment and so perhaps it
is more likely that the parchment-makers purchased their skins from the butchers or
fellmongers
Chambers (1728) however describes the process of making parchment as being lsquobegun
by the skinner and ended by the parchment-makerrsquo (1728 351) Similarly the 1771
Encyclopaedia Britannica suggests that the process begins with skinners (Smellie 1771
25
456) This could refer to butchers but a number of historical sources make a distinction
between skinners and butchers (Bailey 1784 Campbell 1747 332 339 Kent 1798)
Ultimately it can only be determined that the initial stage of the process is started with
the skinning of the animal by someone other than the parchment-makers though in the
majority of cases this was done by butchers
In regards to who sold the skins to parchment-makers the process in London is fairly
well understood In 1842 Charles Knight elaborated on the processes that occurred in
London discussing who actually sold the skins after they had been flayed He states that
the skins were sold to the various manufacturers such as the wool-staplers
leather-dressers and parchment-makers by fellmongers in the area (Knight 1842 29)
These dealers of skins were found throughout England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries Baileyrsquos (1785) directory lists over 20 listed fellmongers across
England though it was likely there were a great deal more 1
A decade later Poole wrote that the skins of sheep were lsquocarried loose from the
abattoirs and slaughter-houses to the tanneries either loose or in casks without
heading for the purpose of being tanned into leather which is used in various ways as
covers for books parchment harness ampcrsquo (1852 275) This description of the process
remains somewhat odd as parchment was not actually tanned during its manufacture
However Knight also describes these skins being transported through London stating
lsquoWho is there that has not at some time or other had his ears dinned and tormented in
the London streets by a cart rattling and rumbling over the rough stones and laden
with sheep-skinsrsquo (Knight 1842 26) Whether this occurred exclusively in London or
more widely across Englandrsquos towns and cities is difficult to determine However it does
offer another example of fellmongers plying their trade purchasing flayed skins and
selling them on the streets of London
1 It is also worth noting that a few of the fellmongers listed in Baileyrsquos 1784 directory are often listed as being both fellmongers and skinners
26
It appears that skinners and butchers almost exclusively flayed the skins and then sold
the skins either directly to tanners parchment-makers or to skin salesmen and
fellmongers who would then sell on the skins Unfortunately there is little in the
literature on the exact process It appears that many people could be involved in the
sale of parchment and skins with the materials passing through many places (and
presumably geographical locations) prior to reaching the stationer However the records
that do exist show that the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then
sold either directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell In
London in particular skins were purchased from slaughter-houses and then sold
throughout the city by skin salesmen
It also appears that in many instances fellmongers would also be parchment-makers
Despite laws preventing tanners from selling skins (see section 72) the laws did not
extend to parchment-makers The insurance policies shown in section 35 show the
secondary occupations of those listed Of the 17 individual parchment-makers listed
around 47 of them were listed as also being fellmongers This would have been of a
significant benefit to parchment-makers as they would then have access to the specific
skins required for the manufacture of high quality parchment Furthermore it would
have allowed for two sources of income a position not available to many others in the
various skin trades and perhaps necessary given the low incomes of many
parchment-makers
In conclusion the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then sold either
directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell There are also
many instances where the parchment-makers were both source the skins and use them
to manufacture parchment
27
33 How was Parchment Manufactured
lsquoGood parchment must be thin strong yet flexible and have a smooth surfacersquo
(Ryder 1991)
There are a number of historic texts on how parchment was manufactured although
there are discrepancies in some of the more precise details A particularly detailed
description of the process from the period under discussion can be found in Husbandry
and trade improvd being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle
coals hops wool ampc (Houghton 1728 325-328) which has been summarised below
As stated this is perhaps the most detailed outlining of the manufacturing process
during the eighteenth century However it is worth comparing these details with a
variety of other descriptions from various sources in order to highlight possible
variations in the process
The first step is rarely mentioned in primary texts besides an 1838 article in The
Saturday Magazine which states that the skins are first de-haired then smeared with
28
quick-lime on the flesh-side and then were lsquoFolded once in the direction of their length
laid in heaps and left to ferment for ten or fifteen dayslsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838
134) The initial step of allowing the skins to deteriorate before removing the wool is also
a standard step for modern parchment-makers and appears unavoidable both then and
now as a necessary step allowing for the wool to be removed more easily Hanging the
skins and scrapping the wool were the same as the standard process for tanning
leather They are are also steps taken in the manufacture of modern parchment
samples as well as being steps outlined in a variety of other historical texts (Yeomans
2006 33 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456)
One improvement in the manufacturing process that did occur was the lsquosplitting
processrsquo which involves splitting the skin and using only the flesh-side for parchment
(Plenderleith amp Werner 1971 45 Ryder 1991 31 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134)
though this was a change that appears to have occurred very early in this period In fact
parchments lacking follicle remains with lsquoan open mesh of coarse collagen fibres
suggesting the flesh side of a split skinrsquo have been found in samples as early as the
thirteenth century though becoming common from the sixteenth century onwards
(Ryder 1969 534-535)
Putting the skins in a lime pit washing them and then stretching the skin over a frame
were also clearly standard steps in making parchment and are confirmed elsewhere in
the literature (Reed 1991 26 Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1983 730-731 Hagadorn 2012 169 ) However
many washed skins on site while others appear to have cleaned skins in fresh running
water This appears true at least in 1619 when complaints are recorded about
parchment-makers washing skins in Northamptonshire rivers (Page 1930 26-30) This
may explain the evolution towards the increased usage of pits for cleaning skins There
is also an example of an individual named Mr Cogan who washed skins in running fresh
water in Bristol claiming that although slower this would sufficiently soften the skins
(Ballard 1882 70) Although seemingly not the norm at least in London this may have
been adopted by many in the English countryside though presumably not in major
cities due to the issue of severe pollution of local water supplies
29
There are only a small number of sources that detail how long the skins were required
to be in the pit (or pits) with the overall amount of time varying depending on the skins
used Watt (1906) describes having to leave greasy skins in a lime-pit for a week or even
ten days (Watt 1906 439) suggesting the period of time they were left in these pits
would have been variable depending the levels of grease in the skins Also modern
parchment-makers lime the skins for a far shorter period than three weeks and yet it
appears the manufacturing process despite mechanisation has remained very similar
The skins were limed numerous times and in different pits or the same pit with
different solutions and the process seems to have been clearly understood by writers
both then and now however the time taken liming the skins appeared to differ
significantly
The final steps in the process from stretching the skins to the pumice are described in a
number of other texts (see Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1969 532 Plenderleith and Werner 1971 45)
However the time it would have taken for the skins to dry was dependent on the
weather and the skins used
In conclusion the range of literature offers a very clear and detailed overview of the
history of the manufacturing process of parchment with the process remaining very
similar over time However the profession of parchment-maker was a difficult and
required a great deal of skill and training
30
34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker
Unfortunately there are very few primary sources that allude to the socio-economic
position of parchment-makers However it is also important to consider that perhaps
most parchment-makers were located outside of major cities (discussed section 43) and
so would have proven difficult for writers of the time to judge the scale and revenue of
the industry
Campbellrsquos lsquo The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades
Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and
Westminsterrsquo offers overviews of the sums given with apprenticeships the cost of setting
up as a Master and the working hours on a wide variety of professions in London
However even in a text as thorough as this even Campbell confesses to his inability to
determine the incomes of journeymen parchment-makers (Campbell 1747 321)
Campbell does however list some key figures that may prove useful (see Table 1) His
data shows the fees surrounding parchment-making as being some of the lowest of any
London-based skin-related profession This data combined with the quote from
Campbell (1747 321) appears to show the profession was one of little financial merit
with Campbell describing the profession as requiring lsquoneither strength nor ingenuity nor
is there much profit attending it and very little of it manufactured in town so little at
least that after the strictest enquiry I cannot find what wages is given a Journeymanrsquo
(Campbell 1747 321) However parchment-making was clearly a fairly highly-skilled
trade with prior apprenticeship training and an in-depth knowledge of the production
31
required to partake in the profession Campbell however was unlikely to have actually
known the parchment manufacturing process it being a widely protected trade secret
and so his opinion appears conjectural However Campbell does clearly show that
parchment-making at least within the city of London was a profession of relatively low
income
This conclusion is further supported by The Book of Rates which shows the excise licence
for parchment-makers cost as little as pound1 which was far lower than most professions
and again lower than related professions (Anon 1787 109) though this may be due to
the already high stamp duty set on parchment (discussed section 51) However any
aspiring oil leather dressers would have had to pay double the rate of a
parchment-maker and a tawer of leather would have paid five times this amount (1787
109) However the fact the government felt capable of issuing both licensing costs and
stamp duty indicates the market still made enough money firstly to survive the costs
but also that it made enough money to profitably enforce nationwide licences and tax
However when comparing the costs with similar professions of the time it seems safe
to conclude that for many parchment-makers the profits remained relatively small
The incomes shown in the Witherby data (see appendix 1) do however show some
parchment-makers were making huge sums of money by the end of the eighteenth
century Perhaps a huge spectrum existed for profit-making potential with small and
large parchment works coexisting however it may also suggest that the incomes of
parchment-makers increased significantly during the eighteenth century with a rise in
litigation and legislation However perhaps a more likely situation is that the already low
incomes of parchment-makers coupled with the intensive taxation and regulation of the
market may have forced smaller parchment works out of business Overall despite a
lack of data on this area it is possible to see either an increase in profits for the period
or a huge range in the levels of production of the various parchment firms
32
35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry
It is important to note that the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries were a time that
most writers consider to have seen the steady decline of the use of parchment and the
beginning of the dominance of the paper industry (Lyall 1989 11-29 Ryder 1991 26
Reed 1991 217) Though this is not necessarily a reflection of the socio-economic status
of parchment which as shown earlier was still widely used for a variety of purposes
most of which were documents of major significance However it is often remarked for
example that after the introduction of paper the quality of parchment declined and the
parchment industry fell into serious decline (Rogers 1887 601 M L Ryder 1964 Ryder
1991 Clarkson 1992) It is rarely disputed that a causal relationship exists here however
a widespread number of other factors appear to have been ignored after the finding of
such a lsquoneatrsquo correlation in the historical data This decline could also be the result of a
forced change in manufacturing methods a change in the quality of the source
materials used in its production government policies or due to a decline in demand for
specifically high-quality parchment and shift to a more homogenous product
Furthermore more recent research has shown that the quality of parchment appears to
have actually increased between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries followed by a
second sudden decline in quality around the turn of the eighteenth century (see
Appendix 2) indicating the introduction of paper and the subsequent decline of
parchment is not the whole story Certainly the introduction of paper could explain this
initial decline however answers still need to be found for this second fall in quality for if
parchment quality and the state of the industry is intrinsically linked there are clearly
other factors that contributed to the eventual collapse of this industry
A direct link is often drawn between the rise of the paper industry and the subsequent
decline of the parchment industry However as Trolander states lsquoactually what drove the
rise in paper initially was improving economic conditions in England during the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries which created demand for skilled religious and
state administrators who relied on paper as a medium for record keepingrsquo (Trolander
2014) Furthermore if accepted that there were consistently around 15 million living
sheep each year (as stated in Apostolides et al 2008 43) then it could have proven
cost-effective to have produced parchment during this period with the huge supply of
33
skins lowering the cost of this key source material Also although the rise of paper
would have naturally affected what some parchment-makers were producing many
began developing new uses for their parchment lsquoTo meet this sudden new challenge of
the printed book parchment-makers of the sixteenth century found an outlet for their
product by using it as a full binding material to cover the early paper editions an activity
which they themselves largely undertook and developedrsquo (Reed 1991 217) Parchment
was still heavily involved in the production of books and yet there still exists lsquoa chasm in
our knowledge of the origins of the skin materials used in the construction of booksrsquo
(Neate et al 2011) which is further evidence of the importance of this research Finally
the significant population increase between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Brownlee 1915 221-222 Wrigley and Schofield 1989 577 Wrigley 2011 170-171)
needs to be considered Provided that parchment maintained any remotely significant
usage during these centuries the demand for the product was likely to have increased
substantially Again understanding what parchment was used for during seventeenth to
nineteenth centuries is therefore very subsequential
Overall it is clear that traditional parchment products were in decline during a period
when the use of paper was increasing across England The term lsquotraditional parchment
productsrsquo being key here as it appears parchment was beginning to be used in different
ways in order to survive though the extent of what parchment was actually used for
remains mostly unknown This also brings into question the traditional view of the
parchment industry falling into decline as a direct result of the widespread introduction
of paper A review of the changing parchment quality transaction sizes and number of
parchment-makers would answer many of the questions surrounding this debate In
fact a review of these details would offer a far clearer picture of the widespread
introduction of paper across England as well offering more information for those
studying the changes occurring in the English book trade Furthermore the traditionally
held view of the widespread adoption of paper being the direct and final cause of the
decline of the industry should be questioned
34
36 The Price of Parchment
The price of parchment is a source of data rarely used by writers when discussing the
agricultural revolution despite its value in offering insights into an entire unstudied
industry the value of livestock and the various leather and skin trades However despite
the potential gains there exists two key issues with the data on parchment prices Firstly
that parchment prices from the eighteenth century are difficult to obtain and secondly
that parchment often came in a variety of quantities making comparisons of price over
time difficult For example some sales were of individual parchment skins some by the
dozen and others by rolls a legally defined term meaning twenty skins (The Saturday
Magazine 1838134) This being said there is a number of fairly comprehensive datasets
on parchment prices
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices
Rogerrsquos lists a significant number of parchment transactions before 1682 but none
thereafter (Rogers 1887 575-606) This perhaps reflects the decline of the parchment
trade and a belief that the later prices were not important enough to include or perhaps
that the industry moved away from production for universities from which Thorold
received most of his prices (Rogers 1887 v) Similarly it could be a result of prices were
no longer recorded in the same materials and sources as after a 1711 act (9 Ann c11)
parchment prices were being set by the government with the government also
becoming the almost sole buyer of parchment (discussed in section 51)
Figure 2 presents a graph of the parchment transactions in Rogerrsquos work with the values
converted into pence in order to better illustrate the changes over time and to allow for
simpler data comparisons Furthermore transactions of vellum have been removed as
well as two transactions for parchment rolls (though they can be found in Appendix 3)
35
36
The transactions collected show the price of parchment to have increased though at at
a fairly slow rate (see figure 2) There are a number of very high transaction values
perhaps being the sale of very high quality parchment for specialist products
Unfortunately with transactions as small as these significant variability can occur
However Rogers does state that there was a 114 increase in the price of parchment
between his collection of 1541 to 1582 parchment transactions and his 1583 to 1702
data (Rogers 1887 794) though did not publish these transaction values in any later
volumes
Ultimately the prices collected by Rogers show that the price of parchment could vary
quite significantly with some transactions showing a dozen skins selling for considerably
more than others though the price of parchment seems to have remained stagnant for
much of this period Even the 114 increase does not constitute a huge increase when 2
compared to other price rises of the time When adopting the same periods of
comparison to Clarkrsquos collection of prices (Clark and Lindert 2006) mutton increased by
14972 between 1541 to 1582 prices compared to the 1583 to 1702 prices Barley
increased by 10546 and oats by 9084 However if the price of parchment had failed
to increase by any significant amount by 1682 (as shown in figure 2) and then increased
by 114 by 1702 parchment must have had a very sudden increase in price
362 Gregory Clark Prices
These prices are from a spreadsheet compiled by the economic historian Gregory Clark
from the University of California a document later re-formatted and converted to metric
by Professor P Lindert (Clark and Lindert 2006) Unfortunately the original source of
parchment prices has not been listed with the only other instance of these prices being
presented by Professor Clark were in an unpublished conference paper titled lsquoTowards a
Global History of Prices and Wagesrsquo (Clark 2004) This collection of prices is however one
of the most comprehensive collections available and spans admittedly with some gaps
from 1274 to 1706 (see figure 3)
2 It is also worth considering that the variability of prices was perhaps an indication of the variability of parchment quality
37
38
Similar to the results of Rogerrsquos 1887 work the prices shown in Clarkrsquos work present a
long history of a slowly ascending price for parchment followed by a sudden price
increase by the end of the eighteenth century This sudden increase perhaps being an
increase in prices being set by parchment-makers as a result of the advent of new forms
of taxation on some parchment products However Hughes (1941) writes lsquothe contracts
have been made with only two or three great stationers or others entered into
partnership with them who engross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it
in their power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo with this
being true at least until 1711 (Hughes 1941 248) Unfortunately the prices end 1706 and
a review of the original source material could help to shed light on these dramatic price
changes and the sudden lack of parchment prices There is likely some connection
however with the High Treasury beginning to set prices in 1711 as well as becoming the
exclusive purchasers of parchment To conclude however the market appears fairly
stable with the prices only increasing slowly and furthermore appear to support the
prices collected in Rogerrsquos listed transactions
Even when comparing Clarkrsquos prices to the inflation in the prices of goods from the
period as well as the average wages of the period the increase in the price of
parchment appears fairly substantial (see Appendix 4) However when comparing the
percentage increase in the average value of Clarkrsquos 1541 to 1582 parchment prices with
the average value of his 1583 to 1702 prices in a similar method to Rogers the value of
the parchment actually decreases by 98 There is however a spike in the prices of
parchment in Clarkrsquos work similar to the Rogerrsquos price spike with Clarkrsquos appearing to
occur around 1683 with the following year seeing a 100 increase in the price of
parchment Both of these datasets seem to show the price of parchment as being
stagnant for hundreds of years before a quite sudden spike roughly around 1683-1684
This considerable stagnation in prices may indicate a decline in the demand for
parchment and in part a decline of the industry more broadly It may also however
show an ability by parchment-makers to dramatically lower prices through increasingly
efficient methods of production and drastically increasing supply or lowering quality
though this appears unlikely given manufacturing methods remained consistent for
39
several centuries The results of this section will be revisited in the conclusion to
understand these changes within the context of other changes occuring in the market
40
363 Witherby Publishing Group Data
This section will review the data from the Witherby Publishing Group (see appendix 1)
collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018) The records show a
number of transactions that occurred with four parchment-makers during the
eighteenth century with fairly significant sums of money being exchanged
The data appears to show that a very different type of parchment market had emerged
by the end of the eighteenth century with parchment-makers generating very significant
incomes Unfortunately there is no information on the quantities of the parchment
being sold but even if one grants a significant increase in the price of parchment the
four individuals listed are clearly making a considerable quantity of parchment This is in
stark contrast to the few dozens being sold in various parts of the county as shown in
Rogerrsquos 1887 work
Furthermore it indicates that the price of parchment must have increased for if the
price of parchment remained stagnant and the price of parchment skins remained
similar to earlier centuries these four individuals would be making incredibly vast
amounts of parchment For example the average price of a single sheet parchment
during the seventeenth century according to Rogers data (1887) was just under a
shilling If the value for parchment had remained similar until the later eighteenth
century Noah Crook for example a parchment-maker from the Witherby data would
have been manufacturing between 7000 to 10000 sheets of parchment a year
The Witherby data provides a clear indication that the price of parchment must have
increased during the eighteenth century Furthermore it shows a possible changing
market structure in the industry The four individuals from the Witherby data were
making very significant sums of money and producing very large quantities of
parchment and yet prior to the eighteenth century the transactions sizes appear to
have been far smaller and from a variety of parchment-makers Perhaps this marks the
rise of larger parchment works and a move away from smaller-scale parchment-makers
41
364 Conclusions
Overall the nature of the records on the prices of parchment is sporadic containing
fairly substantial gaps in information The general consensus across the datasets
however shows a fairly stagnant market until towards the end of the seventeenth
century when there appears to have been an increase in the price of parchment Even
when compared to the general inflation in the prices of goods from the period the
increase in the scale of parchment production at least per site appears fairly
substantial Unfortunately the prices available in the literature stops a few years prior to
new legislation being enacted whereby parchment prices were to be set by the High
Treasury
The setting of prices coupled with the implementation of various laws surrounding the
production of parchment that were being set throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries appear the likely culprits of the increasing prices as inferred from the Witherby
data Furthermore a nineteenth-century writer under the pseudonym lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo wrote that these laws surrounding the quality control of parchment
production and the flaying of skins was expected to reduce the price of goods but that
instead they caused a number of goods to increase in price (An Impartial Observer 1800
20)
42
37 Salt Prices
The price of salt would have been a major influencer on the development of the
parchment industry Without the application of salt to skins the majority would have
only lasted between two to three days before they would become unusable Each skin
at least in more modern skins requires roughly two cups of salt for every pound of hide
and each skin to be salted twice (Churchill 1983 20) This is a fairly considerable quantity
of salt
In 1643 a Board of Excise was created an issued an early tax on salt This tax appears
likely to account for the early rise seen above It was withdrawn 1660 but reinstated in
1693 (6 Wil amp Mar c7) This tax was then continued and in some particular cases were
increased in 1696 (7 amp 8 Wil c31) The tax was then extended again 1698 (Pulteney
1731 8 ) In 1702 the salt commission was founded which overlooked and enforced the 3
tax on salt This tax on home produced white salt was by this point several times its
market value and was twice the rate on imported foreign salt (The Salt Association
2018)
3 This law was passed under 9th and 10th years of King William however I have yet to find the exact chapter pertaining to this extension of the law for this period of time There are however many extensions made in the 9amp10 Wil c44 law and so perhaps it is this law to which Pulteney refers
43
In 1730 the commission was ceased and the salt tax ended (3 Geo II c20) and this
would explain the very sudden dip in the price of salt around this period shown in figure
4 Lord Carteret when speaking in the House of Lords stated that in regards to the
various taxes set up and the effects they had on the lsquomanufacturers and artificiersrsquo of the
country stated lsquono tax lay so heavy upon them as this tax upon saltrsquo (Parliament House
of Lords 1742 66) After the country was lsquofree from such a heavy burdenrsquo (Parliament
House of Lords 1742 67) the prices again rose to pre-taxation prices Then despite
protests the duties on salt were reinstated in 1732 (5 Geo II c6) this being the likely
cause of the return to high salt prices post-1732 In 1798 the salt commission was
abolished and in 1825 the tax on salt was removed though the price remained fairly
high during this period most likely as consequence of the Napoleonic Wars
The high prices for salt during this period likely restricted many parchment-makers to
sourcing skins locally with any skins sourced further than a days travel likely being in an
unusable state by the time it arrived
44
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers
This section will present 676 records of parchment-makers between 1600 and 1900
from a variety of record-sets including apprenticeships probate records baptisms
directories marriage records records on crimes militia lists data from the Witherby
Publishing Group an unpublished site report and a variety of references to
parchment-makers from various authors The records go beyond 1650 and 1850 scope
of this project in order to further assess the validity of pre-census materials assessing
whether the numbers prior are particularly low or show any clear record-keeping biases
41 Review of Sources
Overall it is the census data that provides the most significant proportion of the records
in the data collected (see appendix 5) However these records only cover the period
after 1851 Prior to this period probate records and baptism records constitute the
majority of the records employed in this study the latter being used in preference to
probate records where possible with baptism records being produced when the
parchment-makers were still alive and engaged in the trade
The majority of all these records have been sourced from the ancestry website
Findmypastcouk Websites of this nature constitute perhaps the most significant
participation in the digitisation of the historic record turning the process into a
financially viable business model As such many of these sites now almost exclusively
own access to the digitised forms of these records which although present the issue of
paywalls to research projects of this nature provide the opportunity to collect and
interpret huge datasets in a relatively short period of time Until the archives sector or
academic community finds a viable method to digitise these records and make them
more accessible to the general public and academic institutions use of ancestry
websites such as Findmypastcouk are almost unavoidable However as this project
hopes to show use of sites such as this present the incredible importance of lsquobridging
the digital gaprsquo as termed by The National Archives in their current national digitisation
project (The National Archives 2018)
45
The records collected of the eighteenth century are primarily made up of apprenticeship
and probate records (see Appendix 4) These two records types are consistently found
throughout the various periods Partly as a result of the various duties associated with
such documents but also due to the importance of inheritance land and the nature of
parchment-making as being a highly skilled profession However there is the issue of
geographical bias in these records One such example may be York which holds a very
significant number of apprenticeship records due in part to the City of York Freemen and
Apprentices records that span over eight centuries This may bring into question the very
significant number of records found here prior to the eighteenth century however with
the records being kept all the way up until 1930 the later lack of records does offer
further validity to the eventual decline of the northern parchment industry at least in
the Yorkshire region
The eighteenth century records offer a greater variety of records types This is mostly in
part to the new and improving forms of records being kept and issued This allowed for
the use of more baptism and marriage records as oppose to probate records with the
former offering greater historical validity having been recorded when the
parchment-maker listed would have still been alive Regardless these probate records
do offer some insights into the socio-economic position of parchment-makers during
the time period with a seeming trend appearing to show a growing number of wealthy
parchment-makers over time however a more detailed analysis of these documents is
required There is also an increase in directory records with the recording and
publishing of trade directories becoming an increasingly common undertaking during
the period However there is an significant lack of parchment-makers being listed in
these directories both national (see Appendix 6) and local (see Appendix 7) This
highlights two key points Firstly the lack of parchment-makers in major towns and
cities where most trade directories covered And secondly it further highlights how
lsquohiddenrsquo parchment-makes are in the historical record and the need for the use of
digitised local record sets
Finally the nineteenth century offers the largest number of records with 424 records
during this century alone The records collected do go beyond what is considered the
46
scope of this project (1650-1850) however this use of later higher volume of records
should highlight any errors with the data that immediately preceded it
42 The Scale of the Industry
Upon on first glance 676 parchment-makers listed over a 300 year period seems rather
few at least when considering that the 1841 census lists 5957 tanners and 6982
tanners operating during 1841 alone (A Vision of Britain 2018) Furthermore parchment
is still being used for a wide variety of products during this period (see section 31)
There are are a variety of possible reasons for this figure It may be a lack of
representation of parchment-makers in the historical record Already it has been shown
parchment-makers were rarely mentioned in various trade directories (see Appendix 6
and 7) This appears significantly in part due to parchment-makers operating outside of
major towns and cities This appears very likely given the various smells and pollutants
involved in parchment production as well as the need by many for a fresh water supply
meant many were restricted to operating outside of major cities Parchment-makers
were also required to send the finished products to inspectors on the outskirts of towns
and cities (see section 52) and so there may have been little benefit to actually
operating within larger towns and cities to pay higher rents and to then send the
product out of town for inspection then taxation in London and eventual sale by
stationers What forms of record-keeping existed during this period being even more
sparse in the English countryside The only major cities in which parchment-makers
were consistently found in the historical record namely Salisbury York and London we
find a significant number of records
Furthermore perhaps many did not list their occupation as a parchment-maker Unlike
butchers curriers and tanners it was legally permissible that parchment-makers
glove-makers and a number of other light leather producers could work other
professions such as tanning cutting or selling skins or manufacturing other leather
goods (see section 52) For example many parchment-makers listed in section 45 were
also fellmongers There was also strong connections between parchment-makers and
glove-makers Many were organized together in various guilds in many locations over
long periods of time For example York between at least 1144 and 1419 (Hoffman 2011
184 Saxl 1954 18) Salisbury between 1613 until at least 1757 (Haskins 1912 80 204
47
737) London (Saxl 1954 18-19) Norwich (Crouse 1768 175) Chester (Freemen of
Chester 1992 18) Warwick (Craig 1960 287) and Paris (Fitzsimmons 2010 13) are just
some places where parchment-makers and glove-makers had been organised together
Glove-makers would have had in most cases the necessary tools while also using
similar types of light skins primarily sheepskins Finally parchment manufacture was a
highly skilled occupation though many of the laws of the period allowed for those
without apprenticeships to work on parchment provided they were under the
supervision of trained parchment-makers Perhaps many people working on parchment
were listed as lsquolabourersrsquo or lsquoservantsrsquo and were not themselves listed as
lsquoparchment-makersrsquo in the historical record
However the number of parchment-makers collected in the data presented in section
43 appears to actually represent a fairly accurate overview of the number of
parchment-makers These numbers after all do not offer insight into any changes in the
scale of production in various parchment works The 1841 census for example only lists
297 parchment-makers over the age of twenty in all of Great Britain with only two
operating in Scotland (A Vision of Britain 2018) There is no huge increase from the data
collected and this census data Furthermore this number is fairly significant when
compared to the paper industry The 1841 census lists 933 paper-makers Paper now
produces the majority of materials for the book trade and as the primary writing
material However Trolander estimates only one third of paper was produced for these
purposes with the rest being produced for other products (Trolander 2014 27) It is
perhaps a surprise then that an industry producing a material for so many uses
producing across the country (2014 28) unlike the parchment trade only employed just
over twice the number of producers Especially considering the fairly laborious process
that was still involved in paper production during the period (see Campbell 1747
125-126)
The Witherby data (appendix 1) also shows parchment-makers of the period producing
very high volumes of parchment Furthermore the parchment industry employed a
fairly significant number of manufacturers in spite of the industry only operating out of
a relatively small number of production centres The various economic motivations for
larger parchment works particularly the contracts between the High Treasury and larger
firms shows that the scale of production increased (discussed in chapter 5) In other
48
words the number of listed trained parchment-makers may be relatively low in the
historic record however the levels of production at these firms may have increased
significantly
Overall the data shows that the parchment industry was remained an industry of
significant economic importance There remained a significantly large highly-skilled
workforce operating in England The scale of this industry further highlights the need for
this research and highlights a significant source of future data and historical
information
49
43 Map of Parchment-Makers
This section reviews the maps made on the database created All the maps are shown
below however an interactive map is also available online at
httpsdrivegooglecomopenid=1cYHpfVWXK77s8yffkx3q6gN4ho8j8Eu6ampusp=sharing
An overview of the data is also available in appendix 8 with a detailed tabled of the
specific towns and cities recorded in appendix 9 and the types of records used during
each period is located in appendix 4
50
51
52
431 Review of the Data
The maps highlight several key aspects of the data Firstly a lack of parchment-makers
in the far south-west and the north of England In particular it appears there were a
fairly significant number of parchment-makers operating in York until the end of the
seventeenth century though there was a very sudden decline in these numbers over
time This likely suggests a decline in what was once a fairly major centre of parchment
production perhaps unsurprising due to a once flourishing book trade (Palliser and
Selwyn 1972 207) and the once high number of those purchasing legal and religious
materials in the region (see Winters 2012) The subsequent decline of the parchment
industry was perhaps therefore related to the decline of the book trade industry that
had occurred in the region however there a number of other possibilities are discussed
in the second half of this project
Secondly the data shows a fairly consistent number of parchment-makers in the
Midlands The figures here are not significantly high however they remain relatively
constant during between 1601 and 1900 The parchment industry may have survived in
this region due to the number of developing urban centres however if population
density and demand for local parchment supplies were directly correlated it would be
expected that this trend would continue in the more northern regions It could be stated
that this is the result of bias within the documentary records however the trend
continues very clearly in the later census data of 1851 and 1861 Perhaps the most
significant early conclusion that can be made is that there is no correlation between
developing urban centres and centres of parchment production
The data instead shows some very clear centres of production in the south of England
primarily in the regions stretching from Somerset to Middlesex and between Middlesex
through to Cambridgeshire and Suffolk In fact there appear to have been some very
clear towns and cities that were centres for the production of parchment between 1650
and 1850 (see Appendix 9) The top ten locations with records of operating parchment
works account for just under 44 of all parchment records from all the data collected
The parchment-makers listed in Salisbury Sherborne Marlborough Malmesbury and
the neighbouring town of Charlton represent a significant proportion of the data with
115 of the parchment-makers for these five locations alone Salisbury in particularly was
53
consistently a city with relatively significant number parchment-makers and was famous
for its production of parchment at least during the nineteenth century (Aubrey and
Britton 1847 95) Malmesbury also had a history of parchment-making being an area
which around c1800 had very few industries of significance besides lsquothe manufacturing
of leather gloves parchment and glue (Moffatt 1805 162 167) Aubrey and Britton offer
a possible theory that this was the result of lsquostrong watersrsquo in the region well-suited for
the washing skins (1847 95)
Sawston Cambridgeshire and Bury St Edmunds also offer interesting results Sawston
for example shows very few records being found for parchment works in the region
until the nineteenth century after which the data suggests the development of relatively
large parchment industry emerged A similar trend exists with the town of Bury St
Edmunds with only one record appearing between 1601 and 1800 though with 20
records appearing in nineteenth century It appears something has occurred that has
either allowed for or supported the growth of two large centres of production during
the nineteenth century
The persistent number of records in Middlesex and Surrey (primarily Bermondsey and
Southwark) is however of little surprise The boroughs inside the City of London offered
significant benefits to parchment producers being able to source from local abattoirs
as well as providing access to a incredibly vast trade network both nationally and
overseas The city also had a significant local market being the one of the largest cities
in Europe with a large demand for legal documents particularly from the central
government However a significant tanning industry had long been associated with the
settlements just beyond the outer reaches of London Yeomans highlighted the
eighteenth and nineteenth century existence of a parchment industry in this area as well
as its two major periods of production (Yeomans 2006) These industrial suburbs were
outside the punitive guild taxes enforced in the city of London offering even greater
financial benefits to parchment-makers and other workers of skinned goods
Overall the data shows a number of very clear centres of parchment production over
the period as the nexus for a fairly significant parchment industry across the country as
a whole Despite the traditional belief that the parchment industry fell into significant
decline following the widespread adoption of paper (as discussed in section 34) it
54
appears a significant number of parchment-makers were still operating at least until the
late eighteenth century The majority being located in South West England the Fenlands
regions and London or at least in very close proximity to London
55
44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies
A key source of information on the locations of parchment-makers can be found in The
British Book Trades 1775-1787 which lists a number of insurance policies taken out by
parchment-makers with the Sun Fire Office and The Royal Exchange insurance companies
(Maxted 1992) These records are by no means extensive the records only cover twelve
years during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and they also only represent
two of the insurance companies during a time when at least six were operating in
London and eight in the provinces (Maxted 1992 vi) However these policies state
where the parchment-makers were located as well as offering a more detailed insight
into the value and size of the firms and any secondary occupations the individuals held
Interestingly they further validate a number of the centres of production presented in
section 33 with Salisbury Malmesbury and St Margarets (in Marlborough) all listed
Coventry (10 parchment-makers) and Leicester (7) are also listed these also being areas
with a slightly higher than average number of parchment-makers (see Appendix 8)
Perhaps more surprisingly is the number of parchment-makers listed with high value
insurance policies Particularly as although different for the Royal Exchange the Sun Fire
Office only insured against fire until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickson 1960
110) This means that five individuals (records 10 12 16 17 21) held fire insurance
policies of a very high value particularly when compared to a number of other
insurance policies of those in other professions (see Maxted 1992) The value of these
policies is a clear indicator of the size and value of some of the parchment works in
operation during this period as well as further highlighting a number of key centres of
production
56
57
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844
To further test the validity of the previous data collected from primary sources (section
43) below are figures published by HM Stationers Office (HMSO 1844 1-237) This data
shows there to have been relatively few parchment-makers operating throughout
England during the nineteenth century identifying 357 parchment-makers though only
302 of them being over the age of 20 likely due in part to the number of young
parchment-makers in training as apprentices This data supports the location of many of
the major centres of production across the south east below a line from the Wash to
the Bristol Channel It further shows the lack of any parchment manufacturing industries
in the North of England or the south West The spreadsheet containing this information
is available on the CD included in this project
-
58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws
Despite the often sporadic nature of many of the records of the seventeenth eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries there still remains a reservoir of information in records
pertaining to tax and law The history of parchment industry can be in part ascertained
from what is found in these records The significant events and changes that occured in
the parchment industry as well as many of the main economic pressures of the period
can be determined by a review of this information The period was marked by increasing
levels of government regulation of various industries and the parchment industry was
no exception Taxation in particular played a key role in driving market forces and with
the growing development of early capitalism and the improved trade and transport
networks all these areas will have played key roles in shaping the parchment industry
during this period
51 Parchment Taxation
The 1688 revolution had plunged the country into lsquofinancial commitments on a level
previously unimaginablersquo (Beckett 1985 287) and as such the period of 1650 to 1850
was subject to a plethora of new and extensive taxation laws in order to raise money for
the crown In 1694 the Bank of England was established and this can perhaps be seen
as the focal point from which after a wave of various money-making government acts
were created primarily centred around the implementation of temporary taxation laws
the majority of which were later extended or made permanent
However no review of the laws specifically pertaining to the taxation of parchment
exists As such a review of all laws pertaining to parchment has been conducted and an
overview of parchment taxation laws can found in appendix 10 with a table of acts in
appendix 11 This history of these laws must first be understood before reviewing the
effects they had on the market
The laws passed implementing duties on various parchment-based products similar to
many products and materials taxed during this period were very extensive There were
a number of laws passed during the seventeenth century with many legal documents
59
being subject to various stamp duties along with strict organisational changes only
allowing trained individuals to partake in certain skinned-based activities for example
tanning flaying and parchment-making However the most significant and extensive act
occurred in 1711 during the ninth year of Queen Annersquos reign (9 Ann c11) As stated in
appendix 10 all parchment would now be taxed and was required to be sent to London
for inspection and the issuing of duties Furthermore the movement of skins the
network of the parchment trade and the market value of parchment was now all
essentially under the total control of the government
This is hugely significant in the development of the parchment industry Any
parchment-maker situated in or around London was now at a great advantage After
this act stationers would now purchase parchment (set at a fee fixed by the High
Treasury) and have the parchment issued with the necessary duties in London and then
distribute the parchment across England sending the parchment to one of the many
stationer offices set up across the country With the distribution network of parchment
almost exclusively owned and run by the government and with the market value set far
lower the survival of a parchment work could only be achieved with an increased
market share reduced production costs and a steady demand for parchment from a
local government-run stationer The reduction in production costs being of particular
significance and a standard only achieved with an increased scale of production a local
supply of high quality skins (likely purchased in relatively high quantities) the improving
efficiency of the manufacturing processes (though combined with a likely reduction in
parchment quality) and minimal land rents and local tax rates
Stationers were also certainly capable of stockpiling parchment supplies further
increasing government control of the market The industry was therefore likely subject
to great fluctuations in the levels of demand with the now almost exclusive purchaser of
parchment (the government) offering beneficial treatment to larger parchment works
The government could control how much it purchased and at what price and
consequently at least from the parchment-makers perspective the market was likely to
have been incredibly volatile with huge barriers to entry
Over the next century the laws covering the taxation of parchment became increasingly
extensive (see appendix 10) The result of these increasing duties and various attempts
60
to improve their implementation would have placed further strain on the smaller
parchment works and further incentivising the development of southern-based larger
parchment works capable of increased economies of scale and of providing a steady
supply to government stationers
However the actual success of these laws must be questioned The persistent re-issuing
of old duties the development of new duties stamps and regulations as well as the
continuous attempts to strengthen the governments market control brings into
question the success of previous laws Conversely with the necessity that all parchment
be stamped and the continued implementation of new stamps and increasingly difficult
to bypass regulations any black market would likely have declined significantly over
time
Furthermore it must also be considered that the extent of these laws and the incredible
amount of government investment may
instead indicate the success of these laws
By the early nineteenth century the
amount of money being made from stamp
duties on various products made almost
exclusively from parchment was
considerable (see figure 13) and with the
government controlling the value and
production of parchment very large sums
of money were clearly made The fact that
these laws were continuously enforced and
reissued over the course of a century
under the separate rule of four separate
monarchs may be a testament to the
success of profit made by the government
and the continuous attempts to access
further profits in already lucrative market
though at the likely expense of the success
of the industry itself The highly regulated
and difficult conditions were only
61
completely abolished in 1815 likely as a result of widespread social unrest of the period
and the various petitions made by many of the various members of the workers and
traders of skinned goods (see appendix 12) and not due to any failing in regards to the
funds raised for the government budget
62
52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment
lsquoThe examiners have attained the faculty of discovering the most trifling and frivolous reasons
for inflicting punishment for unavoidable offences insomuch that the said fines are now
nearly doubledrsquo
(An Impartial Observer 1800 23)
From the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century the implementation of a
series of increasingly intrusive laws surrounding the flaying of animal skins is apparent
A detailed overview of these laws had been conducted and is available in appendix 12
as well as a table outlining the specific laws available in appendix 13
The act of 1603 was the first act regulating the quality of skins and various skin-based
products and remained the only major defining regulatory act for over a century (1 Jac
c22) The law was likely a response to the decline of the guilds as well as the
significantly declining overall quality of parchment that had occurred in the previous
century (see Appendix 1) The steady improvement of parchment over the seventeenth
century and the lack of any newly issued laws regulating parchment manufacture
appear a testament to the success of this law
However the later eighteenth century manufacturing regulatory acts appear a response
to the 1711 law (9 Ann c11) the act essentially granting control of the movement price
distributors and tax rates of parchment giving government almost complete control of
the market The implementation of these laws was likely to enforce the maintaining of
high quality parchment despite a reduction in the market value of parchment overall
Essentially the government put parchment-makers in the position of being legally
required to produce high quality parchment but for a far lower price However the
persistent failure of the laws success with the decline of parchment quality during the
eighteenth century (see Appendix 1 Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70
Clarkson 1992 5) may be the likely cause of the reissuing and intensification of the
various regulatory measures
The repeated implementation of similar laws also seems to show the persistent failures
of the laws preceding them or at least that this was the belief of the governments of
the time These laws were likely to have deeply affected the parchment market as
63
growing government regulation of the various professions involving the manufacture of
goods from animal skins grew exponentially during these two centuries setting strict
manufacturing guidelines and limitations as well as the implementation of widespread
fines This period in general saw an ever-increasing level of intervention by government
in various industries and markets the various laws surrounding the flaying of skins were
therefore part of a larger regulation of standards and markets by government
Unfortunately even in spite of the incredible magnitude of the changes that occurred
over the following century it was clear the changes were not sufficient to see any
significant improvement or even maintaining of parchment quality (see Appendix 1) In
1806 a book was published by lsquoAn Impartial Observerrsquo titled The Flaying Act Considered
As Without Benefiting the Public most Severely Oppressing the Butchers of London
(1806) This text widely criticised the 1803 law (43 Geo III c127) introducing the new
fines and inspections to London stating all parchment must be taken to Leadenhall
Market for inspection if manufacture within a 15 mile radius of the site The Act also
instituted a fine of 2s 6d for anyone in possession of neglected or damaged skins with
an extra half penny for every damaged skin Below is a quote from lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo on the subject of these fines
lsquoNothing stronger proves the inattention of the industrious butcher to what was passing
parliament than the very great disproportion of fines this act enforces for it will hardly be
credited that sheep and lamb-skins which (independent of wool) are on a fair average
worth only seven-pence halfpenny from the butcher to the purchaser are liable to a fine of
three-pence which with the salesmanrsquos charge and inspectors fee amounts to four-pence
farthing while the severity of the examiners has been extended to censure nearly one-third of
all brought before themrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 15)
The laws had clearly made the production of leather and parchment very risky affairs
due to the incredibly severe fines The author of this text continues to discuss the failure
of the law to understand the parchment-making process They describe the operation of
converting sheep skins to parchment as lsquoa very delicate operationrsquo and one that causes
lsquofrequent cuts and gashesrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 19) This being considered as
well as the fact that inspectors were paid for every skin found to have been damaged
(Chitty 1824 351) it appears very likely these laws would have resulted in a great
64
number of (often unwarranted) fines The law incentivised officers to consistently find
cuts and blemishes on skins in an industry where cuts and blemishes were almost
inevitable Defects in the skins were not always immediately visible depending on the
physico-chemical treatment that had been applied in the vat however in many cases the
defects could only be recognised later when the material was actually put to use
(Minard 2011 150) The smaller parchment works of the period particularly those
without large contracts with stationers must have struggled significantly during this
period If only a small number of skins were considered damaged the parchment works
would receive very significant fines and the possible seizure of much of their stock
It is also worthy of note that the lsquoImpartial Observerrsquo also refers to many of the flayers
outside of London as being often untrained and consequently being the primary source
of damaged skins (An Impartial Observer 1806 5-6) This may indicate the high level of
specialisation in London and the failure of early laws to ensure high quality flayed skins
outside of London However it may also have simply proven pragmatic to state this as
the author may be attempting to have the 1803 law retracted while hoping to continue
profiting from the highly intrusive laws affecting the rest of England
By the time these laws were eventually repealed (after a significant number of petitions
from various groups) the effect on the parchment industry must have been substantial
Even if laws preceding the 1800 act (39 amp 40 Geo III c67) which implemented the
creation of inspection points be set up outside each city had been widely ineffective the
effect on the industry between 1800 and 1815 at a minimum must have been very
significant A huge number of smaller parchment works must have collapsed or been
forced to merge with other firms The widespread fines and inspections and the
incentivisation of inspectors to find damaged skins would have put further strain on the
market with only the larger firms capable of creating a more homogenous product and
able to afford the inevitable fines capable of surviving
53 Who is enforcing these laws
The 1603 act (1 Jac I c22) states that all leather goods within three miles of London
must be inspected and sealed before they can legally be sold Eight individuals were
therefore appointed to inspect and tax skins and hides these individuals were
65
designated the role ofrsquo lsquosearcher and sealerrsquo and these individuals were changed each
year They would each record all sales of leather hides and skins as well as recording
the name of the buyer and seller the price of the leather and any issues regarding the
quality of the products Any individual selling products sold that had not been lsquosearched
and sealedrsquo would have their goods confiscated In the event of goods being seized the
company of cordwainers the company of curriers and the company of tanners would
each elect two individuals with no connection to the accused who would examine the
goods and determine whether the goods were lsquosufficient and serviceablersquo Strangely
however the law does not discuss the maintaining of these laws beyond the three mile
radius of London set out in the act suggesting those outside of London were perhaps
beyond the scope of any government regulation of product quality If true there would
have been a fairly significant incentive to produce parchment outside of the city of
London
Then in 1694 the Treasury established a number of offices (see appendix 14) and hired a
number of commissioners to distribute stamped parchment throughout the country in
order to maintain this new tax they were what Hughes calls lsquoretailers of stamped paperrsquo
(Hughes 1941 247) It is fortunate that it appears the first list of these distributors was
recorded (see Appendix 15) According to the Calendar of Treasury Books there were
thirty-six distributors of stamped parchment and paper across England and Wales
spread across almost every county However it appears there may have been a number
of stampers an even smaller number of officers and only a single inspector of
parchment (see Shaw 1935 636-648) As a result of this system it appears the Treasury
would sign contracts with certain parchment-makers to insure the steady supply of
parchment throughout England (Hughes 1941 248-252) The contracts were made with
only two or three great stationers and others who entered into partnership with these
stationers who lsquoengross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it in their
power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo (Hughes 1941
248) These contracts greatly benefited the stationers however claiming an allowance of
six percent of each stamped paper or parchment batch sold while many of these
distributors lsquotransgress muchrsquo in charging higher prices than was permitted (1941 252)
It appears to have been a grossly inefficient system and one fraught with corruption
though one that greatly encouraged the reduction of parchment production costs
66
Each county had an office with a commissioner of stamps and these commissioners
were reported to have stamped all the parchment and paper legally used in England at
this time as well as to have made a record of such activities An investigation into these
individuals and the volumes of parchment they stamped in their respective counties
would offer further evidence of key centres of parchment production and usage in
England though as of yet it has not been possible to locate these documents Also for
most of this period it seems all parchment was required to be inspected at least once a
day for quality and tax purposes (Leadbetter 1755 339 Ashworth 2003 246) and so
perhaps even more data exists The nature of these laws also highlights the high
volumes of parchment still used across England a point further supported by the fact
that as late as 1714-1715 parchment was still generating huge sums of money from
stamp duties (see Shaw and Slingsby 1957 385)
The 1710 act (9 Ann c11) offers greater clarification on this issue This law states that
officers were appointed to weigh the skins and issue the necessary duties as well as
mark the hides skins and parchment to denote the charging of a duty The act does not
however specify if these officers are inspecting the quality of the skins though a later
text indicates this to be the case In 1778 a text titled Instructions for Officers of the Duties
on Hides in the Country details how the excise officers at this time were instructed to
inspect the skins (Great Britain Commissioners of Excise 1778) It was instructed that
the excise officers must lsquoinsert in an entry-book which is to be kept at the Excise Office
copies of all the entries made by tanners tawers ampcrsquo (1778 5) and furthermore that
they must weigh and mark the skins (1778 7) However it appears these officers were
also required to investigate the quality of the skins lsquoWhen you discover that any Tanner
Tawer or Oil-dresser ampc has diminished shaved or impaired his skins contrary to law
between the time of taking them out of the materials and weighing them or has
neglected to keep his hides or skins that not been duly markedrsquo officers must in such
cases lsquogive notices therof as soon as possible to your Collector or Supervisor that the
offenders may be prosecuted as the law directsrsquo (1778 7-8)
Unfortunately it cannot be said with complete certainty if these officers were inspecting
the skins quality prior to this however it appears to have been a long history of those
taxing the parchment to also inspect it going back to the lsquosearchers and sealersrsquo of
67
London Furthermore as early as 1671 the English government had created offices for
excise officers places where officers who would examine and stamp skins would be
based (Hughes 1941 247) A later text even details how the excise officers of the early
nineteenth century would inspect skins quality and then stamp the skins with either an
lsquoSrsquo marking them as acceptable skins or lsquoDrsquo for damaged skins (Hughes 1941 351)
Overall then those in charge of distributing the duties on these goods were also
inspecting the materials and goods for quality This being the case a great number of
skins and parchment goods would have been inspected in London due to the number
of goods that were required to be transported there for tax purposes (see section 61) as
well as the large market for parchment in the city
However the 1800 act (39-40 Geo III c66) saw to the creation of a number of places
outside of major towns and cities specifically for the examination and inspection of
skins It was written that these assigned locations will not exceed three miles nor be less
than two miles from each city or town to which they are assigned (Chitty 1824 348) The
inspections of London also changed slightly in 1808 when it was determined that the
inspectors would be named by the Butcherrsquos Company the Currierrsquos Company and the
Cordwainers (Chitty 1824 353) who would each appoint seven individuals Ultimately
however this did not last long with the various regulations and inspectors being
removed from English law during the nineteenth century This act marks the last
attempt by the government to control the development of the parchment industry until
the repeal of the various acts between 1808 and 1815
54 Effects on Parchment Quality
There is a general consensus that parchment between the seventeenth and eighteenth
century was of far lower quality than parchment of the medieval period (Rogers 1887
601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70 Clarkson 1992 5) Current research by Sarah
Fiddyment at the University of York offers further clarity on parchment quality
(Appendix 1) This research involves reviewing a large number of parchment samples to
assess changes in quality over time based on the development of a Parchment Quality
Index (PQI) measuring the levels of damage that occurred to parchment during the
manufacturing process This research shows two very clear period of decline in the
quality of parchment
68
The first sudden decline begins around the fifteenth century and has many possible
causes though Fiddyment has presented a clear correlation with the changing
proportion of parchment to paper used in the market based on the data presented by
Lyall et al (1989 11-29) The sudden influx of paper led to the steady dismantling of the
infrastructure of the parchment-making industry and would in part explain this sudden
decline However the detrimental effects of the plague must also be considered
Parchment-making was a highly skilled profession with knowledge of the various
processes having been well-kept secrets within the profession and the dramatic
population decline in the mid-fourteenth century likely saw the loss of much of the
inherited knowledge It may have taken many generations before this knowledge was a
disseminated across England once more
However the cause of the second sudden decline between c1710 and c1830 remains
something of an historical anomaly (see appendix 1) There are a number of possible
causes for example the continued competition with paper though it appears unlikely
to have caused such a sudden decline so late The effects of the influx of the new
breeds which were generally far less suited to the production of high quality parchment
presents another plausible theory However as stated earlier the majority of the major
parchment works in the country were primarily located in regions where the older more
suitable breeds remained Furthermore the decline appears to occur before the new
breeds such as those of Ellman and Bakewell had made any noticeable impact on
English agriculture Finally there is the possibility of European wars causing the decline
in quality France in particular was a significant producer of parchment (Massey 1763
58) and a major exporter of parchment to England for a number of centuries (see
Gullick 1991 154-156 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Chambers 1728 351 ) However
there is no evidence French parchment was of significantly better quality than English
parchment and England was still importing lsquovast quantitiesrsquo of parchment around 1728
If the higher quality parchment of previous centuries had been that of French origin
then it would be expected the quality would have risen significantly again by 1728
(Chambers 1728 351)
However the most plausible primary cause of this sudden decline was the 1711 Act (9
Ann I c11) as well as many of the laws that followed it Firstly the yearly setting of
69
prices by the High Treasury was likely very detrimental to the quality of parchment In
order to set the price of a product a universal measurement needed to be established
Prices could have been set to a certain quantity of parchment for example one piece of
parchment which was set to a duty of 6 d in this Act Similarly it could be set to the
weight of parchment This being possible as all inspectors were required to weigh
parchment before denoting a duty but they would also record the value of the
parchment after weighing (9 Ann I c11) Each method fails to take into consideration
the quality of the parchment a subjective characteristic one not mentioned in any law
during the period
The results over time would be little incentive to produce high-quality parchment as
parchment-makers would receive the same price for a low quality piece of parchment as
they would from a high quality product Furthermore being unable to improve profits
with increased prices firms could now only do so with an increased market share and
reduced production costs Over time competition over a reduction in production costs
was likely more significant than any competition over parchment quality
Furthermore the strict regulations set on the production of parchment would have
great discouraged the production of higher quality parchment The risk associated with
finely flayed skins as well as over-liming skins the removal of wool the scraping of skins
and removal of fat deposits would be so high as any damaged skins would result in high
fines and the seizure of parchment and skins that it seems likely to have greatly
discouraged the production of high quality parchment The quality of parchment only
increases (see Appendix 1) after the repeal of the variety of acts pertaining to the setting
of prices and the extensive regulations surrounding the production of parchment that
occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century (see section 34) This difficult period
was likely best navigated by larger parchment works capable of producing large
quantities of a more standardised quality of parchment that though perhaps not of
great quality met the strict criteria set out in these acts while reducing production costs
55 Conclusions
Overall the various laws on taxing parchment clearly played a key role in the
development of the industry With all parchment moving through London one might
70
expect the industry to be larger in the south given the huge price implications for
transporting parchment from the more northern regions Secondly clear deals were
being struck between the Treasury and stationers and between stationers and
parchment-makers in order to make large amounts of parchment more cost-effectively
(at least in theory) Larger manufacturers and larger trade routes meant increased
economies of scale but perhaps more importantly allowed for a more efficient method
for taxation The whole system appears to have greatly incentivised the development of
larger parchment works declining parchment quality and a geographical shift to the
southern regions These developments are likely to have forced the small-scale
parchment works to either develop a partnership with larger parchment works in order
to be a part of the huge deals that existed at the time or to stop manufacturing
altogether Also the percentage based charges set on each bulk of parchment sold the
economies of scale related to industry and the steadily developing systems for
processing and distributing large amounts of parchment will have greatly shaped the
parchment industry between 1711 and 1815
71
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds
61 Sourcing Sheepskins
lsquoThese skins are difficult to describe in general terms for they differ enormously in size fat
content general quality of the fibre network and the types of epidermal structures they
elaborate depending on a multitude of biological factors of which breed age environment
diet and conditions of rearing are the most obviousrsquo
(Reed 1972 41)
The skins most ideal for the manufacture of parchment had specific characteristics that
made them better suited for the manufacturing process The quality of the skins could
be affected by a variety of possible factors Therefore it must be determined which
skins were best for the production of parchment and which breeds of sheep under
which agricultural system would be best suited to producing skins used in the
manufacture of parchment Furthermore having established the significant financial
benefits of sourcing skins locally as well as the high risks involved with using low quality
skins due to possible damages to the final product establishing which breeds were best
suited to parchment-makers is vital to a study of this nature
611 Fat Content
lsquothe surface should be firm free from grease of good even colour and as smooth as possiblersquo
(Reed 1972 125)
The fat content of an animal drastically affects the quality of the skin for its use in
manufacturing parchment During the manufacturing process parchment-makers
remove the fat hypodermic layer of the skin in order to make a smooth surface free
from grease Failure to remove the grease from the skins results in the discolouration of
the final product (Reed 1972 21-24 Saxl 1954 6) as well as the possibility of marked
ridges on the parchment (Reed 1972 132) Removal of all fragments of grease is a
difficult and time-consuming task (Reed 1972 132) particularly before the
mechanisation of the parchment manufacturing process (Saxl 1954 31-32) Significantly
72
fatter sheep would have caused even great difficulties as in many cases the fat cells
could infiltrate the connective tissue residing in the dermal layer of skin which would
have proven an even greater challenge to parchment-makers (Reed 1972 30) Reed also
stated that fat can cause weakness at the epidermal junction causing the dermal and
epidermal layers of the skin to split (1972 43) However this appears to be of most
concern in skins sourced from older sheep though one might presume that skins
originating from fast-maturing sheep may suffer from this defect at an earlier age given
the lsquorelatively unstablersquo collagen development in some fast-maturing breeds (Henrickson
et al 1984 168) The removal of grease if not completed after the initial exposure to the
lime pits many craftsmen would use gesso quicklime powdered bones or chalk (see
Reed 1972 148-149) though the most common solution was the application of
additional treatments of lime (Yeomans 2006 33) Overall the more grease that had to
be removed the longer it would take to make parchment and the process would be
more costly The increased workload may also have increased the likelihood of the
damaging of skins a particularly significant issue given the various laws surrounding
skin and parchment quality between 1650 and 1850
The fat content of sheep between the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries was likely to
have varied significantly and determining which breeds produced usable skins and
which did not is a difficult task Even today both the overall fat content and the
distribution of fat in sheep appears to be very variable (see Palop 2016 7) It also
appears very likely that parchment-makers were unable to avoid using fatter breeds of
sheep over time as many of the breeds in England and Wales grew in size during this
period due to changes in breeding practices and husbandry (Davis and Beckett 1999
Henderson 2016 25-31) Ryderrsquos work may also support this as the eighteenth century
parchment samples he reviewed were of a greater thickness (1991 31) and studies have
shown a correlation between skin thickness and diet Sheep fed on a diet of lower
nutritional value can see a reduction in their skin thickness over time while sheep
intensively fed larger diets will keep thicker skins (Williams and Thornberry 1992 140) It
can be concluded that the skins of fattier faster-maturing breeds were likely to have
been spurned by parchment-makers in favour of smaller breeds with lower deposits of
grease
73
612 The Age of Sheep
Another key factor in determining the quality of a sheeprsquos skin is the age of the animal
Younger animals tend to have higher quality skins for parchment-making due to their
finer grained surface (Reed 1972 35-36) Older animals however despite being larger
and providing more skin per animal tend to have inferior fibre networks and increased
chances of skin defects and irregularities (Reed 1975 35-36) They are also more likely to
have far greater deposits of fat due to longer lives of eating and depending on the
breed and farming system very little exercise They are also more likely to have greater
deposits of fat spread throughout their entire bodies including their skin causing great
difficulty to parchment-makers With greater age also comes a greater propensity for a
variety of pathological conditions and connective tissue disorders as well as damage to
the skin from mites insects and physical trauma (Reed 1972 35-37)
Even when considering the issues connected with older sheep the harvesting of lamb
skins is a far more costly enterprise Lambs produce far less usable material for
parchment-makers and yet require very similar levels of skill time and production costs
as full-grown sheep
Another key area in regards to the effects of ageing on sheepskins is the difference
between the older native breeds of England and the so-called lsquonew breedsrsquo which
reached maturity far quicker A clear example being that of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester
sheep a breed that matured in only two years and had a far greater propensity to fatten
(Youatt and Weld 1837 25-26) In these faster-maturing improved breeds the dermal
collagen grows far more quickly than in the skins of the native breeds This rapid growth
of collagen results in the collagen becoming lsquorelatively unstablersquo and therefore the
lsquoleather obtained from intensively fed animals had a lower breaking point strength than
those obtained from regularly fed animalsrsquo (Henrickson et al 1984 168) Similarly it has
been argued that the lsquoincreased growth rate must be accompanied by increased
collagen degradation or reduced collagen synthesisrsquo and lsquothis is true whether the
increase results from nutrition or from selection for growth ratesrsquo (Lawrence et al 2012
44)
Unfortunately given the wide variety of breeds from the resulting cross-breeding from
the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries it is difficult to determine which breed exactly
74
presented a significant problem However it can be concluded that the skins of
fast-maturing intensively-fed breeds were overall more delicate than those of the more
lsquonaturallyrsquo raised sheep and therefore it seems likely that parchment-makers would have
avoided sourcing their skins from sheep farmed intensively for their mutton
613 Diet and Environment
lsquoa larger carcass inevitably meant longer heavier and coarser woolrsquo
(Wykes 2004 51)
Diet clearly affects the quality of skin with over-feeding resulting in issues of collagen
development and a weak fibre network as well as higher levels of grease (Henrickson et
al 1984 168 Reed 1972 37) However there are a variety of agricultural systems with
different foodstuff and feeding methods which Reed (1972) reviewed to assess the
impact of diet on the skin quality (Reed 1972 36-42)
Firstly Reed concluded that stall-fed sheep typically have looser thinner hides
compared to sheep that roam pastures for their food This is partly due to the lack of
exercise a common issue with the larger sheep as in the words of the
nineteenth-century land survey John Middleton lsquoanimals that are intended to be
fattened with the most speed the least food and the greatest profit are or ought to be
kept still and as free from exercise as possiblersquo (Middleton 1807 436) It is also due to
the diet of stall-fed sheep These animals would have experienced lsquoartificial feedingrsquo for
example barley oil-cake potatoes and food-waste and this diet as Reed states results
in skins that are often softer and more spongy in character (1972 37)
Reed goes on to write that the woolled downland sheep generally had large skins
lsquouniform in texturersquo though with large deposits of grease (1972 41) This was in stark
contrast to the mountain and hill-reared sheep which typically produce stronger
higher quality skins (1972 37) They also have thinner skins with a tighter dermal
network with a finer grain and far less grease (1972 41) The hilly and mountainous
districts have great tracts of uncultivated lands which provided rough grazing for a
number of sheep (Fussell 1964 49) The mountain and hill-reared breeds found in these
areas often had slower rates of maturity (relative to the improved breeds) and they
75
generally had increased levels of exercise as they roam for their food (1972 42) These
factors help to create a tighter dermal network and consequently stronger thinner
skins more ideal for making parchment
The environment and diet of sheep plays an integral part in developing high quality
skins and as Reed describes the more lsquonaturalrsquo the conditions in which the sheep are
raised the better (1972 37) We can therefore conclude that the parchment-makers
using the skins of the naturally fed roaming sheep (typically hill-reared) would be
producing the highest quality parchment and given the increased strength of the skins
(resulting in fewer defects) and the reduced levels of grease would be producing
parchment faster and with fewer damages to the material and with less wastage
76
614 Wool Sheep
lsquoBreeding for mutton however and breeding for wool are distinct and different objects and will in some measure depend on situation for those soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of mutton and on the other hand those soils which
fatten most in equal proportion deteriorate the woolrsquo
(Rudge 1807 306)
Between 1650 and 1850 there were a great variety of sheep
breeds with a varying range in the quality of their fibre
networks and types of epidermal structures At either end of
this spectrum existed the two extremes of wool breeds
Firstly the woolled sheep with epidermal growths of fine
soft and curly wool (Reed 1972 41) The latter breeds were
the lsquohair typersquo (often referred to as heath sheep) which had
coarse thick and tough fibres (1972 41)
The woolled type of sheep produced the worst skins for
parchment-makers Sheep with a high number of follicles
particularly those with a high ratio of secondary to primary
follicles such as the Merino sheep produced skins that were
loose in texture of a poor quality to parchment-makers The
extensive glandular structures would prevent the dense
packing of the connective tissue fibre networks (1972 41)
Furthermore the persistent shearing of sheep has an effect on
sheepskin thickness (Lyne 1961 152 Wodzicka 1958
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska 1960 197) an issue mostly affecting
sheep bred primarily for their wool Overall the better the
sheep for producing finer wool the worse it would be for
manufacturing parchment
The latter breed the lsquohair typersquo on the other hand had thick
fibres and fewer follicles therefore producing a far more firm fibre network (Reed 1972
41) and therefore better skins for parchment (see figure 14)
77
There were of course a greater variety of sheep breeds than those purely bred for wool
and the purely hair-type of sheep There were also medium-woolled sheep producing
fewer follicles with a lower ratio of secondary to primary hair follicles (see figure 14)
These sheep were primarily the downland sheep bred for the production of mutton The
larger carcass resulting in longer heavier and coarser wool (Wykes 2004 51) the skins
were generally thick and fairly uniform in texture (Reed 1972 42) though unfortunately
still proving difficult for parchment-makers due to their high deposits of grease Overall
the ideal breed for parchment-makers was one that had not succumbed to either
extreme of specialisation for either wool or mutton production The hill-reared sheep of
Britain therefore developed favour amongst many producers of light leathers (eg
gloves) and presumably therefore parchment-makers These sheep produced thinner
skins with tighter dermal networks (Reed 1972 41) and were therefore of the highest
quality for parchment-makers
Overall however there was a huge variety of sheep breeds but the studies into fibre
and follicle networks show that sheep with tighter and firmer fibre networks were best
for making parchment These were generally less woolly sheep with lower grease
deposits ones not subject to extreme specialisation unimproved sheep with the fatter
improved breeds promoted by Bakewell and others for either intensive mutton
production having skins that were too greasy and the wool-producing sheep having
skins that are too loose in texture
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used
Ryder (1960) reviewed the diameter of fibres and follicles in a variety of parchment
samples ranging from twelfth to the nineteenth century The results found that most of
the fine-wool samples came from the medieval period while most of the medium-wool
samples came from the sixteenth century onward and finally the coarsest samples
appear to have been from the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) This work also
shows that throughout these centuries there were still attempts to use lsquohair sheeprsquo This
is similar to Hedwig Saxlrsquos results (1954) which reviewed the development of sheep
breeding and a variety of samples and concluded that there was a progression from
medieval times which saw sheep with very few hair follicles to more modern
78
sheepskins which showed a great number of crowded hair follicles The results of this
paper similar to results of Ryderrsquos work suggest that sheep were being bred to produce
more wool over time or that producers of parchment were being more selective over
the skins they used
It is also worthy of note that according to Ryderrsquos work hair sheep were used in all
centuries including the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) However when discussing
the hair-bearing sheep an eighteenth century writer stated that lsquothe pure breeds of this
sort are scarcely anywhere to be found among manufacturing nationsrsquo (Anderson 1797
320) However Anderson also states that sheep such as these have often not been
separately categorised and have lsquoalmost entirely escaped the notice of naturalists and
othersrsquo (Anderson 1797 320) It appears likely then that many of these sheep were still
being used in the English agricultural system though were often overlooked by the
agricultural writers of the time who were more concerned with the breed capable of
producing high levels of mutton or wool Anderson even goes on to write that lsquothere is a
much greater proportion of the hair-bearing race among the breeds of sheep in the
southern parts of the islandrsquo and that a Mr Lisle had heard of these sheep under the
name lsquorowety-woolrsquo (Anderson 1797 330) The word lsquorowetyrsquo means a poor area of land
either an area recently harvested andor having been left unploughed for some time
(see Lisle 1757 157 Fussell 1966 39 Bath amp West of Eng Agr Soc 1792 85) These
sheep were therefore likely found in lands of high levels of lsquowastersquo with little attention
paid to the quality of the breeds being farmed
In general however despite clear benefits of using the skins of coarse woolled sheep
during the eighteenth century many parchment-makers were either becoming less
concerned with parchment quality or in most cases did not have a supply of the more
sheepskins from coarse-woolled breeds
615 Conclusion
It appears the best sheepskins for the manufacture of high quality parchment come
from sheep that have not been intensively farmed to produce quantities of mutton or
wool The most suitable sheep are most likely the hair-type of sheep as they have
tighter dermal networks Similarly sheepskins from smaller hardy sheep ones that
79
roam for their food and mature at the slower rate to many of the improved breeds of
the period would have been greatly advantageous to parchment-makers The areas of
England which did not follow the route of intensive sheep farming and did not employ
the improvements of farmers such as Barkwell and Ellman seem likely to prove best
sheepskins for making parchment These sheepskins would have also been subject to
fewer possible damages a hugely advantageous factor during a period of intensive
manufacturing standards and high fines
80
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds
lsquoThe different races of sheep in England are variously distinguished for uncommon size goodness of flesh and plenty of fineness of woolrsquo
(Aikin 1795 19)
This section of the research will attempt to outline the rural landscape between 1650
and 1850 looking primarily at the location of various sheep breeds throughout England
as well the iconic features of these breeds It will highlight whether there was any link
between the geographic distribution of breeds and the location of parchment works A
link that seems possible particularly given the wide variety of breeds and their effects
on the manufacturing quality (discussed in section 61) Furthermore the ability to
purchase skins from great distances was greatly limited by the high costs of salting skins
(see section 37) but also due to the high transport costs of the period that acted as a
lsquomajor constraint on economic activityrsquo (Gerhold 2014 1)
This section should also highlight when and where the new breeds like those promoted
by Ellman and Bakewell were used in the agricultural system the timing of
stockbreeding also being an issue of great consequence that is still relatively poorly
understood Perhaps unsurprisingly as the sheep farming industry during this period
has been widely overlooked by many economists historians and archaeologists As a
result this section constitutes a much-required review of sheep breed locations based
on various tours reports and works of agriculturalists though primarily the results of
this work are based on the reports produced by the Board of Agriculture
It is important to consider that the majority of the historical reports were published
around the turn of the nineteenth century This was an important period in sheep
farming coming at the end of nearly thirty years of determined efforts to lsquoimproversquo the
national agricultural base including the improvement of sheep breeds on a national
scale (Ryder 1983 487)
This chapter will now establish which regions of England were subject to any major
changes in sheep farming or wider agricultural objectives Combined with the
81
conclusions of section 61 this section will determine which regions had access to
supplies of high quality skins
621 The DownlandsSouth
lsquoFrom this central core long fingers of chalkland stretch out north-eastwards through the
Marlborough and Berkshire Downs and on into the Chilterns while south-westwards the
chalk downs extend across Cranborne Chase into Dorset reaching the English channel coast
between St Aldhelmsrsquos and Abbotsburyrsquo
(Thirsk 2000 27)
The chalk downlands have had a long history of agriculture and an absence of
large-scale industry (Thirsk 2000 29) For most of the period under examination this
region was under lsquosheep and corn husbandryrsquo whereby a system of grain production
was sustained by maintaining large sheep flocks that were fed on the unenclosed
downlands or waste by day and folded by night on the arable lands to enrich the thin
chalkland with their dung (2000 30) This system was continued even after the
introduction of new systems and crops in other counties as the soil of the chalk
lowlands was often too shallow to support the introduction of legumes Furthermore
many of these regions were particularly late enclosed Much of the high downland in
Berkshire Wiltshire Dorset and Sussex remained entirely open and unenclosed at the
end of the eighteenth century (2000 43) A particularly interesting factor as enclosures
are often seen as a necessary prerequisite for the instigating of new selective breeding
techniques and the adoption of the larger coarser-wooled breeds (Ryder 1991 455
Ryder 1964 70)
This system dominated these regions until the production of new artificial fertilisers in
the nineteenth century (Overton 1996 193) The livestock practices in these counties
were therefore sustaining the hardier breeds capable of travelling great distances in
order to fertilise the land supporting the popular lsquosheep and cornrsquo system of the region
Thirsk offers the following overview of this system and the subsequent breeds
lsquoHere sheep were specially selected not for their propensity to yield mutton or wool but for
their folding qualities Over the centuries prolonged selection have given rise to the distinctive
Wiltshire and Hampshire breeds and so a Berkshire strain known as the Berkshire Knott
82
These animals were large lanky and hardy producing a thin but fine fleece and a small
quantity of sweet mutton Their great advantage was that they were able to range the Downs
all day and had a propensity drop their dung and urine at night when penned in the fold
They require little water taking most of what they needed from the grass they grazed as this
too was an important advantage on the bare open Downs were where streams and wells
were few and far betweenrsquo
(Thirsk 1984 329)
This lsquosheep and cornrsquo system was particularly prevalent in Wiltshire Dorset the
Hampshire downs and Berkshire Wiltshire in particular had a lsquovast quantity of sheeprsquo
(Davis 1813 137) with Defoe estimating around 2-3 million prior to 1724 which though
perhaps an inflated figure highlights the prevalence of sheep in the region (Cited in
Fussell and Goodman 1930 146) There was an abundance of one particular breed a
small native breed lsquoof middling size and moderately fine woolrsquo (Aikin 1795 282) widely
used to fertilise the land during the period (Davis 1813 137) In 1813 Davis offered a
concise overview of some of the key issues pertaining to the sheep in the region
describing lsquothe peculiar aptitude of the soil and climate to sheep the singular use of
sheep-folding on arable land naturally light and loose the necessity of making sheep the
carriers of dung in situations where the distance from home and the steepness of the
hills almost preclude the possibility of carrying it by any other modersquo (Davis 1813 137)
As a result much of this land was limited to lsquorough pasturersquo until the later introduction of
later fertilising agents (Aikin 1795 332) making sheep a necessity in many areas and
making the improvement of the carcass not the primary objective for the region (Davis
1813 139) In fact the use of livestock to fertilise the land was commonplace across
much of the Wiltshire in particular (Aikin 1795 281 Cobbett 1912 40) with much of the
land not being enclosed until after c1750 Attempts were made to cross the New
Leicester with the widespread black-faced hill sheep of the period with a disastrous loss
of hardiness (Ryder 1983 487) Instead the smallness of an animal was a major
recommendation lsquoin a country where summer food is scarce and winter food raised
with difficultyrsquo (Davis 1813 147) These lands also had small enclosed fields and the
livestock were often left to graze with the minimum of attendance (Thirsk 1984 339)
Despite attempts to increase the size of the downland Wiltshire breed the new strain
possessed many serious shortcomings resulting it its eventual degeneration (Copus
83
1989 40)
Berkshire was home to a lsquopure breedrsquo sheep that had survived for hundreds of years
called the Berkshire Nott The longwool Berkshire Nott was bred throughout the county
for much of the seventeenth century (Trow-Smith 1951 161) and despite the
considerable changes the breed went through (Mavor 1813 381) it remained a common
breed in the region (see Mavor 1813 387-390) as it was well-suited to the sheep and
corn system due to its ability to travel long distances to fertilise the land (1813 382)
However the Berkshire Agricultural Society also supported the breed by disapproving of
crossing breeding until at least 1813 though it was stated that crossing was still fairly
common (Mavor 1813 387-390)
The breed was well-adapted to the chalk downlands according to writers of the time
however it had a poor quality fleece and produced relatively small quantities of mutton
(1813 381) Despite its previous success Mavor writes that around the turn of the
nineteenth century much of the livestock on the downs had been widely replaced by the
Southdown breed (Mavor 1813 381) this being either a reflection of an improvement in
the Southdown breed or a change of agricultural system on the lower downs Attempts
were made to introduce the new Leicester breed to the region though these sheep
lsquomade but little progressed being confined to a few select flocks onlyrsquo (Mavor 1813 391)
The Berkshire Nott survived in the Chiltern Hills even into the nineteenth century
(Ryder 1964 17) due to the continued reliance on lsquosheep and cornrsquo husbandry
The large Dorset and Mendip breeds were closely associated with the lowlands of
Dorset which under the right circumstances were known to produce very good mutton
(Youatt 1810 84) The Dorset breed was described as lsquotall and light of body somewhat
resembling the camel in shape and proportionlsquo and was only subject to improvement
towards the end of the eighteenth century (Anderson 1778 168) Nevertheless It was
known for producing a lsquorelatively finer woolrsquo (Ryder 1983 488) though this wool was
clearly not so fine to attain a high value at market compared to many of the other
breeds of the period (see table 3)
84
The chalk lands of Hampshire also required the use of hardy sheep to sustain the
sheep-corn system (Copus 1989 39) with breeds conditioned for the wet and cold
conditions of the woodland clays (Vancouver 1810 360) Despite the later increase in
popularity of the Southdown sheep in the region over the old Hampshire breed (Aikin
1795 286) there were still a great number of locations in the region where the older
breeds remained Attempts were made during the century to cross the Hampshire with
the old black-faced Berkshire and later with the Southdown though the latter did not
occur until around the mid-nineteenth century (Ryder 1964 11)
85
These chalk downlands also extended through Sussex Despite this region primarily
producing sheep for wool produce breeding sheep of lsquovery competitive excellencersquo
(Young 1808 296-297) many flocks were still used on the chalky hills primarily to
manure the land (1808 348) The sheep on chalk-hills were primarily fed on wheat
(1808 143) as the turnip was not a viable option There was a great variety of sheep in
the county however the main breed to occupy the chalk downlands was the Southdown
(Young 1808 300)
Finally Thirsk describes the chalk downland farming of Kent Despite the county being
primarily a region producing sheep for their mutton (Aikin 1795 222) the North and
South Downs of Kent practiced other agricultural systems due to the hilly nature and
chalk soils of the regions Instead of the large Romney-Marsh breed widely adopted in
the Kent lowlands the Southdown breed was farmed in the hilly chalk regions of the
county (Boys 1805 175) On first appearance this appears slightly odd as the
Southdown breed often disliked in similar regions due to its inability to walk great
distances (Billingsley 1798 243) however they were still relatively hardy animals and
perhaps the narrow nature of the North and South Downs meant these animals were
not required to walk quite as far to the fold as many of the breeds discussed above
However the more common use of this animal may in part explain why so few
parchment-makers were located in Kent until the nineteenth century when Canterbury
became a major centre of production (see section 43)
However it is important to consider that these clear systems did not last forever the
high prices set on arable crops during the Napoleonic Wars led to the establishment of
new farmsteads and the further spread of enclosures over the regions (Thirsk 2000 44)
and enclosures were used to convert land previously unsuitable for profitable arable
farming The availability of the kinds of sheep discussed in section 61 were very likely to
have declined quite dramatically during the Napoleonic Wars However for the majority
of the period these downland regions had an abundance of hardy sheep and failed to
adopt the new breeds of Ellman and Bakewell on any significant scale As a result many
of the breeds in this region would be have been particularly ideal for the production of
parchment based on the requirements set out in section 61
86
622 The Wolds
Thirsk defines the wold regions as hilly with relatively lightly spread woodland though
that the variety between the English wolds can be quite significant
The Yorkshire wolds in the East Riding were formerly known for two distinctive breeds in
this region the Holderness and the Wold breed both small hardy animals (Strickland
1812 231) However farmers in this region began crossing with the New Leicester breed
very early with the principal objective of the lsquospeedy fatteningrsquo of lsquogreat numberrsquo of
sheep (1812 51-52) Strickland writes lsquo great expense and pains are bestowed by many
in their endeavours to concentrate every good quality observed in the species in one
breed in order to bring this useful animal to a state of perfectionrsquo (1812 52) Clearly the
aim of this region was to specialise in the breeding of the largest sheep
Secondly the Lincolnshire Wolds which were particularly well known as a grazing
country producing animals of great size and weight (Aikin 1795 130) perhaps most
notably the widespread adoption of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester breed (Young 1799 365)
The New Leicester having been described as lsquoan indolent animalrsquo one lsquoindisposed to
actionrsquo and requiring pasture where it can collect its food with little exercise (Duncumb
1805 122-123) It was also said to have been subject to some peculiar disorders and as
such required much care and attention in the management (Duncumb 1805 122-123)
They were incredibly large animals (see Marshall 1793 229-232) capable of being
folded at less than a year old and which lsquowhen highly finished they appear as a solid
lump of fleshrsquo (Marshall 1793 229 233) It was certainly not an animal likely to produce
the skin necessary for high quality parchment
Finally the Cotswolds which Aikin described at the end of the eighteenth century as lsquoa
long tract of high ground for the most part bleak and bare yet affording in many places
a short fine grass for the feed of sheep and at present principally devoted to the
growth of cornrsquo (1795 163) Despite the use of turnips not being of first importance in
farming improvements in the neighbouring Wiltshire Somerset and to a lesser extent
Gloucester they were widely employed across the Cotswolds (Crittal 1959 43-64)
Turnips likely being used as a winter fodder that supported the growth of the heavier
stocking of livestock Mixed farming had generally been the standard however livestock
87
became increasingly important between 1640 and 1750 with experiments in the use of
Bakewellrsquos breeds occurring as early as the first half of eighteenth century (Thirsk 1984
320-321)
Overall the various wold landscapes appear to have introduced the newer breeds of
Bakewell and Ellman relatively early-on and farmers in these regions were widely
adopting the newly specialized forms of livestock management stocking a great number
of larger breeds for the purposes of producing mutton
623 Lowland Vales
The Lowland Vales are prominent across the centre of the country occupying large
parts of the counties of Buckinghamshire Bedfordshire Oxfordshire Leicestershire
Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire as well as more patches in
Hertfordshire Essex East Anglia Central Yorkshire and through parts of the Berkshire
vale (Thirsk 2000 78) The pastures of the vales were primarily based on the production
of mutton as well as the production of second-grade wool (2000 91) supported by the
widespread introduction of the turnip though in most counties in the Midlands the soil
was better adapted to the farming of cattle (Marshall 1793 217) Enclosures had spread
across many of these regions far earlier than many of the other parts of England
(Roberts et al 2016 129) with a renewed burst of enclosures between 1755 and 1780
(Thirsk 2000 91) In many of the grazing districts the larger farms had been divided up
with enclosed lands offering greater control over breeding practices As such it was the
New Leicester and Southdown breeds that were lsquocentral to the improvement which
swept across Lowland England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(Walton 1983 175-176) However the Midlands was still breeding a number of sheep
Marshall describes as lsquothe small and hardy mountaineersrsquo a short-wooled breed kept
on the commons and fields of the region
Buckinghamshire had high quality soil that supported large quantities of crops with only
little manure (Aikin 1795 323) as well as the production of fat lambs for the London
market (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) The fattening of lambs for London markets
appears to have been an objective shared by many counties in close proximity to
London
88
Leicestershire had quantities of rich grazing land (Aikin 1795 135) with the eastern and
south-eastern regions breeding a great number of cattle to very large sizes while the
northern grazing tracts supported great numbers of sheep (1795 135-136) The
principal sheep breeds of the county were the Old and New Leicester breeds (Pitt 1809
245) and these Leicestershire breeds were lsquovery large in size without horns and clothed
with thick long flakes of soft wool particularly fit for the worsted manufacturersrsquo (Aikin
1795 136) Lincolnshire also bred a large number of New Leicester sheep as well as the 4
long wooled large Lincoln breed (Young 1799 365) It is of little surprise that Lincoln and
Leicester exported large quantities of wool (Aikin 1795 66) Nottinghamshire was also
an area with widespread enclosures with turnip husbandry being widely adopted in the
enclosed regions (Lowe 1794 11) and consequently the enclosed areas began to see
the adoption of the Lincolnshire and New Leicestershire breeds (1794 33) However the
sheep kept on fallow lands were lsquoa poor breedrsquo described as a mixture of the forest and
Lincolnshire pasture sheep (1794 11) a breed which may have perhaps proven viable
for parchment However these breeds were by no means widespread The New
Leicester was also found in Warwickshire principally a feeding and dairy county (Aikin
1795 151) with great attention paid by farmers to improve the wool and mutton of their
sheep Many breeders were said to have purchased the lsquofinest Leicestershire ramsrsquo at
lsquothe most extravagant pricesrsquo to cross with their best shaped ewes (Murray 1815 161)
Hertfordshire which Thirsk describes as having lsquopatchesrsquo of these Lowland Vales though
primarily an arable county (Young 1804 194-195) The primary breeds were the
Wiltshire and the Southdown breeds the former a possible contender for sourcing
parchment materials though these too were not found in any great numbers Essex also
only had lsquofew breeding flocksrsquo (Young 1807 308) and generally fattened lambs for spring
and ewes for sale at the end of summer (Young 1807 308) Oxfordshire also primarily an
arable county (Davis 1794 7) with the fertile lowlands in particular having long
produced wheat and malt for London market (Havinden 1961 73) The northern tip of
Oxfordshire however had extremely fertile soil (Young 1813 5) with cattle and sheep
important to the region (Havinden 1961 74) with a large profitable local breed (Page
4 The establishment of the New Leicester in this county attesting to the regions success
in sheep farming
89
1907 279-292)
Overall these regions were quite varied though in the majority of cases many of these
regions were not farming a significant number of sheep Furthermore in most cases the
breeds found here were often the newer larger Leicestershire breed However many
farmers in many counties were still opposing the introduction of these improved breeds
for example Warwickshire Northamptonshire Rutlandshire and Leicestershire were all
counties with graziers opposing the new breeds (Marshall 1793 224)
624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture
Although conceding that there is no single agreed term to define the agricultural
systems of this region Thirsk more broadly defines these areas as lsquowood pasturesrsquo and
lsquopastoral lowlandsrsquo providing a somewhat clearer idea of the regions The region
primarily stretches from parts of Cheshire to Dorset Typically these areas were widely
enclosed with enclosures continuing throughout the sixteenth seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries as a result of agreements rather than as a result of parliamentary
acts (Thirsk 2000 117)
The primary product of Cheshire during the eighteenth century was dairy while lsquoless
attention is paid to sheep in this than in most countiesrsquo (Holland 1813 286-287) Only a
few farmers in the region had the Leicester flocks and paid some attention to their
breeds while there were also some Southdown sheep lsquoin the hands of a few gentlemenrsquo
(Holland 1813 287) An eighteenth century writer described three fourths of the land
being dedicated to pasture with the grass of the region used in part to feed horses but
in most cases fed to milking cows with little attention paid to fattening cows (Aikin 1795
92) Shropshire too had few breeding flocks though the sheep that were kept were said
to have varied from the small Welsh breeds to the far larger Leicestershire breeds of
Leicestershire (Plymley 1803 259) A great number of experiments occurred in this
region with almost all farmers of different districts having tried almost all the improved
breeds (1803 260-261) However in general the low parts of the county were primarily
used to feed cattle used widely for production of cheese while the hilly tracts were for
the breeding of sheep producing a fine wool (Aikin 1795 98-99) The Old Shropshire
sheep were prevalent a very hardy animal that Plymley claimed did not require food
from farmers during the winter nor did they generally drink or require any attention
90
from the shepard (Plymley 1803 260)
Staffordshire was also lsquonot a great feeding countyrsquo (Pitt 1817 69) though the beast was
horned cattle and the primary product of the county was milk (1817 66) However of
the sheep kept in the region the main breeds lsquodeserving of particular attention were the
native Cannock-heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds breeds from Leicestershire and the
Southdown breedrsquo (1817 70-71) The native breeds were under certain management
well disposed to fatten and lsquoproduced mutton equal to that from any other breedrsquo (1817
71) and produced a fine wool (Pitt 1817 71 Pitt 1796 136) while the breeds bred for
wool were lsquorefined and improved in a high degree upon principles introduced by the late
Mr Bakewell of Dishley (Pitt 1817 71) The region did however continue to breed the
older smaller black-faced horned varieties many of which had died out in most
counties by this time (Russell 2007 173-174 Plot 1686 109) and possibly these
un-improved breeds were well-suited to parchment (Russell 2007 174)
Herefordshire was similar in many respects with wool a primary export of the county
with the sheep of the region generally small lsquoaffording a fine silky wool in quality
approaching the Spanishrsquo (Aikin 1795 105) This county had previously employed the
farming of sheep to collect lsquofood from situations where no other animal was capable of
subsistingrsquo but Duncomb suggests that by the end of the eighteenth century lsquoan
opposite system has been adopted and many thousand acres of the best tillage ground
have been converted into pasture of sheeprsquo (Duncumb 1805 122-123) This allowed for
the adoption of breeds such as the New Leicester however many of the breeds already
bred in this region produced a finer wool and in greater quantities (1805 123)
Worcestershirersquos primary products were lsquocorn cattle fine wool hops cyder and perryrsquo
(Aikin 1795 157) with the sheep of the region being described as being lsquoof no particular
breedrsquo except the sheep on the commons and wasteland which were breeds of the
same origin as the Staffordshire Cannock Heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds (Pitt 1810
216) The north and east of the country were described as primarily farming flocks of the
Leicester and Cotswold sorts though widely crossed with the New Leicester breeds (Pitt
1810 217) However the wastelands and hills of the south were generally stocked with
Cotswold sheep (1810 217-218) The northern regions bred sheep generally ideal for the
butcher (Pitt 1805 217)
91
The majority of the land of Warwickshire was also committed to the breeding of
improved breeds as the following concise summary offered in the Board of Agriculture
report states lsquoThe great attention that has been paid by many eminent breeders in
Warwickshire to improve the wool and mutton of this animal by selecting the finest
Leicestershire rams and paying the most extravagant prices for them only for a season
to cross with from a selection of the best shaped ewes in the country has now produced
a breed of sheep equal if not superior to most counties in Englandrsquo (Murray 1815 161)
There were large numbers of the New Leicester and Wiltshire sheep in this region
though also with a number of the Southdown Merino and Welsh breeds on the
commons (Murray 1815 161) Ultimately the county was not producing breeds of sheep
most ideal for parchment in any great number however the breeds here were varied
and with small Welsh breeds creating a possible supply for local smaller parchment
works
Gloucester was almost exclusively home to what Marshall describes as lsquomountain
sheeprsquo however the county swept them away during the summer 1782 (Marshall 1789
208) Following this summer the county developed a wide-range of the improved breeds
by the end of the eighteenth century There appears to be very differing methods for
breeding sheep in the county (see Rudge 1807 307-312) though with only two clear
objectives either producing large quantities of fine wool or significant weights of
mutton As a result the Cotswold breed an animal primarily bred for its mutton and the
principal breed of the county was widely crossed with the Southdowns in an attempt to
improve the fineness of wool (Rudge 1807 305) The pure Cotswold breed had however
become lsquoscarcersquo by the end of the eighteenth century with the introduction of the new
Leicester being used to improve the breed to create a finer (though also shorter) wool
and a more compact and fatty carcase (1807 306)
A number of woodland lowland areas in Wiltshire Dorset and Somerset all followed the
same paths as many of the counties listed above and were widely enclosed The result
being the introduction of a number of improved breeds However these regions were
small due to the type of agriculture commons in these counties For example much of
south Wiltshire avoided enclosure with the lsquopeculiar shape of many of the manorsrsquo and
the lsquogeneral application of the landrsquo made enclosures impractical (Davis 1813 44-45) In
92
Somerset too there was great resistance to enclosure in the hilly regions The issue of
enclosure was so significant in this county in fact that the Board of Agriculture report
dedicates thirty pages to attempting to disprove the perceived disadvantages of the
local population (Billingsley 1798 48-78) an issue not so intensely discussed in the
majority of the other reports There was also a widespread aversion to improved
breeds the key belief being that the lsquodeficiency in the fat of the inside would so disgrace
their sheep in the eye of the butcher that they would have lost their old customersrsquo
(Billingsley 1798 243) Despite Billingsley describing the aversions to the the improved
breeds as lsquofallaciousrsquo he later discusses the instance of a Mr Lowman crossing sheep
with the Leicester breed and the significant issue of the new breeds being unable to
walk far to the fold finally concluding that rsquoif they cannot walk a mile to the fold they will
never gain much ground in this countryrsquo (1794 255) This might explain why so many of
the hilly regions of county did not adopt the new improved breeds (see Billingsley 1798
76)
Finally the county of Dorset shared many of the same characteristics listed above The
region was said to have sheep very similar to those in Somerset (Stevenson 1812 393)
though primarily for the purpose of selling lambs to the London market (Stevenson
1812 393 Aikin 1795 297) The differing agricultural system of Dorset to many of the
neighbouring counties the system of pastoral farming likely allowed for the later
improvement to the breeds that occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century
(Stevenson 1812 393) Overall however Dorset may have produced a number of viable
sheep for parchment with the local breed being described as lsquotall and light in bodyrsquo as
later as 1778 (Anderson 1778 168) as well as the late introduction of the turnip being a
testament of the regions refusal to adopt new farming methods (Stevenson 1812 251)
By the end of the eighteenth century the majority of these regions were not producing
viable sheep for parchment production besides a few of the more southern counties It
appears much of the woodland regions described by Thirsk was enclosed and quickly
began to adopt the improved breeds of the time
625 Fenlands
Thirsk describes lsquotrue fenlandsrsquo as existing widely across England the most extensive of
93
which being the mosses of Lancashire and Cumbria and the Eastern Fenlands of
Cambridgeshire and south Lincolnshire (Thirsk 2000 167) describing the regions as
having lsquocountless drainsrsquo and lsquowatercourses criss-crossingrsquo wide-scale cooperation
amongst farmers in the regions
Westmorland and Northumberland appear to have shared the same breeds of sheep
with Bailey and Culley (1797 126) and Walls (1901 141) listing the same three major
breeds of the region None of them particularly fat or woolly (Pigot 1834 144) Firstly
the Cheviot breed a short woolled lsquohardy and valuable mountain sheeprsquo bred in the
north-west of the county (Pigot 1834 144) Secondly the heath sheep otherwise
referred to as the hair-type of sheep (Ryder 1983 496) A lsquopure breedrsquo sheep typically of
a smaller size and as described in the earlier section (section 61) as an ideal breed of
sheep for manufacturing parchment Walls even claimed that the heath breed was
actually the most common breed in Westmorland (Walls 1901 141) Finally the Lincoln
and New Leicester breeds though these were primarily found in the enclosed grazing
lands and did not represent a significant proportion of the sheep population in these
counties Similarly most of the Cumberland farmland was populated by a significant
number of sheep in the hilly regions (Aikin 1795 38 73 Pigot 1995 15) many of which
were said to travel great distances often unsupervised for long periods of time (Pigot
1995 16) However the Cumberland downlands primarily bred cows certainly to a larger
degree than Westmorland and Northumberland
The primary breed of sheep in the flat fenlands of south Lincolnshire and
Cambridgeshire region was a cross between the Leicester and the Lincoln breed (Gooch
1811 272 Young 1799 365) Cambridgeshire in particular although mostly farming the
Leicester and Lincoln cross breed had a very significant range of breeds including
Norfolks West-country Cambridgeshire Berkshire Hertfordshire South Down Lincoln
and Leicester (1811 272) Despite a clear propensity for breeding larger breeds
Cambridgeshire still bred some smaller hardier breeds for some time and remained
one of the few regions to farm sheep with coarse wool over fine wool (Ryder 1964 77)
This region therefore may have still bred sheep ideal for parchment production
however there were still a significant number of the newer larger breeds in this region
These fenlands then seem to have produced a number of viable breeds though in a
94
greater quantity in the more northern regions while eastern fens instead produced a
wider variety of sheep of a wide variety of weights and wool weights (see Gooch 1811
273) particularly around the southern tracts of Lincolnshire (Aikin 1795 189) and the
northern region of Cambridgeshire (Aikin 1795 205) Overall the variability of farming
objectives in these regions make a definitive conclusion difficult however most of the
locations appear certainly capable of supplying local parchment-makers with a relatively
significant number of viable skins However the systems adopted here were certainly
not as beneficial to local parchment-makers as the regions adopting the lsquosheep and cornrsquo
system a system far more likely to incentivise the growth of a far more lucrative
parchment industry
626 Moorlands
This section will cover the uplands of the Pennines the North York Moors as well as the
uplands of Exmoor Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor These regions have varying
agricultural outputs with some at this time being entirely uncultivated covered in peat
or tall inedible grasses (Thirsk 2000 188) while others were accessible regions or
reasonable agricultural outputs
The northern tip of the Pennines stretches through west Durham a region of peaty soils
accompanied with lsquoyellow orchrey clay or white sand both of them certain indications of
unproductivenessrsquo (Bailey 1810 10) The south of Durham however bred a significant
number of sheep and was formerly famed for having the largest breed of sheep in the
kingdom (Bailey 1810 248) though these were being overtaken by the New Leicester
which were slowly being introduced to the region (1810 248)
The west- and north-ridings of Yorkshire both farmed sheep of possible significance The
North Riding being home to the lsquoold stock of the northern part of the Vale of York and of
Clevelandrsquo sheep that were lsquovery large coarse boned slow feeders and the wool dry
and harshrsquo (Tuke 1794 64) While the West Riding of Yorkshire bred a large quantity of
Scotch sheep (Rennie 1799 186) However though these sheep were perhaps viable
options for parchment production both the regions were subject to widespread breed
improvement along the principles of Robert Bakewell (Tuke 1794 64 Rennie 1799 186)
The native breed of Devon was the Exmoor (Vancouver 1808 338) while Cornwall was
95
home to the Exmoor the Dartmoor and many other breeds while the pure Cornish
sheep had become very rare by the beginning of the nineteenth century (Worgan 1811
148) Despite the surviving native breeds farmers in both Devon and Cornwall had
attempted to introduce a wide breadth of different breeds as well as attempting to cross
the local sheep with the new breeds such as the New Leicester by the first decade of the
nineteenth century (Vancouver 1808 341 Worgan 1811 148) Cornwall in particular was
said to be breeding lsquoflocks of sheep as any count either as to form weight of fleece
hardiness of constitution aptitude to fatten quickly at an early age or flavour of
muttonrsquo (Worgan 1811 148) Devon despite the many attempts at crossing with the
New Leicester breed still appeared have a number of native breeds though many were
still bred for their wool growing properties (Vancouver 1808 342) and the Exmoor its
native breed was a longwool breed of fairly considerable size Overall there is again a
possibility that there were some breeds in this area were viable options for
parchment-makers but ultimately the objectives of many of the farmers in the two
counties were in stark contrast to what was required
The moorlands in general were not areas of any significant agricultural output and
unlikely to support any great parchment industry Even the counties in which Moorland
farming took place generally adopted agricultural objectives in contrast to farming
sheep most viable for parchment production
627 Londonrsquos Hinterland
The final section deals with a region not defined in most agricultural histories however
most of the counties surrounding London appear to share a similar agricultural output
in the production of lambs of the London market The defining feature of many of these
counties being their proximity to London rather than any shared agrarian
characteristics Many of the farmers located nearer to London primarily farmed sheep
to sell lambs into London included Sussex (Davis 1813 140 Pitt 1810 216-217 Young
1808 297) Buckinghamshire (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) Essex (Young 1807 308)
and a number of the farmers of Middlesex (Middleton 1813 434) as well as the farmers
of Surrey breeding Dorsetshire sheep (Stevenson 1809 536) which were a very popular
breed amongst farmers producing lambs for the London market
The sale of lambs was likely a difficult and expensive occupation requiring the transport
96
and sale of a very delicate and relatively expensive commodity The counties therefore
in close proximity to London were at a great advantage Another reason for the large
lambing market in this region was also perhaps the inability of the region to compete in
the specialised breeding of sheep for mutton and wool with the Midland and northern
regions due to topographical restraints
628 Conclusion
Andrew Copus stated that sheep had three major uses within in the English agricultural
system the production of mutton and tallow the production of wool and the
fertilisation of arable land (1989 36) Having reviewed the agricultural regimes of the key
regions and the types of sheep preferred it has become clear that those using sheep
for the fertilisation of arable land were the most suited to providing skins for parchment
making These regions appear to be predominantly in the lsquosheep and corn regionsrsquo with
particular emphasis on the south-west of England and some of the fenland farming
regions Also as Copus states lsquoany attempt to provide fattening fare would have been
incompatible with the other objective of the sheep-corn farmer of that time maximizing
cereal outputrsquo (Copus 1989 39) with the poor soils heavily reliant on the use of sheep to
produce satisfactory crops (Cook and Williamson 1999 185) This being important as the
main area for high cereal production appears to have been the south-west (1989 39)
likely due to the history of the specialisation of this market but seemingly also due to
the soil quality in the region The systems in these heavy clay areas relied heavily on the
use of sheep for fertilising arable land while the objectives in the region appear to be in
contrast to the supporting of larger breeds An article in the Farmerrsquos Magazine offers a
short summary of the fodder grown in these heavy clay regions
lsquoClover vetches and cabbages are the only crops which can be raised as food for
sheep or cattle on the latter and cabbages cannot be eaten off by sheep on such land
There is more expence in the production and consumption of the crops on wet clay
land than on a dry friable soil and therefore the expence of improving such land is
greater The crops must be carted to be consumed in the yard by stock and the dung
carted again into the field besides the injury done to the land in wet weather by
carting off the corps is great Vetches and clover may however be folded by sheep in
97
the summer months on clay soilsrsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838 188)
The Midlands and more northern regions (though excluding most of Cumberland
Northumberland and Westmorland) were generally better suited to the specialised
breeding of sheep for either mutton and wool production This was due in part to the
prevalence of enclosures which gave greater control to the selective breeding practices
of landowners though also due in part to the topography of the regions For example
the diets and levels of exercise of the sheep could greatly affect the quality of the wool
(see section 634) Lisle writes that clover-grasses cause sheep to develop coarser-wool
while lsquothe better the hayrsquo the finer the wool Lisle particularly recommends the
hill-county hay (Lisle 1757 358) Furthermore the growing of legumes according to Lisle
in his book Observations on Husbandry and particularly the cultivation of the turnip
resulted in better conditions allowing shearing to take place earlier than normal (cited
in Ryder 1983 485) The soil in any region would greatly dictate the type of breeding
that could take place for example in the Board of Agriculture report on Gloucester
there is a concise description of the severe limitations of certain soils
lsquoThose soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of
mutton and on the other hand those soils which fatten most in equal proportion
deteriorate the wool it being a fact ascertained by experience that wherever fine woolled
sheep have been introduced on more luxuriant soils than they were bred or accustomed to
the wool has increased in quantity but become coarser in qualityrsquo (Rudge 1807 306)
The primarily mutton producing regions emerged in areas of enclosures where it was
possible to grow large quantities of winter fodder which allowed for intensive
year-round feeding Also the ability to separate their sheep across a lot of land (Young
1796 489) and keep the level of exercise in these animals to a minimum with small
enclosed fields and artificial feeding
As stated in an 1838 article in The Farmerrsquos Magazine
lsquoThe quantity of food produced by turnips and by two years of clover and vetches will enable
the farmer to keep and fatten a large quantity of sheep on the ground which will by their
trampling and by the manure left on it give to this kind of soil the best preparation for the
succeeding crops of cornrsquo (The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 188)
98
In conclusion the objectives of the farmers in the south-west (excluding the West
County) the eastern fenland and most northern regions of England for many years
hindered the adoption of the newer breeds which were spreading across England
under the banner of lsquoimprovementrsquo Breeds in these regions were crossed with other
sheep though appear to have remained hardier animals not being bred primarily for
either wool or mutton However the introduction of many artificial fertilisers in the later
nineteenth century (Cook and Williamson 1999 193) and the more economically
preferable position of mutton and wool over cereal following the levelling of prices in
the 1820s (Copus 1989 44) may have resulted in some farmers changing systems
Overall though for the majority of the period under discussion the agricultural systems
in these regions appear to have been breeding sheep better suited for parchment
production and until at least the first half of the nineteenth century the south-western
and fenland counties were likely to have produced the most viable sheepskins for
parchment-makers
This is greatly significant as parchment-makers with a high supply of local viable skins
were at a great advantage As discussed parchment-makers for much of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries could not compete over price (see section 51) and were held
accountable to incredibly strict manufacturing standards standards particularly difficult
to attain with the use of fatty or weak skins The parchment works with a local supply of
quality skins were therefore likely producing a higher quality product at a lower cost and
therefore able to bargain for the lucrative contracts offered by the High Treasury during
the period Furthermore the likelihood of parchment works being able to transport
skins from distant locations is questionable given the increasing prices for salt the strict
laws controlling the movement of skins and parchment and the high transport costs of
the period As a result it is unsurprising that the regions with a higher supply of high
quality skins are in the majority of cases the locations with a higher number of
parchment works (see section 43)
99
Chapter 7 Conclusions
71 Conclusion
This work has provided the first systematic studies of the post-medieval parchment
industry shedding light on a previously unknown industry It has highlighted that it was
not only of significant size but survived the influx of paper during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries producing high volumes of parchment up until at least 1850 This
work also includes the first major collection and review of a significant number of both
historical and modern literature on the post-medieval parchment industry tying
together hundreds of years of information and presenting a plethora of historical texts
on which to develop future research
Overall the parchment industry went through very significant changes between 1650
and 1850 The industry appears to have developed from a large collection of small firms
operating across England with parchment-makers of relatively low income or turnover
engaging in small-scale production and transactions Between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries the increasing regulation increasing taxation and a drastically
increasing population resulted in the control of production being shifted to a smaller
number of larger firms These firms primarily aimed to compete through a reduction in
production costs and the manufacture of a more homogenous product resulting in the
slow decline in parchment quality over time The results of this research also highlight
that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming nation
clinging onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and where
older hardier breeds survived
Finally the work has highlighted the extent and significance of government intervention
on a number of skin-based industries during this period The collection and
interpretation of a number of parchment taxation laws and of laws on the regulation of
manufacturing standards has also been the first of its kind The results of this particular
analysis offer a primary cause of the sudden decline in parchment quality during the
eighteenth century as well as the eventual decline of the parchment industry requiring
100
the reconsideration of the traditional view of the widespread introduction of paper
being the sole cause
This project has answered all the questions set out in its aims and objectives though
has also highlighted the importance of future research on this previously unstudied
industry Furthermore it has provided the first detailed overview of post-medieval
parchment production and determined the key factors influencing its development
while also presented a number of key indicators that can be researched to enrich our
current understanding of the post-medieval period Overall the results accrued have
widespread applications and this project has shown that there exists a plethora of
literature and historical data capable providing a basis for further investigation
72 Discussion
This work highlights some key issues in any models used for post-medieval hDNA
studies that find any relationship between when parchment was dated and when it was
produced Furthermore it highlights the issues of determining the manufacturing origin
of parchment from any stamp duties or stationers marks with parchment often being
moved great distances for tax purposes before being distributed across England by a
series of stationers offices Thankfully this work does present some clear centres of
parchment production as well as a more widespread geographical shift of parchment
firms to the south of England over time Any post-medieval parchment samples
analysed in any hDNA study are in most cases likely representative of the regions last
to adopt agricultural changes associated with an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo Any future
hDNA studies on the period between 1650 and 1850 must now consider these results
Such studies are unlikely to represent any agricultural changes in the north of England
or in most cases any regions adopting the intensive production of mutton or fine wool
However any hDNA research that finds a shift in the types of animals being farmed can
now more confidently state when the period of agricultural improvement had spread
across the majority of England for the regions from which skins were collected for
parchment production were primarily the regions that were late to adopt these
changes
The results of this research are not only significant to hDNA studies but also contribute
to the debate of agricultural improvement particularly in regards to determining the
101
timing of the adoption of new sheep breeds and stockbreeding techniques though also
the chronology and geography of agricultural improvements more generally Firstly if
there was a lsquosuddenrsquo agricultural revolution that occurred between 1650 and 1850 it did
not result in any sudden or major changes to the parchment industry The changes that
did occur primarily in regards to livestock improvement occurred over a 200 year
period and were variable depending on geographical location and the agricultural
objectives within that region These results strongly suggest that no such sudden change
occurred particularly as mutton was a more important resource than beef during this
period (Kerridge 1967 303 Mathias 1969 65) and with any sudden improvement likely
to have strongly affected this particularly important market Furthermore the results
indicate that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming
nation it clung onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and
where older hardier breeds survived As a result this research can offer further
clarification on the development and geographical movement of agricultural
improvement between 1650 and 1850 with an emphasis on the changes in sheep
farming another industry often overlooked in modern literature
Furthermore from the results of this research it is also now understood that the decline
of parchment quality that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century was primarily
due to legal changes and the subsequent changing market processes rather than as a
direct result of the introduction of new breeds of sheep This should contribute to the
current work of Sarah Fiddyment but also to studies on parchment quality more
broadly It also highlights the danger of drawing a causal relationship between
agricultural improvement and any industries decline during this period with growing
government intervention also being a hugely significant though often overlooked factor
likely affecting the development of a number of industries
In regards to the size of the industry and the growing scale of production future
research on the specific large scale producers of parchment would be greatly beneficial
In many of the parchment centres of production clear family-led parchment firms
appear to own and run a number of parchment works for example the Crook family
with Noah Crook Thomas Crook John Crook Snr and John Crook Jnr all operating
different parchment works in Wiltshire during the eighteenth century A more detailed
review of the sources used in this project combined with a review of local resources of
102
Wiltshire would offer greater detail on the development of the scale of production of
parchment during this period but also the development of a monopolistic market
structure in certain regions This work should constitute a firm basis on which future
investigations can be conducted
Overall the significance of this research should drastically affect the interpretations of
any hDNA studies on the post-medieval period Any changes found in the hDNA data
during this period can now be interpreted within the historical context Correlations can
now also be drawn between the data and the various historical changes that occurred
during this period This work has also contributed to a number of debates and currently
held theories on the period while also highlighting the importance for further study in
this area and demonstrating the value of digitised local records
103
Appendices
104
Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data Collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018)
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Noah Crook Abingdon 1795 Twice a month pound30 pound386 Orders placed about 15 months in advance Paid in advance
1796 Twice a month pound26 pound265
1797 Twice a month pound30 pound164
1798 Once a month pound40 pound225
1799 Once a month pound40 pound96
1803 Once a month pound40 pound140
1804 Once a month pound40 pound597
1805 Once a month pound40 pound94
pound2038
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Crook Marlborough 1795 Three times per month pound26 - Orders placed about lt1 months in advance Paid in advance Incomplete years Last two years
1796 Three times per month pound30 pound674
1797 Three times per month pound26 -
1799 Four times per year -
1800 Four times per year pound637
1802 Four times per year pound206
pound1517
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Rake Salisbury 1796 Once a month pound30 pound120 Incomplete years 1797 Once a month pound30 pound169
1798 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound65
1801 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound58
1802 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound85
1803 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound221
1804 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound247
pound966
105
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Samuel Bishop Bristol 1798 Twicethree times per year pound21 Only a few purchases across the year but multiple years Specialist certain type of parchment
1799 Twicethree times per year pound47
1801 Twicethree times per year pound39
1804 Twicethree times per year pound41
1805 Twicethree times per year pound34
1806 Twicethree times per year pound21
pound205
Stamped Parchment Sold - (LMA) Witherbys 4682E01001 (page 21-22) 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806
J nd 794 769 995 827 874 799 859 932
F nd 782 1047 936 929 1047 1034 851 1092
M nd 855 727 1030 1179 814 1098 1002 1106
A nd 903 1000 941 1028 1005 910 946 1279
M nd 972 1312 1230 1012 1100 1001 1147 1263
J nd 1036 879 1236 1151 1139 1077 1128 1117
J nd 780 1251 1182 1069 1031 867 1061 1058
A nd 763 789 676 779 810 761 906 920
S nd 711 849 549 660 722 913 667 686
O 933 996 904 928 972 933 1054 977 nd
N 813 1283 896 950 1136 914 821 1040 nd
D 1119 788 1033 851 822 928 704 1056 nd
Total 2865 10663 11456 11504 11564 11317 11039 11640 9453
106
Appendix 2 Parchment Quality Source Fiddyment 2018
107
Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions Source Rogers 1887 575-606
Mendham 1585 4 Parchment Skins 7 Worksop 1588 Skin Parchment 6 Eton 1589 2 Rolls Parchment 18 Oxford 1590 Skin Parchment 6 Gawthorp 1592 2 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1592 2 Skins Parchment 6frac12 Oxford 1593 Sheet Parchment 8 Oxford 1594 5 Skins Parchment 8frac12 Gawthorp 1595 1 Skin Parchment 7- Oxford 1595 Parchment Skin 9- Oxford 1599 9 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1601 16 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1602 8 do Parchment 7 Oxford 1603 8 Skins Parchment 8
Eton 1604 4 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1605 3 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1607 2 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1608 2 Skins Parchment 6 Cambridge 1609 1 Skin Parchment 8 Oxford 1610 4 Skins Parchment 4frac12- Chatham 1624 Parchment 5 doz 6 Oxford 1629 Parchment 8 doz 6- Oxford 1632 Parchment 15 doz 6- Winchester 1644 4 Skins 7- 3 Bridles 14 Winchester 1645 4 Skins 6
Oxford 1646 10 Sheets Parchment 32 12 Skins 7 Winchester 1648 8 Skins 6 Oxford 1649 78 Skins 12
Eton 1651 6 Skins 8 Winchester 1656 Parchment 3 doz 9- Winchester 1657 Parchment 4 doz 9- Winchester 1658 Parchment 1 doz 9- Winchester 1660 16 Parchment 10 Winchester 1661 2 Rolls 12- Winchester 1663 8 Parchment 1- Winchester 1665 Parchment 2 Doz 9- Winchester 1667 Parchment 1 Doz 9- Winchester 1668 16 Skins 9- Winchester 1672 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1673 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1677 7 Parchments 50 Cambridge 1682 20 Sheets 13-
108
Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages
109
Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected
1601-1901 Record Type No
DeathWill 145
Baptism 129
Directory 27
Marriage 71
Apprenticeship 49
Reference 13
Census 242
Total 676
110
Appendix 6 National Directories
111
Appendix 7 Local Directories
112
Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data
County 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 1851-1900 All Periods
Bedfordshire 0 0 1 1 1 0 3
Berkshire 0 0 0 0 9 7 16
Buckinghamshire 1 1 7 5 3 9 26
Cambridgeshire 2 0 0 1 31 21 55
Devonshire 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
Dorset 11 8 0 0 4 0 23
East Riding of Yorkshire 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
Gloucestershire 3 0 1 3 0 11 18
Hampshire 0 0 1 3 8 20 32
Hertfordshire 0 0 0 3 5 4 12
Kent 0 1 0 1 1 12 15
Lancashire 0 0 0 0 5 0 5
Leicestershire 0 1 1 3 5 1 11
Lincolnshire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Middlesex 1 2 1 1 10 26 41
Norfolk 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
North Riding of Yorkshire 30 6 0 1 0 0 37
Northamptonshire 2 0 3 4 4 30 43
Nottinghamshire 0 1 0 0 0 5 6
Oxfordshire 0 1 0 2 2 9 14
Rutland 0 0 0 1 0 4 5
Shropshire 1 0 1 0 1 0 3
Somerset 2 5 2 7 12 3 31
Staffordshire 0 1 1 0 4 0 6
Suffolk 1 0 0 0 14 6 21
Sussex 0 0 0 0 0 5 5
Surrey 0 1 8 5 20 42 76
Warwickshire 1 1 2 5 2 0 11
Wiltshire 16 37 18 12 36 16 135
Worcestershire 0 2 0 3 4 10 19
Total 73 68 50 61 182 242 676
113
Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location
Location No Location No
Abingdon England 5 Lambeth England 20
Andover England 1 Leicester England 7
Ayleburton England 1 Leicestershire England 1
Aylesbury England 3 Lenton England 5
Barrowden England 5 Lichfield England 1
Barton St David England 1 Lingfield England 4
Basingstoke England 2 Little Weldon England 7
Bassingbourn England 1 Liverpool England 5
Bath England 4 Longparish Hampshire England 1
Bedford England 2 Lyncombe England 1
Bedminster England 3 Malmesbury England 10
Bengeworth England 5 Marlborough England 29
Bere Regis England 1 Marylebone England 1
Bermondsey England 48 Middlesex England 4
Beverley England 3 Milton Abbas England 1
Bexley Kent England 1 Motcombe England 0
Bottisham England 1 Newington England 2
Bristol England 7 Newport Pagnell England 1
Brokenborough England 2 North Cerney England 1
Buckingham England 5 North Petherton England 6
Buriton England 1 Northampton England 6
Burnham England 1 Northleach England 2
Bury St Edmunds England 21 Norwich England 1
Butleigh England 1 Nottingham England 1
Camberwell England 14 Oborne England 2
Canterbury England 13 Olney England 1
Castle Cary England 2 Oswestry England 1
Caversham England 6 Oundle England 1
Charlton Wiltshire England 6 Powick England 1
Cheltenham England 2 Preshute England 1
Chepping Wycombe England 1 Princes Risborough England 5
Chichester England 1 Ravenstone England 1
Chippenham England 3 Reading England 8
Clifton Gloucestershire England 1 Rotherhithe England 2
114
Compton Dando England 1 Saint Margaret Leicestershire England 2
Corfe Mullen England 1 Salisbury England 56
Coventry England 10 Sawston England 51
Crowle England 1 Shepton Beauchamp England 0
Darlaston England 1 Sherborne England 14
Deptford England 1 Sherston England 6
Devon England 0 Southwark England 12
Dorchester England 1 St Margarets Wiltshire England 1
Dorset England 4 Steyning England 3
Ealing England 1 Stockbridge England 9
Earls Barton England 8 Stourbridge England 2
Eastham England 1 Tewkesbury England 1
Ely England 1 Thame England 1
Emneth England 1 Tring England 5
Emsworth England 1 Trowbridge England 1
Evesham England 11 Walcot England 1
Exeter England 1 Walworth England 1
Finsbury England 1 Wantage England 3
Fugglestone England 1 Warminster England 4
Gloucester England 8 Weldon England 1
Great Doddington England 2 Wells England 1
Gretton England 10 West Wycombe England 1
Harrold England 1 Westbourne England 1
Havant England 11 Westport St Mary England 4
Heston England 1 Wheatley England 0
High Wycombe England 4 Whitington England 1
Highworth Wiltshire England 1 Wilby England 2
Hillingdon England 2 Winchester England 6
Hitchin England 7 Wisbech England 1
Holloway England 1 Witney England 5
Ipswich England 0 Wooburn England 1
Irthlingborough England 6 Wycombe England 3
Kennington England 3 Yeovil England 3
Kingswinford England 4 York England 37
Kintbury England 2 London 11
Knowle England 1 Total 676
115
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws
The first major relevant actor pertaining to the parchment industry occurred in 1603 (1
Jam c22) regulating the manufacturing process and the organisation of the industry
The first significant act between 1650 and 1850 however occurred in the aftermath of
the Great Fire of London after which Charles II introduced a variety of taxes in order to
raise funds for the rebuilding of London One of these laws enforced the taxation of lsquoany
charter or grantrsquo with the rate of 40 s for one skin of parchment and 20 s for every
additional skin (22 amp 23 Cha II c9) The act covered a number of other uses including
inter alia grants of lands or leases conveyances surrender or release documents writs
of covenant original writs or bills and pleas The vast number of documents taxed were
those typically used in court This came into force in 1671 and was instituted for the
period of 9 years and although only applied to a relatively small number of uses all
parchment that was to be used for any of these purposes had to be transported to the
head tax office at Lincolnrsquos Inn London to be stamped (see Glasse 1794 452)
These laws surrounding the taxation of parchment were more firmly established in 1711
(9 AnnI c11) The new act ensured the extension of many of the previous duties while
also setting higher rates on a number of other specific parchment-based documents
Most significantly however this act stated that all parchment would now be taxed and
therefore all parchment must be transported to London for stamping this included any
parchment or vellum imported into Great Britain For every dozen parchment sold there
was a duty of 6 d while the fee stood at 1 s for vellum The act went further however
stating that all parchment works were now to be inspected regularly by appointed
officers who were permitted to enter the place of work of any parchment-maker while
refusal to allow entry would result in a fine of pound10 Finally these acts set out that at least
once a year the Lord High Treasurer or the commissioners of the Treasury would set
the prices at which stamped vellum parchment and paper would be sold (an issue
discussed further in section 72 and section 82) with officers instated to weigh skins
and hides determine the duty that was to be paid and mark the products that been
charged appropriately
A 1712 act (10 Ann I c19) enacted further duties on parchment and vellum as well as
applying a number of duties to Scotland In 1712 (11 Ann I c26) and 1713 (12 Ann I c9)
116
further duties were set on parchment (with varying prices depending on the intended
use of the parchment) with indentures pardons appeals to high court or documents
granting any office or employment in Great Britain above the value of pound50 a few of the
major documents now taxed The extension and increasing of duties would be a
common feature of the market over the next century
In 1716 George I made the tax of 6 d on every dozen parchment a perpetual tax rather
than a temporary one (3 GeoI c7) Two years later another act was passed that set out
clear regulations to ensure the more efficient collection of the duties set on parchment
(5 GeoI c2) In 1725 additional stamps duties were put in place for the period of 16
years (12 Geo I c30) though these too were continued by a later act (9 Geo II c32)
Finally these duties were also made perpetual though not until 1749 (24 Geo II c12) By
1755 the standard duty for a dozen pieces of parchment was 1 s 6 s as taken from a table
given to officers of the period (see (Leadbetter 1755 134) Under George II and later
under George III there was a seemingly ever-growing number of parchment stamp
duties (see appendix 5)
In 1757 a 1 s duty was set on leases bonds and deeds (30 Geo II c19) In 1759 further
parchment documents used in court would have a duty of at least 6 s while laws copies
of laws writs and their copies depositions and pleas were just some of the documents
covered by new stamp duties (32 Geo II c35) In 1765 a number of other duties were
passed that now pertained to parchment used in the British colonies (5 Geo III c12) In
fact new duties were being continually introduced and many others were changed in
price over the following years For example in 1776 (16 Geo III c34) a new duty of 1 s
and 6 d was set on all parchment manufactured in Great Britain This act follows an
plethora of a number of new duties and fines with acts passed in 1777 (17 Geo III c50)
1779 (19 Geo III c66) 1780 (20 Geo III c28) 1782 (22 Geo III c33) 1783 (23 Geo III c7)
1791 (31 Geo c21 c25) 1794 (34 Geo III c14 c32) 1795 (35 Geo III c30) 1796 (36
Geo III c136) 1800 (39 amp 40 G III c67) 1801 (40 Geo III c86) and 1803 (41 Geo III c86)
Over time the duties increased to cover a increasing variety of parchment products
while various new attempts were made to improve the efficiency of the tax collection
methods In 1804 for example the greatest number of new acts were passed to
117
improve the efficiency of the various stamp duties This law made numerous attempts
to consolidate and simplify the process
Over the next few years however many of the laws surrounding parchment were
repealed The stamp duties set out in the 1804 (44 Geo III c98) 1805 (45 Geo III FINISH)
and 1806 (46 Geo III c43) laws were mostly all repealed in 1808 (48 Geo III c149) There
were still many exceptions however with newspapers almanacks pamphlets and
medicine forms and licences for those selling alcohol just some still in effect However
the majority of the documents that remained heavily taxed appear to be documents
more likely to have been made from paper with many of the parchment documents
(mostly documents used in courts) were no longer subject to stamp duty Finally in
1815 all the duties set out in 1808 (48 Geo c149) as well as the those that remained
from the the 1804 act (44 Geo III c98) and those instated in the 1810 act (50 Geo III
c35) were repealed These laws marked the end of over a century of widespread
government intervention in the parchment industry
118
Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws
Year Law Title Law Reference
1671 An act for laying impositions on proceedings at law 22 amp 23 ChaII c9
1694 An act for granting to their Majesties several duties upon vellum parchment and paper for four years towards carrying on the war against France
5 amp 6 WampM c21
1696 An Act for granting to His Majesty several Duties upon Paper Vellum and Parchment to encourage the bringing of Plate and hammered Money into the Mints to be coined
8 amp 9 WampM c 7
1697 An act for making good the deficiencies of several funds there-in mentioned and for enlarging the capital stock of the bank of England and for raising the publick credit
8 amp 9 Wil III c20
1698 An act for granting to his Majesty his heirs and successors further duties upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
9 amp 10 WilIII 25
1702 An act for making good deficiencies and for preserving the publick credit 1 Ann I c13
1702 An Act for preventing Frauds in her Majestyrsquos Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper 1 Ann I c22
1705 An act for laying further duties on low wine and for preventing the damage to her Majestyrsquos revenue by importation of foreign cut wholebone and for making some provisions as to the stamp duties and the duties on births burials and marriages and the salt duties
4 Ann I c12
1706 An act for continuing the duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction and the duties payable by harkwers pedlars and petty chapmen and part of the duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and the late duties on sweetsfor the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven and other uses therein expressed
5 Ann c19
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Ann I c11
1711 An Act for licencing and regulating hackney coaches and chairs and for charging certain new duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and on cards and dice and on the exportation of rock salt for Ireland
9 Ann I c23
1712 An act for laying several duties upon sope and paper made in Great Britain or imported into the same and upon chequered and striped linens imported and upon certain silks callicoes linens and stuffs printed painted or stained and upon several kinds of stampt vellum parchment and paperhellip and for better securing her Majestyrsquos duties to arise in the office for the stampt duties by licences for marriages and otherwise and for relief of persons who have not claimed their lottery tickets in due time
10 Ann I c19
1712 An act for laying additional duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment and new duties on starch coffee tea drugs gilt and silver wire and policies of insurance to secure a yearly fund for satisfaction of orders to the contributors of a further sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds towards her Majestyrsquos supplyhellip
10 Ann I c26
119
1713 An act for laying additional duties on soap and paper and upon certain linens silks callicoes and stuffs and upon starch exported coals and upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
11 Ann I c9
1716 An act for redeeming the yearly fund of the South-Sea companyhellipand for making the said new yearly fund and annuities to be hereafter redeemable in the time and manner thereby prescribed (National Debt Act)
3 Geo I c7
1718 For continuing the duties on malt mum cyder and perry for the service of the year 1719 and for enlarging the time for entring at the exchequer such assignments of reversionary annuities as are therein mentioned and for better securing the duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment
5 Geo I c2
1725 For the relief of th suitors of the high court of chancery 12 Geo I c33
1735 For continuing for the purposes therin mentioned the additional duties uon stamped vellum parchment and paper laid an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the First
9 Geo II c32
1750 An act for making good a deficiency upon the revenue of the office of keeper or clerk of the Hanaper and for preventing any future deficiency therein to answer the publick services provided for out of the same and for augmenting the income of the office of master or keeper of the rolls
24 Geo II c25
1756 An act for granting to his majesty a duty upon licences for retailing beer ale and other excisaable liqours for establishing a method for granting such licences in Scotland and for allowing such licences to be granted at a petty session in England in a certain cafe therein mentioned
29 Geo II c12
1757 For granting to his Majesty several rates and duties upon indentures leases bonds and other deeds and upon news papers advertisements and almanaks and upon licences for retailing winehellip
30 Geo II c19
1759 An act for augmenting the salaries of the puisne judges in the court of Kingrsquos Bench the judges in the court of Common Pleas the barons of the cois in the court of Exchequer at Westminster the judges in the courts of session and Exchequer in Scotland and justices of Chester and the great sessions for the counties in Wales
32 Geo II c35
1776 An act for granting to his Majesty several duties on coaches and other carriages therein mentioned and several rates and duties upon indentures leases bods and other deeds and upon cards dice and news papers and for raising the sum of two millions by annuities and a lottery to be attended with annuities
16 Geo III c34
1777 An act for granting to his Majesty certain duties on licences to be taken out by all persons acting as auctioneers and certain rates and duties on all lands houses goods and other things sold by auction and upon industries leases bonds deeds and other instruments
17 Geo III c50
1779 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for better securing the stamp-duties upon indentures leases deeds and other instruments
19 Geo III c66
1780 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on advertisements and certain duties on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions or the custom of any province or place
20 Geo III c28
1782 An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand
22 Geo III c33
120
1783 An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts
23 Geo III c49
1783 An act to explain and amend an act made in the last session of parliament intiruled An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts and for indemnifying all persons who have written or signed any bill of exchange promissory or other note or any receipt not stamped according to law
23 Geo III c7
1783 An Act for granting to his Majesty several additional new Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper and also for repealing certain Exemption from Stamp Duties
23 Geo III c58
1789 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional stamp duties on probates of wills letters of administration and on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions
29 Geo III c51
1790 An act for repealing the duties upon licences for retailing wine and sweets and upon licences for retailing distilled spirituous liqours and for granting other duties in lieu therof
30 Geo III c38
1791 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional duty on certificates issued with respect to the killing of game
31 Geo III c21
1794 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on indentures of clerkships to solicitors and attornies in any of the courts in England therein mentioned
34 Geo III c14
1794 An act for enabling the commissioners of the stamp duties to stamp bills of exchange and notes in certain cases
34 Geo III c32
1795 An act for granting to his majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for repealing a certain exception as far as relates to bonds given as security for the payment of one hundred pounds or under contained in an act of the twenty-third year of hsi present Majestyrsquos reign
35 Geo III c30
1795 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on sea insurances 35 Geo III c63
1796 An Act for the more effectually securing Duties on Indentures Leases Bonds and other Deeds
37 Geo III c19
1797 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional stamp duty on deeds 37 Geo III c111
1796 An Act to enable the Commissioners of Stamp Duties to Stamp Duties to stamp Deeds and other Instruments Bills of Exchange Promissory and other Notes in Cases therein mentioned
37 Geo III c136
1798 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on bills of exchange and promissory notes for small sums of money
c 107
1799 An act for altering the period of making up the annual account of the duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper
39 Geo III c92
1800 An act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland 39 amp 40 Geo III c67
121
1801 An act for granting to his Majesty additional Stamp Duties on cards and dice on Probates and Wills on certain Indentures Leases Bonds or other deeds
41 Geo III c86
1803 An act for granting to his majesty several duties therin mentioned to be levied by the commissioners for managing stamp-duties in Ireland
43 Geo III c127
1804 An Act to repeal the several Duties under the Commissioners for managing the Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper in Great Britain and to grant new and additional Duties in lieu thereof
44 Geo III c98
1805 An Act for granting to His Majesty additional Stamp Duties in Great Britain on certain Legacies and also the several Duties granted by the Act passed in the Forty-sixth Year of His Majestys Reign intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to Appraisers in Great Britain
45 Geo III c28
1806 An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to appraisers in Great Britain
46 Geo III c43
1806 An act to repeal the several duties under the care of the commissioners for managing the duties pon stamped vellum parchment and paper in Ireland and to grant new and additional duties in lieu thereof and to amend the laws relating to the stamp-duties in ireland
46 Geo III c64
1808 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Law Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments andthe Duties on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in great Britain and for granting new Duties in lieu thereof
48 Geo III c149
1810 Act act for altering the Mode of collecting the Duty on Insurances against Loss by Fire upon property in His majestyrsquos Islands and Possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere beyond the Seas and for exempting certain Bonds and Receipts from Stamp Duty for giving Relief in certain cases of Stamps spoiled or misused and for explaining Part of an Act passed in the Forty eighth Year of His Majestyrsquos Reign for granting Stamp Duties in Great Britain
50 Geo III c35
1815 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Laws Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments and the Duties on Fire Insurances and on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in Great Britain and for granting other Duties in lieu therof
55 Geo III c184
122
Appendix 12 Flaying Laws
The first act passed during the seventeenth century (Jac 1 c22) stated that earlier
statues had been passed on the topic of the flaying of animal skins but that lsquothe laws
and statutes formerly established and made for the true and just tanning currying and
working of leather have not taken that good effect which was expectedrsquo and had failed
to address the lsquodeceits and abusesrsquo that were lsquocommonly practised by the tanners
curriers and workers of leatherrsquo (see Britain and Pickering 1763 106) The act then
reiterated that no butcher or any other person could damage the skin of any ox bull
steer or cow though interestingly it does not state that the same laws apply to skins
more specifically to the skins of sheep Strangely however the law later defines leather 5
as any tanned skin of ox steer bull cow calf deer and fallow goats and sheep so
presumably the law did cover tanned sheep-skins It also states that anyone selling
sheep skins that did not adhere to this law should be fined 3s 4d This particular Act is
quite difficult to interpret so much so that a later act (14 Cha II c7) offers clarification as
to what animal skins were actually covered as well as clarifying that the law pertained to
all of Great Britain and not just England It certainly brings into question the efficiency of
this tax system provided that there were clear misinterpretations (or explorations) of the
law by some for nearly sixty years
The law also began to create legally protected professions For example only a trained
tanner with a tan-house could tan any hide after the passing of this law while no tanner
could cut the leather The law also set out clear instructions on how leather should be
manufactured stored and dried It was no longer permitted that any individual could be
both a butcher and a tanner and tanners were also not allowed to occupy any other
trade that involved the cutting or working of leather It was now illegal to work the jobs
of other professions simultaneously and furthermore to work any of the professions
pertaining to the working of skins Also the law reiterated the 1563 law stating
individuals must either gain an apprenticeship or must be hired as a servant of an
individual in that profession There were clear attempts by the government to create
separate legally protected professions in the hope of improving specialisation and
5 Interestingly it is also stated that no butcher shall kill to sell any calf under five weeks old or they will be fined six shillings and eight pence This then prohibits the use of very young calves in the production of vellum and brings into question the early use of the skins of very young calves were used for the production of vellum However this law was repealed in 1685 in another act (22 amp 23 Car II c19)
123
consequently the efficiency of a number of industries The law does not however list
parchment-makershellip ADD
This law also extended to the manufacturing process of all goods in the various
skin-based industries while extensive fines were also implemented For example there
was a fine of 3 s 4 d for any putrefied or rotten skin put up for sale (1819 1040) The law
also extended to ensuring high-quality wears and to reduce wastage Any attempt to
transport leather that was cut or unwrought for sale was now illegal Curriers would also
be fined if they attempted to sell leather that had not been sufficiently tanned No
leather could be sold that had not been lsquosearched and sealedrsquo in other words inspected
and taxed (further clarification in section 63) No tan fats before liming and skins must
not be left in lime pits for too long Skins must not be left to dry in frost nor in direct
sunlight Finally the fine for the sale of a dozen sheep skins that did not meet these high
standards was six shillings and eight pence This appears a particularly troubling issue as
many of the standards set were subject to the opinions of inspectors inspectors with a
monetary incentive to find as many damaged skins as possible The consequential
finding of a high volume of lsquodamagedrsquo skins would then be likely to further support the
need for further regulation
The 1662 Act (14 Cha 2 c7) was the next major law bringing about stricter laws
surrounding the exportation of skins and leather From 1662 no tanned hide or
untanned hide of any ox steer bull cow or calf was allowed to be exported out of the
country as well as a number of limitations regarding to the transport of hides within
Great Britain The law does however state that sheep-skins not dressed with wool may
be transported this was in keeping with the law stating that the exportation of wool was
also illegal at this time (see 14 Cha I c 18) The law also further details the punishment
of tanners who cut and raked the hides impairing them shall have their hides seized
The 1688 law(1 WampM c33) more clearly states what the previous statutes cover every
hide skin or piece of tanned leather shaved or liquored of whatever colour with any
liquoring or dressing Clearly then even if poorly enforced for some time the laws
pertaining to the flaying of skins the strict manufacturing processes and the
requirement of searches and seals all applied to the parchment manufacturing process
at least after 1689 Interestingly this law also states that individuals may now sell
124
leather hides or skins by weight This would allow for individuals to sell more
homogenised products with less emphasis on quality
The 1710 act (9 Ann I c11) was extensive although pertaining primarily to the taxation
of hides and skins it enacted even further laws and punishment surrounding the
manufacture and sale of skins and parchment Setting out clear punishments for those
lsquodefrauding the crownrsquo and most importantly further punishments were created for the
damaging of skins It is also the first law to specifically refer to the manufacture of
parchment The law also creates and clarifies a significant number of limitations and
instructions on the manufacturing process for a number of skin-goods For example
who may cut the skins how they were cut how the skins were dried when and if skins
could be transported and who shall inspect these skins It states that officers would now
inspect skins and various tanned products to review their quality This law seems to
highlight the failure of the previous laws as the laws of 1603 (1 Jac I c22) and 1689 (1
WampM c33) were also extensive and yet it was deemed necessary to enact further laws
and punishments as well as offering further clarification of the previous laws For
example it was considered necessary to clarify that previous laws had also extended to
Scotland in the 1784 act (24 Geo II c19)
As late as 1800 attempts were still being made by the crown to limit the number of
damaged skins (39-40 Geo III c66) This is a clear indicator of the failures of previous
laws as well as indicating the still widespread problem of damaged materials at least in
the opinion of government new lsquoproper and convenient placesrsquo were set up for the
examination and inspection of all raw hides for each city (Chitty 1824 348) This perhaps
indicates the lack of appropriate inspections outside of the city of London The act also
sets out new fines for the improper flaying of skins even greater than those preceding
them (Britain 1811 390-391) These fines were so high that only a year later a new law
was passed (41 Geo III c53) reducing the amount perpetrators were fined (Minard
2011 154) In 1803 (43 Geo III c 106) it was also deemed necessary to apply these more
thorough inspections to London a troubling sign considering the issues clearly still
pertained to London despite the significant size of the tanning industry and the
high-quality works expected to accompany an industry of that size
The 1808 law pertaining to London exclusively saw the reduction of these fines (Minard
125
2011 154) with the fine now being no more than 3 s though no less than 2frac12 d (Chitty
1824 353) This law also saw the reorganisation of the inspectors in London and the
requirement that all sheep and lamb skins be inspected either at the Woodsclose
Market the Borough Market or Whitechapel Market (Britain 1824 353) The timing of
these changes again shows the failure of the laws the preceded them and marks the
the beginning of the end for the intensive regulation of this market by the government
That same year a petition was put forward titled A Petition of Several Tanners of London
and its vicinity was presented (House of Commons 1808 120) attempting to repeal a
number of the regulations enforced on the various skin-working professions A few
weeks later on the 17th March the committee created to consider the petition decided
the acts ought to be repealed (1808 183) and on the 28th of March a bill was presented
(1808 218) In the same year a similar petition was put forward by Scottish tanners
(1808 271) and yet another by lsquocurriers and other dealers in tanned leatherrsquo (1808 286)
The previous laws had clearly been a failure and caused major issues across Great
Britain On the 20th of May 1808 a bill was passed to repeal some of the acts that
implemented strict requirements for those working with animals skins
The inspections remained however with inspections on the flaying of skins still
undertaken by the government though in 1824 this too was abolished The 1824 act (5
Geo IV c57) repealed the 1800 (39 amp 40 Geo III c66) the 1801 act (41 Geo III c53) the
1803 local act (43 Geo III ccvi) and the 1808 act (43 Geo III clxxi) (Williams 1824 90-91)
This 1824 act marks the end of two centuries of intensive government regulation
126
127
Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws
Year Act Name Legal Abbreviation
1485 An act shewing the duties of a corwainer tanner or currier 1 Hen VII c5
1563 Statute of Artificiers (An act containing divers orders for artificiers labours servants of husbandry and apprentices)
5 Eliz I c 4
1603 An Act concerning tanners curriers shoe-makers and other artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather
1 Jac I c22
1662 An act to restrain the exportation of leather and raw hides out of the realm of England
14 Cha 2 c7
1689 An act for explaining part of an act made in the first year of King James the First concerning tanned leather
1 WampM c33
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Anne c11
1784 An act for encouraging the manufacture of leather by lowering the duty payable upon the importation of oak bark when the price of such bark shall exceed a certain rate for a limited time and for extending several acts of parliament relative to the manufacture of leather to that of Great Britain called Scotland
24 Geo III c19
1800 Use of Horse Hides etc Act 39-40 Geo III c66
1801 An act to explain and amend an act passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of the reign of his present Majesty intituled An act to repeal so much of an act passed in the second year of King James the First as prohibits the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and for better preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
41 Geo III c53
1803 To extend the provisions of two acts passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth and in the forty-first years of the reign of his present Majesty relating to the use of horse-hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw-hides and skins in the flaying thereof to and to alter and amend as to the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark and liberties therof and all places within fifteen miles of the Royal Exchange of the said city of London
43 Geo III ccvi (local act)
1808 For repealing an act made in the 43rd year of his present majesty for extending the provisions of two formers acts relating to the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
48 Geo III clxxi (local act)
1808 An Act for repealing an Act passed in the First Year of king james the First intitled An Act concerning Tanners Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather and also for repealing and amending certain Parts of several other Acts of Parliament relating thereto
48 Geo III c60
1824 An Act to repeal Four Acts of his late Majesty relating to the Use of Horse Hides in making Boots and Shoes and for better preventing the damaging of Raw Hides and Skins in the flaying thereof
5 Geo IV c57
128
Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 Source Shaw 1935 671-672 (Originally sourced from Calendar of Treasury Books 1694)
The like of persons to be distributors of the [stamped] parchment and paper in all the counties of England and Wales and to be collectors of the duty thereby arising as follows
Berkshire John Paise of Reading
Beds Francis Brace
Bucks Charles Herle
Cambridgeshire William Percivall
Cheshire Richard Backwell and Robert Foulks
Cornwall Thomas Horwell
Cumberland Robert Jackson
Derbyshire Peter Gery
Devonshire Benj Robins
Dorsetshire Jos Watson and Peter Clinton
Durham William Roper
Essex William Wright and Francis Blythe
Gloucestershire Walter Marshall Edward Bulstrode and Thomas Wale
Hampshire Thomas Shory and Paul Burwood
Herts Francis Isaacson of Barnet
Herefordshire Thomas Mathews
Hunts John Mason
Kent Thomas Raworth of Dover and Thomas Cason of Maidstone
Lancs William Townsen of Lancaster and mdash Dodd of Preston
Leicestershire and Rutland John Cradock
Lincolnshire Edward Cowly
Monmouthshire Walter Marshall
Norfolk Edward Barnes and Henry Marriott
Northants Edward Butler
Northumberland Cha Sanderson and Samuell Wilson
Notts John Bury
Oxfordshire William Busby and John Langston
Shropshire William Leake
Somerset Humphry Burton of Tiverton and mdash Babb of Taunton
Stafford Geo Nevell and John Dunster
Suffolk Robert Warren
Surrey John Balchen
Sussex John Dee Richard Holmes John Newton of Lewes and Samuel Bruer of Battle
129
Warwickshire Jer Withers
Westmorland John Procter
Wilts Robert Cutler of Sarum
Worcestershire William Collins
Yorks Geo Maynard for the West Riding John Hall for the North Riding William Lyster for the East Ridinng
Town of Hull Jos Claver
Denbighshire John Lloyd
Anglesey Montgomery Merioneth and Carnarvon Samuel Howson and Richard Wright
Flintshire Robert Foulks
Carmarthenshire Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire John Evans
Glamorganshire Edward Thomas
Radnorshire Cha Jones
Brecknockshiremdash Davys
130
Bibliography
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Anderson J 1797 Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Dublin Messrs P Wogan P Byrne and J Moore
An Impartial Observer 1806 XXXIX and XL Geo III c 66 The Flaying Act considered as without benefiting the Public most severely oppressing the Butchers of London By an Impartial Observer 30 June 1800 London E Thomas
Anon 1787 The Book of Rates Dundee Printed for George Milln
Aubrey J Britton J 1847 The natural history of Wiltshire Wiltshire Topographical Society Salisbury
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Ashworth WJ 2003 Customs and Excise Trade Production and Consumption in England 1640-1845 Oxford Oxford University Press
Bailey J 1810 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Durham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London R Phillips
Bailey J amp Culley G 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Northumberland With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement by J Bailey and G Culley London Sol Printed by S Hodgson and sold by M Robinson and G Nicol
Bailey W 1784 Baileyrsquos British Directory First Edition London Printed by J Andrews
Ballard E 1882 Report in Respect of the Inquiry as to Effluvium Nuisances Arising in Connexion with Various Manufacturing and Other Branches of Industry London HM Stationery Office
Bath and West of England Agricultural Society 1792 Letters and papers on agriculture planting ampc [electronic resource] Selected from the correspondence of the Bath and west of England Society for the encouragement of agriculture arts manufactures and commerce Vol IV The second edition Bath Printed by order of the Society by R Cruttwell and sold by C Dilly Poultry London and by the booksellers of Bath Bristol Salisbury Gloucester Exeter ampc ampc
Beckett JV 1985 Land Tax or Excise the levying of taxation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England The English historical review C(CCCXCV) pp285ndash308
Bicchieri M et al 2008 Inside the parchment Proceedings of Art pp25ndash30
Billing M 1855 Directory amp Gazetteer of Worcestershire 1855 Birmingham M Billing Steam-Press Offices
131
Billingsley J 1798 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Somerset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Bath R Cruttwell
Brownlee J (1915) The history of the birth and death rates in England and Wales taken as a whole from 1570 to the present time Public Health 29 pp211-222
Blanch J 1774 The art of tanning and currying leather with an account of all the different processes made use of in Europe and Asia for dying leather red and yellow London Printed for J Nourse
Blom P 2005 Enlightening the world Encyclopeacutedie the book that changed the course of history London Macmillan Publishers
Boys J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London B McMillan
Bower MA et al 2010 The potential for extraction and exploitation of DNA from parchment a review of the opportunities and hurdles Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 33(1) pp1ndash11
Burger J Hummel S amp Herrmann B 2000 Palaeogenetics and cultural heritage Species determination and STR-genotyping from ancient DNA in art and artefacts Thermochimica acta 365(1) pp141ndash146
Campana MG et al 2010 A flock of sheep goats and cattle ancient DNA analysis reveals complexities of historical parchment manufacture Journal of archaeological science 37(6) pp1317ndash1325
Campbell R 1747 The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and Westminster London T Gardner
Chambers E 1728 Cyclopedia - Volume 1 London Printed for James and John Knapton John Darby Daniel Midwinter Arthur Bettersworth John Senex Robert Gosling John Pemberton William and John Innys John Osborn and Tho Longman Charles Rivington john Hooke Ranew Robinson Francis Clay Aaron Ward Edward Symon Daniel Browne Andrew Johnston and Thomas Osborn
Chitty J 1824 A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents London A Strahan
Churchill JE 1983 The Complete Book of Tanning Skins and Furs London Stackpole Books
Clark G 2004 Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous Living Costs of the Rich versus the Poor in England 1209--1869 In Conference paperldquoTowards a Global History of Prices and Wagesrdquo Utrecht Available at httpswwwresearchgatenetprofileGregory_Clarkpublication246687497_Lifestyles_of_the_Rich_and_Famous_Living_Costs_of_the_Rich_versus_the_Poor_in_England_1209-1869links546e62200cf2b5fc176075b5pdf
Clark G 2007 The long march of history Farm wages population and economic growth England 1209ndash1869 The Economic History Review 60(1) pp97ndash135
Clark G amp Lindert P 2006 England_1209-1914_Clarkxlsx Global Price and Income History Group Available at httpgpihucdavisedufilesEngland_1209-1914_(Clark)xls [Accessed September 9 2018]
Clarke M 2001 The analysis of medieval European manuscripts Studies in Conservation 46(2) pp3ndash17
Clarkson C 1992 REDISCOVERING PARCHMENT THE NATURE OF THE BEAST Paper Conservator 16(1) pp5ndash26
Cobbett W 1912 Rural Rides in Surrey Kent and Other Counties London A Cobbett
132
Collins M J Fiddyment S Webb C OConnor T P Bradley D Teasdale M Doherty S Curtis A Vnoucek J Hall 2015 Reading the leaves sheep parchment as a 1000 year genetic resource Advances in Animal Biosciences p63
Cook HF amp Williamson T 1999 Water Management in the English Landscape Field Marsh and Meadow Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press
Copus AK 1989 Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in Southern England 1750ndash1900 The Agricultural history review 37(1) pp36ndash51
Craig H 1960 English religious drama of the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford Clarendon Press
Crittal E 1959 Wiltshire Volume 4 Other Industries In A History of the County of Wiltshire Volume 4 London British History Online pp 43ndash64 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchwiltsvol4 [Accessed July 29 2018]
Crouse J 1768 The History of the City and County of Norwich From the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time London Printed John Crouse and sold by M Booth
DrsquoAgata R et al 2007 The use of atmospheric pressure laser desorption mass spectrometry for the study of iron-gall ink Applied Physics A Materials Science amp Processing 89(1) pp91ndash95
Davis JM amp Beckett JV 1999 Animal husbandry and agricultural improvement the archaeological evidence from animal bones and teeth Rural history economy society culture 10(1) pp1ndash17
Davis T 1813 General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Dickson PGM 1960 The Sun Insurance Office 1710-1960 Oxford Oxford University Press
Doherty Sean 2018 The proteomic and isotopic analysis of parchment and their application to post-medieval sheep husbandry in Britain PhD Thesis University of York
Duncumb J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Hereford Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Fitzsimmons MP 2010 From Artisan to Worker Guilds the French State and the Organization of Labor 1776ndash1821 New York Cambridge University Press
Freemen of Chester 1992 Chester Freemen and Guilds Information and History Booklet Chester Chester City Record Office
Fussell GE 1966 The English Dairy Farmer 1500-1900 London Frank Cass amp Co
Fussell GE 1964 THE GRASSES AND GRASSLAND CULTIVATION OF BRITAIN I Before 1700 Grass and Forage Science 19(1) pp49ndash54
Fussell GE amp Goodman C 1930 Eighteenth Century Estimates of British Sheep and Wool Production Agricultural history 4(4) pp131ndash151
Gerhold D 2005 Carriers and coachmasters trade and travel before the turnpikes Oxford Phillimore
Glasse S 1794 The Magistratersquos Assistant Or A Summary of Those Laws which Immediately Respect the Conduct of a Justice of the Peace Continued to the End of the Session--1793 Gloucester Printed by R Raikes
Gooch W 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge London Sherwood Neely and Jones
133
Great BritainCommissioners of Excise 1778 Instructions for officers of the duties on hides in the country London
Gullick M 1991 From parchmenter to scribe some observations on the manufacture and preparation of medieval parchment based upon a review of the literary evidence In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 145ndash157
Hagadorn A 2012 Parchment making in eighteenth-century France historical practices and the written record Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 35(2) pp165ndash188
Haskins CH 1912 The ancient trade guilds and companies of Salisbury Kindle Salisbury Bennett Brothers
Havinden MA 1961 The Rural Economy of Oxfordshire 1580-1730 B Litt thesis Oxford University
Henderson S 2016 A Revolution in Sheeprsquos Clothing BA University of York
Henrickson RL Ranganayaki MD amp Asghar A 1984 Age species breed sex and nutrition effect on hide collagen Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 20(3) pp159ndash172
Her Majestyrsquos Stationery Office 1844 Reports from Commissioners Seventeen Volumes 13 London English Government Available at httpsmarketandroidcomdetailsid=book-jmoSAAAAYAAJ
Hoffman T 2011 Guilds and Related Organisations in Great Britain and Ireland a bibliography - Part 1 Unpublished Available at httpwwwbbkacuklibrarydownloadsguilds-part-1pdf [Accessed 28102018]
Holland H 1813 General view of the agriculture of Cheshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Houghton J 1728 Husbandry and trade improvrsquod being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle coals hops wool ampc With a complete catalogue of the several sorts of earths With many other useful particulars communicated by several eminent members of the Royal Society to the collector John Houghton The second edition London Printed for Woodman and Lyon
Hughes E 1941 The English Stamp Duties 1664-1764 The English Historical Review 56 (222) pp234ndash264
Hunt amp Co 1849 Hunt amp Corsquos Directory of Gloucester amp Bristol London BW Gardiner
Ibbetson J 1845 Ibbetsonrsquos Directory of the Borough of Bradford etc Bradford Printed and Published by J Ibbetson
Kent H 1798 Kentrsquos directory for the year 1798 containing an alphabetical list of the names and places of abode of the directors of companies persons in public business merchants of London and Westminster and Southwark etc 66th edn London Richard amp Henry Causton
Kellyrsquos Directories Ltd 1936 Kellyrsquos directory of stationers printers publishers booksellers papermakers amp c of England Scotland and Wales 18th edn 1936 London Kellyrsquos Directories
Kerridge E 2013 The Agricultural Revolution London Routledge
Kite M amp Thomson R 2006 The Manufacture of Leather Conservation of Leather and Related Materials London Elsevier Science amp Technology Ltd
Knight C 1842 London London Published by Charles Knight
Lawrence T Fowler V amp Novakofski J 2012 Growth of Farm Animals 3rd edition London CABI
Leadbetter C 1755 The royal gauger or Gauging made perfectly easy as it is actually practised by the officers of His Majestyrsquos revenue of excise London Printed for E Wicksteed
134
Lisle E 1757 Observations in Husbandry London J Hughs
Lowe R 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Nottingham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London C MacRae
Lyall RJ 1989 Materials The Paper Revolution In J Griffiths et al eds Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375--1475 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 11ndash29
Lyne AG 1961 The Postnatal Development of Wool Follicles Shedding and Skin Thickness in Inbred Merino and Southdown-Merino Crossbred Sheep Australian Journal of Biological Sciences 14(1) pp141ndash156
Marshall M 1789 The rural economy of Gloucestershire including its dairy together with the dairy management of North Wiltshire and the management of orchards and fruit liquor in Herefordshire Glocester Printed by R Raikes for G Nicol Pall-Mall London
Massey W 1763 The Origin and Progress of Letters An Essay in Two Parts London J Johnson
Mathias P 1969 The first industrial nation The economic history of Britain 1700-1914 London Metheun and Co
Mavor WF 1813 General view of the agriculture of Berkshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Mazoyer M and Roudart L (2006) A History of World Agriculture from the neolithic age to the current crisis London Earthscan
Maxted I 1992 British Book Trades 1775-1787 An Index to Insurance Policies (Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History) London JMaxted
Minard P 2011 Micro-Economics of Quality and Social Construction of the Market Disputes Among the London Leather Trades in the Eighteenth-Century Historische Sozialforschung = Historical social research Zentrum fur Historische Sozialforschung Koln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften Bonn 36(4) pp150ndash168
Moffatt JM 1805 The History of the Town of Malmesbury and of Its Ancient Abbey Together with Memoirs of Eminent Natives to which is Added an Appendix Tetbury JG Goodwyn
Murray A 1815 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Warwick with Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London B McMillan
Narayan S amp Rathore A 1964 Skin follicles and wool characteristics of seven breeds of Rajasthan sheep Research Studies-University of Udaipur 2
Neate S Howell D Ovenden R Pollard AM 2011 The Technological Study of Books and Manuscripts as Artefacts Research Questions and Analytical Solutions Oxford Archaeopress
Overton M 1996 Re-Establishing the English Agricultural Revolution The Agricultural history review 44(1) pp1ndash20
Page W 1930 A History of the County of Northampton In The borough of Northampton Trades London British History Online pp 26ndash30 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchnorthantsvol3pp26-30 [Accessed 30102018]
Page W 1907 Agriculture In A History of the County of Oxfordshire London British History Online pp 279ndash292 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchoxonvol2pp279-292 [Accesse 30102018]
Palop R 2016 Sheepskin and Cattle Hide Degreasing PhD University of Barcelona Available at
135
httpwwwcromogeniacomimagesnoticiasAF_LIBRO_DESENGRASE_english_bajapdf
Palliser DM amp Selwyn DG 1972 The Stock of a York Stationer 1538 The Library s5-XXVII(3) pp207ndash219
ParliamentHouse of Lords 1742 The history and proceedings of the House of Lords from the Restoration in 1660 to the present time London Ebenezer Tumberland
Parson WM amp White WM 1830 Directory of Leeds York and the Clothing District of Yorkshire Northowram Ovenden From Weaver to Web Northowram Calderdale Libraries Northgate Halifax West Yorkshire England
Pendred J 1785 The London and Country Printers Booksellers and Stationers Vade Mecum Moorfields J Pendred
Pigot 1995 National commercial directory Norwich Michael Winton
Pigot 1834 National commercial directory of the merchants bankers professional gentlemen manufacturers and traders in the counties of Chester Cumberland Durham Lancaster Northumberland Westmorland and York etc London Pigot
Pigot J 1825 Pigot and Corsquos New Commercial Directory of Scotland for 1825-1826Together with the most extensive Directory of London Manchester J Pigot and Co
Pitt W 1796 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Stafford With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G Nicol and sold
Pitt W 1809 A general view of the agriculture of the county of Leicester with observations on the means of its improvement London R Phillips
Pitt W 1817 A Topographical History of Staffordshire Including Its Agriculture Mines and Manufactures Memoirs of Eminent Natives Statistical Tables and Every Species of Information Connected with the Local History of the County With a Succinct Account of the Rise and Progress of the Staffordshire Potteries J Smith
Plenderleith HJ amp Werner A 1971 Papyrus Parchment and Paper In The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art Treatment Repair and Restoration Oxford Oxford University Press pp 44ndash73
Plot R 1686 The Natural History of Staffordshire Oxford Printed at the Theater
Plymley J 1803 General View of the Agriculture of Shropshire with Observations Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole B 1852 Statistics of British commerce Being a compendium of the productions manufactures imports and exports of the United Kingdom London WH Smith amp Son Simpkin Marshall amp Co
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Priest SJ amp Parkinson R 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Buckinghamshire Drawn Up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Reed R 1972 Ancient Skins Parchments and Leathers New York Seminar Press
Reed R 1991 Some thoughts on Parchment for Bookbinding In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 217ndash220
136
Reed R 1975 The nature and making of parchment Leeds Elmete Press
Rennie G Brown R amp Shirreff J 1799 General View of the Agriculture of the West Riding of Yorkshire Surveyed by Messrs Rennie Brown amp Shirreff 1793 With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement and Additional Information Since Received Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement Edinburgh G Nicol
Roberts C David Roberts F amp Bisson D 2016 A History of England Volume 1 Prehistory to 1714 London Routledge
Rogers JET 1887 A History of Agriculture and Prices in England From the Year After the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the Commencement of the Continental War (1793) Oxford Clarendon Press
Rudge T 1981 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Gloucester London R Phillips
Russell N 2007 Like Engendrsquoring Like Heredity and Animal Breeding in Early Modern England Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Ryder M 1981 A survey of European primitive breeds of sheep Annales de genetique et de selection animale 13(4) pp381ndash418
Ryder ML 1963 A survey of the gross structural features of protein fibres Fibre Structure pp534ndash566
Ryder ML 1958 Follicle arrangement in skin from wild sheep primitive domestic sheep and in parchment Nature 182(4638) pp781ndash783
Ryder ML 1960 Follicle remains in some British parchments Nature 187(4732) pp130ndash132
Ryder ML 1969 Remains derived from skin Science in Archaeology 43 pp539ndash554
Ryder ML 1983 Sheep and man London Gerald Duckworth amp Co Ltd
Ryder ML 1991 The biology and history of parchment In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thurbecke pp 25ndash33
Ryder ML 1964a The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain The Agricultural history review 12(1) pp1ndash12
Ryder ML 1964b The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain (Continued) The Agricultural history review 12(2) pp65ndash82
Saxl H 1954 An investigation of the qualities the methods of manufacture and the preservation of historic parchment and vellum with a view to identifying the animal species used PhD University of Leeds
Sellet F 1993 Chaicircne opeacuteratoire the concept and its applications Lithic technology 18(1-2) pp106ndash112
Shaw W 1935 Entry Book June 1964 1-10 In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 10 1693-1696 London British History Online pp 636ndash648 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol10pp440-449 [Accessed 30102018]
Shaw W amp Slingsby FH 1957 Declared Accounts Stamp Duties In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 29 1714-1715 British History Online pp 381ndash398 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol29 [Accessed 30102018]
Sibly E 1808 Magazine of Natural History Comprehending the Whole Science of Animals Plants and Minerals Divided Into Distinct Parts the Characters Separately Described and Systematically Arranged London Chimpante and Withrow
Sims M 2004 Homewell Parchment Works Archaeological Report Available at
137
httplibrarythehumanjourneynet890 [Accessed 13082017]
Sketchley J 1775 Sketchleyrsquos Bristol Directory Bristol James Sketchley
Slater I amp Pigot 1857 Slaterrsquos - late Pigot amp cos - Royal national commercial directory and topography of the counties of Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire Rutlandshire amp Yorkshire the towns of Hull Leeds Nottingham and Sheffield embellished with beautiful maps of Lincolnshire Nottingham amp Yorkshire etc Manchester Isaac Slater
Slater amp Pigot 1852 Slaterrsquos Royal National Commercial Directory and Topography of Scotland etc 1852 Aberdeenshire Isaac Slater
Smellie W 1771 Encyclopaeligdia Britannica [electronic resource] or a dictionary of arts and sciences compiled upon a new plan Illustrated with one hundred and sixty copperplates By a Society of gentlemen in Scotland In three volumes Edinburgh printed for A Bell and C Macfarquhar and sold by Colin Macfarquhar
Smith F 2009 Smithrsquos Directory of Halifax Bradford Oldfield and Horsfall
Stevenson W 1812 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Dorset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G and W Nicol
Stevenson W 1809 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Surrey London J Phillips
Stinson T 2011 Counting Sheep Potential Applications of DNA Analysis to the Study of Medieval Parchment Production In F Franz C Fritze amp G Vogeler eds Kodikologie und Palaumlographie im digitalen Zeitalter 2 - Codicology and Palaeography in the Digital Age 2 Norderstedt Books on Demand (BoD) pp 191ndash207
Stinson TL 2009 Knowledge of the flesh using DNA analysis to unlock bibliographical secrets of medieval parchment Papers Bibliographical Society of America 103(4) pp435ndash453
Strickland HE 1812 A general view of the agriculture of the East-Riding of Yorkshire published by order of the Board of Agriculture author
Teasdale MD et al 2015 Paging through history parchment as a reservoir of ancient DNA for next generation sequencing Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B Biological sciences 370(1660) p20130379
The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 The Rotation of Crops The Farmerrsquos Magazine 8 p188
The House of Commons 1808 The Journals of the House of Commons Volume 63 London Printed by Order of the House of Commons
The National Archives 2018 Bridging the Digital Gap technical traineeships in archives Available at httpwwwnationalarchivesgovuk [Accessed October 23 2018]
The Salt Association 2018 Salt amp the Salt Tax | Salt History The Salt Association Available at httpwwwsaltassociationcoukeducationsalt-historysalt-the-chemical-revolutioneighteenth-century-salt-making-salt-and-the-salt-tax [Accessed July 5 2018]
The Saturday Magazine 1838 The Saturday Magazine 12-13(402) pp129ndash136
Thirsk J 1984 The Agrarian History of England and Wales Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Thirsk J 2000 The English Rural Landscape USA Oxford University Press
Thomas S 1983 Leathermaking in the Middle Ages In Leather Manufacture through the Ages Proceedings of the 27th East Midlands Industrial Archaeology Conference (27) EMIAC 27 pp 1ndash10
138
Trolander P 2014 Literary Sociability in Early Modern England The Epistolary Record London Rowman amp Littlefield
Trow-Smith R 1951 English husbandry From the earliest times to the present day London Faber and Faber
Tuke J 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the North Riding of Yorkshire With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London W Bulmer and Company
Vancouver C 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Hampshire Including the Isle of Wight London R Phillips
Walls GF 1901 Westmorland Agriculture 1800-1900 London Book on Demand
Walton JR 1983 The diffusion of improved sheep breeds in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Oxfordshire Journal of historical geography 9(2) pp175ndash195
Watt A 1906 The Art of Leather Manufacture Being A Practical Handbook in Which the Operations of Tanning Currying and Leather Dressing Are Fully Described London Kessinger Publishing
Williams TW 1824 A Compendious Abstract of the Public General Acts passed in 6 Geo IV London Printed for GWightman
Williams AJ amp Thornberry KJ 1992 THE SKIN THICKNESS OF MEDIUM WOOL MERINO SHEEP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WOOL PRODUCTION Proceedings of the Australian Society of Animal Production 19 pp138ndash141
Williams amp Co 1844 Williams amp Co Directory of York Printed by Edward Baines amp sons York
Winters J 2012 THE ENGLISH PROVINCIAL BOOK TRADE BOOKSELLER STOCK-LISTS C 1520-1640 PhD University of St Andrews
Wodzicka M 1958 Studies on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin of sheep ImdashDevelopment techniques New Zealand Journal of Agricultural Research 1(4) pp582ndash591
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska M 1960 Effect of cold on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin in sheep In Proc Aust Soc Anim Prod pp 195ndash198
Worgan GB 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall London G and W Nicol
Wrigley E (2011) The Early English Censuses Oxford Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press
Wrigley E and Schofield R (1981) The Population History of England 1541-1871 Cambridge Mass Harvard Univ Press
Wykes DL 2004 Robert Bakewell (1725-1795) of Dishley Farmer and Livestock Improver The Agricultural history review 52(1) pp38ndash55
Yeomans LM 2006 A zooarchaeological and historical study of the animal product based industries operating in London during the post-medieval period PhD University of London Available at httpwwwacademiaedudownload30464459Yeomans_phdpdf
Youatt W 1810 A Treatise on the Choice Buying and General Management of Live Stock Comprising Delineations and Description of the Principal Breeds London B Crosby and Company
Youatt W amp Weld MC 1837 Sheep Their Breeds Management and Diseases London Baldwin and Cradock
Young A 1799 Experiments on the Winter and Summer support of sheep Annals of Agriculture and other
139
Useful Arts 34 pp414ndash425
Young A 1807 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary of the Board In Two Volumes Vol 2 London RPhillips
Young A 1804 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk London G and W Nicol
Young A 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary to the Board London B Macmillan
Young A 1808 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex London R Phillips
Young A 1813 General view of the agriculture of Oxfordshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
140
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws 116 Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws 119 Appendix 12 Flaying Laws 123 Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws 128 Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 129
Bibliography 131
5
List of Tables
Table 1 Campbellrsquos London Tradesmen 31
Table 2 Parchment-Maker Insurance Policies 1770-1779 57
Table 3 Sheep Breeds Overview 85
6
List of Figures
Figure 1 Depiction of the Research Process 14
Figure 2 Thorold Rogers Parchment Prices 1858-1683 36
Figure 3 Gregory Clark Parchment Prices 1274-1706 38
Figure 4 Salt Prices 1500-1850 43
Figure 5 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1900 50
Figure 6 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1650 51
Figure 7 Map of Parchment-Makers 1651-1700 51
Figure 8 Map of Parchment-Makers 1701-1750 52
Figure 9 Map of Parchment-Makers 1751-1800 52
Figure 10 Map of Parchment-Makers 1801-1850 52
Figure 11 Map of Parchment-Makers 1851-1900 52
Figure 12 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Figure 13 Net Produce of Stamp Duties 1807 61
Figure 14 Fibre Groupings - Dead Sea Scrolls 77
7
Acknowledgements I would like thank my thesis advisor Dr Jonathan Finch of the Archaeology Department at
the University of York for all his help and support throughout this project I would also
like to thank Matthew Collins Sean Doherty Sarah Fiddyment and Matthew Teasdale for
including me in their conversations on their research surrounding the lsquohidden history of
parchmentrsquo
I would also like to express my gratitude to my family for proof-reading my project and
apologise for the many hours they will never get back and for the wealth of sheep and
parchment knowledge they will carry around with them for years to come
8
Declaration I declare that this thesis is a presentation of original work and I am the sole author This work has not previously been presented for an award at this or any other University All sources are acknowledged as References
9
Chapter 1 Introduction
11 Aims
lsquoThe assumption has been made that parchment was made in the region of the place in which
the document was written However certainly as early as the seventeen-nineties it was clear
that the parchment had not necessarily been made locally a parchment of that fate from
Hereford bore the name of a London stationerrsquo
(Ryder 1963 541)
The aim of this project is to develop the first detailed overview of the post-medieval
English parchment industry This particular industry is one routinely overlooked by
historians and archaeologists and this work constitutes the only in-depth investigation
of the parchment industry of this period However not only is there ample evidence on
which to create a detailed outline of the size location and processes of this industry but
that this research will greatly contribute to our understanding of the past from both the
new data it will provide on this time period as well as potentially contributing new
material to the debates surrounding the agricultural revolution and the neglected area
of stockbreeding but also by providing essential historical context for groundbreaking
new studies on historical DNA (hDNA) found in parchment
However being that this is the first detailed review of this industry there is very little
academic literature to highlight the key components of the industry as well as the key
factors shaping the industry As a result this project is divided into two sections Firstly
the piecing together of the history of the industry assessing the size and structure of
the industry and the various processes that occurred during production Having
established the outline and processes of the industry and any changes over time the
second section will explore the driving factors shaping the development on the industry
Put simply the results of the first section should raise important new questions that
need to be asked of the historical record and section two will attempt to answer these
questions taking the study beyond the industry itself to address questions from
broader research agendas
10
A review of the key changes in this industry particularly those concerning the price of
materials the objectives of manufacturers and the fluctuations in the progress and
efficiency should prove significant in further developing our understanding of the
post-medieval agricultural change and the wider-economy more generally Furthermore
this research will help us to understand when paper became the primary lsquohardwarersquo for
recording information It will also offer new data to interpret the chronology and
geography of the agricultural revolution through the hitherto neglected area of livestock
improvement All the areas discussed above are topics that will be reviewed in this
project and from which a good understanding of the location and processes of the
parchment industry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century will be developed
Perhaps however as stated earlier the most consequential aspect of this research will
support the advancement of these scientific techniques currently deployed in the field
of archaeology to be applied in the study of the post-medieval period The research of
hDNA analysis appears the most quintessential use for this research though it is by no
means limited to this area alone The recent investigative fervour surrounding the
scientific study of parchment through the analysis of hDNA as well as chemical and
spectrographic analysis (discussed further in section 25 of the literature review) should
benefit from research of this nature greatly supporting its application on the
post-medieval period
11
12 The Research Question
What was the structure size and geography of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 and what light can the results throw onto wider research goals in a variety of
disciplines including hDNA studies historical archaeology and agricultural history
relating to the chronology and geography of agricultural improvement
13 Objectives
To complete a literature review of both materials written recently and those written
during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries The sources reviewed can then be used
to conduct a detailed overview of the structure of the parchment industry looking
primarily at the parchment manufacturing process the uses for parchment the
socio-economic status of the industry and the overall condition of the industry during
these centuries This will involve reviewing a variety of external factors such as changes
in law taxation the price of various agricultural products the paper industry and
transport
Once completed a more detailed analysis of the data can be undertaken reviewing
correlations in the data and assessing which factors were most significant in shaping the
development of the parchment industry In order to conduct such an analysis a detailed
review of the agricultural landscape between 1650 and 1850 must be completed
primarily investigating the location of various sheep breeds and the various agricultural
systems to which they most suited Any information on the geography of the parchment
manufacturing industry and the identification of any centres of production will not only
offer further information on this previously unstudied industry but more specifically
provide greater validity to post-medieval hDNA studies by offering further clarity on the
origin of parchment samples Furthermore this work will assess the key factors in the
changing industry and their effects on parchment quality over time
Finally a review of the impact of this research Reviewing if this new information
contributes to current debates surrounding agricultural improvement more specifically
12
the timing and significance of an agricultural revolution as well as how it affects the
results and methodologies of future hDNA studies
13
Figure 1 shows the research process that will be adopted This process should allow for
detailed analysis of the location of the industry while also allowing for the review a
significant number of external factors shaping the industry This form of research allows
for the more successful adoption of the chaicircne opeacuteratoire method (see section 15) and
should also provide a solid bedrock of information on a variety of topics on a subject
otherwise untouched in the historical and archaeological literature
14
14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire
lsquoWithout fertilizer no harvests without livestock no fertilizer which has such an immediate impact without seeded pastures no livestock finally without the elimination of fallowing no
or very few seeded pastures all is linked in agriculture its system must be totalrsquo
Instruction to the National Convention 1794 (Cited in Mazoyer and Roudart 2006 313)
Much of the data surrounding the production of parchment is intrinsically linked to
other areas of study There is likely a number of inter-relationships between a variety of
processes within the parchment industry and the broader agricultural economy For
example the price of sheep mutton and wool would have shaped the market and must
be understood to be able to understand the dynamics of the parchment industry
Furthermore issues such as changes in agricultural systems cultural changes legal
changes foreign policy changes would all have been entangled in the shaping and
development of the industry There are likely very clear links between many features of
the parchment industry and the wider English economy many not listed here though
the nature of these relationships is not always immediately obvious
By using the methodological tool of chaicircne opeacuteratoire it is possible in many cases to
unravel the logical sequences that caused and affected certain changes In other words
the correlations found between various linked markets can be analysed and used to
make logical conclusions as to what happened Perhaps the clearest description of this
process can be found in Frederic Selletrsquos 1993 paper Chaine Operatoire The Concept and
its Applications which states this method lsquoaims to describe and understand all cultural
transformations that a specific raw material had to go throughlsquo (Sellet 1993 106)
Knowing the importance and manufacturing processes of certain materials allows
inferences to be made as to the certain practices that were occurring as well as to
understand the logical steps taken to achieve these outcomes and to then map and
understand various industries and agricultural practices
15
Chapter 2 Literature Review
21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
The post-medieval parchment industry has remained lsquohiddenrsquo in the both the historical
and archaeological record The primary resources are often sources that briefly touch
upon the parchment trade though the parchment industry was not usually their
primary concern Such documents included encyclopaedias essays on livestock farmers
letters tours of England texts on the subject of the leather trade and legal documents
to name a few examples Although these indirect sources are relatively numerous there
is a dire need of recording comparing and contrasting as well as a detailed analysis
testing their validity Unfortunately validity has proved to be a significant issue with the
key components of the industry often being closely guarded secrets amongst
parchment-makers In 1775 Lalande highlighted this issue when writing his
Encyclopaedia stating lsquoanyone writing an article on the mechanical arts will learn after
having for some time gone from workshop to workshop with cash in his handrsquo that they
will often be paying for lsquothe most preposterous misinformationrsquo (Cited in Blom 2005
47)
This project constitutes the first detailed investigation into the parchment industry
during this period and so almost all information pertaining to the industry will prove
important and therefore a significant amount of information has been collected The
following chapters will therefore include a comprehensive review of all the major
processes and influences of the parchment industry hopefully creating the foundation
for future studies in this area
Firstly in regards to how parchment is made there are a number of texts from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which describe the process (see Ballard 1882
65-66 Houghton 1728 326 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456
Chambers 1728 351 Saxl 1954 94 Blanch 1774 42-43) However these descriptions
require thorough analysis particularly as none of the authors referenced above were
actually parchment-makers themselves The work of Chambers (1728) and Smellie
16
(1771) are encyclopaedias and perhaps therefore were less likely to have been
particularly thorough investigative pieces on the parchment trade similar issues of
validity remain with the Saturday Magazine article (The Saturday Magazine 1838) Ballard
(1882) and Blanchrsquos (1774) works are descriptions of the leather trade only briefly
reviewing the parchment industry though these texts share strikingly similar
descriptions of the manufacturing process Finally Houghtonrsquos work is perhaps the most
useful Written in 1694 though not published until 1728 it was written after an interview
with a parchment-maker reciting the production process in great detail These few
primary sources often share material details but they provide a vital historical platform
from which to build a fairly thorough understanding of the process and whether it
changed over the centuries
Just as there are few contemporary descriptions of the production processes so there
are also only a few texts describing the industry on a macro-scale Those that do exist
appear to only describe the process of the materials through the industrial system For
example Houghton (1728) and an article in The Saturday Magazine (1838) describe
parchment-makers purchasing their skins directly from butchers (Houghton 1728 326
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134) However there are various different descriptions of
the process For example Chambers and Smellie described the process as being started
by the skinner and finished by the parchment-maker (Chambers 1728 351 Smellie
1771 456) while a later text describes the skins as being purchased directly from the
abattoirs or slaughter-houses (Poole 1852 275) and Knight who describes the London
industry wrote about a lsquoskin-salesmanrsquo who acted as an agent between the sellers and
the fellmongers (Knight 1842 26) who then sold to the parchment-makers Finally
Hagadorn states that from the sixteenth century onwards English parchment-makers
purchased their skins from fellmongers (Hagadorn 2012 169) though it should be noted
that he draws this conclusion by referencing two texts neither of which supply
compelling evidence but instead simply outline the jobs of fellmongers (see Kite and
Thomas 2006 72 Thomas 1983 6) However Hagadorn does show evidence of Parisian
parchment-makers purchasing their skins locally (2012 170) which could perhaps
reflect the English model The directories and insurance records of the Sun Office and
Royal Exchange insurance groups two of the larger insurance groups that emerged
around the turn of the eighteenth century may also offer some insights into the roles of
17
parchment-makers during this period Overall the literature differs greatly on the
process of the exchange of materials and whether there are differences over time
geographical regions or simply authors who are mistaken as to how the process occurs
is not clear The primary sources therefore provide a conflicting picture of how the
industry functioned at least on a macro-scale again highlighting the need for greater
research in this area
A number of primary sources do provide some indication as to the scale and location of
the industry For example Chambers describes parchment as making a lsquovery
considerable article in the French commercersquo with large quantities being sent to
lsquoEngland Flanders Holland Spain and Portugalrsquo in the late 1720s (Chambers 1728 351)
a claim supported in The Saturday Magazine (1838 134) Despite this little is known
about the exact quantities or where they were transported to within England Also in
regards to where it was being made in England it is clear that large quantities were
being made in Bermondsey London (Knight 1842 18 Pendred 1785 33 37 Yeomans
2006 134) This area had a long history of tanning and with Knightrsquos detailed 1842
description of the parchment industry in the area (Knight 1842) it is possible to say with
confidence that this was a major centre for parchment production
Unfortunately however this appears the majority of the literature on the topic The
historical information on the post-medieval parchment industry is incredibly
fragmented with only a small number of texts referring to the industry and often only
in a few pages Of the more detailed summaries that do exist many describe different
systems with the majority of them have never been subject to any academic scrutiny
However a full review and analysis of these texts should begin to offer outlines of some
of the major aspects of the industry providing a reasonable overview of its history
22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry
There is a significant lack of any modern literature on the parchment industry between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries This is an issue perhaps best highlighted
recently by the lack of reference to any such documents in a number of modern studies
on hDNA in which providing an historical context for results would otherwise be
essential (see Teasdale et al 2015 Collins et al 2015 Campana et al 2010) Despite this
lack of literature there are a number of texts on parchment in the Middle Ages and
18
perhaps more importantly there are also a number of texts on the medieval
manufacturing processes which could prove useful for a later historical study of the
industry (see Clarkson 1992 Gullick 1991 Bicchieri et al 2008)
A number of texts on hDNA analysis highlight the need for greater research on the
parchment industry (Burger et al 2000) Species determination and STR-genotyping
from ancient DNA in art and artefacts have provided a comparison of the genetic status
of animals or plants with historical data and have greatly increased our knowledge lsquonot
only about the material itself but also about domestication cultivation planting and
herding practicesrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Bower et al write that if an extensive DNA
database of known provenance was created then future studies showing identical or
very similar hDNA identities could use it to determine the origin of their own samples
(Bower et al 2010)
Campana et al write however that their results showed multiple hDNA signatures in
other words that their results were affected by the environment in which the skins and
parchment were kept during production (2010 1324) an issue that can begin to be
combated once a better understanding of the post-medieval parchment manufacturing
process is developed It seems safe to assume that Campana et al would have reviewed
or even re-published their results if they could answer either of these issues but clearly
the material does not exist In fact their only reference to the history of parchment is to
a text by Ronald Reed (1972) however Reed only references modern methods of making
parchment and a single recipe from 800BC Ultimately there is a significant gap in
understanding about the structure of the industry and how parchment was made
between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries Overall all these studies only cover a
very small number of primary and secondary sources on the history of the parchment
industry despite the clear benefits associated with reviewing within a more clearly
defined historical context though this appears to be due to a lack of literature on the
topic than of choice
Despite a lack of literature on these areas there does appear to have been a cluster of
work on parchment between the 1950s and 1970s though primarily discussing how
parchment is currently made and what methods and source materials contribute to the
19
manufacture of the highest-quality parchment ( Ryder 1958 Ryder 1960 Ryder 1964
Ryder 1969 Reed 1972 Reed 1975 Reed 1991 )
The state of the parchment industry has also been measured by the quality of the
parchment over time which a number of studies showing the steady decline of
parchment quality over the centuries Ryder covers 200 samples of parchment between
the eleventh and nineteenth centuries to determine the relative quality (Ryder 1991
31-32) Relatively it can be argued that seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
parchment was of the worse quality than the medieval (Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1964
70 Clarkson 1992 5) Many writers have therefore made the claim that this shows the
decline of the parchment industry and the rise of the paper industry with cheaper
lower-quality parchment being made in order to compete However few writers appear
to have considered the possibility of changes in the quality of the materials available to
be used for making parchment an area that will be reviewed in this project
Yeomans (2006) is one of the only people to map parchment-makers using parish
records Her work covers the Bermondsey area in London which was the key area for
tanning in London and most likely therefore the main centre of parchment production
for all of England This work might provide a useful methodology for the current study
and data collection as well as providing key information about the structure of related
industry in London
Similarly Hagadorn (2012) reviews the parchment industry in eighteenth-century France
discussing elements of the industry such as how parchment was made (2012 169) how
skins were preserved (2012 171) the common use of lsquoadult sheep as opposed to lambsrsquo
sourced from local butchers by French parchment-makers (2012 170) and how the
market functioned more generally This work provides a useful methodology but also a
model of how a parchment industry would operate in that time period in a culture and
economy that is relatively similar to Englandrsquos It should be noted that the French
parchment industry has been well-studied and is very well-documented a luxury not
applicable to the study of the English parchment industry Fitzsimmons for example
has studied the integration of parchment-makers in Paris with other corporations
(Fitzsimmons 2010) and this might provide an insight into the role of English guilds in
the parchment industry Indeed one might expect the French and English parchment
20
industries to share many similarities both in scale and processes making both of these
pieces of work useful in both understanding the industry and creating a methodology
for future research
In conclusion despite little information being available on the history of the parchment
industry a number of texts detailing the composition of parchment and the effects of
breed-type diet environment grease content and age on the overall quality Combining
this information with the overview of the various texts discussing parchment quality
over time will offer some insights into the possible changes occuring in sheep farming in
the past These texts should also offer a number of interesting research possibilities for
reviewing any future conclusions made on the parchment industry between the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries
However literature surrounding the history of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 is extremely rare Very little is understood in terms of the size of the industry
its geography its source materials product prices taxation laws manufacturing laws
manufacturing practices or the various processes that occurred between an animals
slaughter the manufacture of parchment and the products eventual sale More detail is
known on the London and French parchment industry though the literature here also
remains limited The overall lack of literature on this topic further highlights the need to
initiate an investigation into this significantly overlooked industry and presents a source
of historical data on a time period severely lacking in economic historic and
archaeological information
21
23 New Areas of Research
There have been a number of groundbreaking new research methods surrounding
parchment that have been developed in recent times A plethora of new scientific
methods have been adopted for instance the chemical and spectroscopic analyses of
parchment has allowed archaeologists to identify the inks and other products used on
parchment for writing or decorative purposes ( DrsquoAgata et al 2007 ) In 2000 it was shown
that historic DNA (hDNA) could be be lsquoisolated from most of the various biomaterialsrsquo
and this hDNA has the possibility to be used to lsquodetermine the organic remnantrsquos
genusspecies of origin and on the other hand to create the genetic profile of an
individual animalrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Hence this new research could determine the
breeds of animal populations used in parchment production and help to determine the
timing or existence of an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo by developing a detailed
understanding of the animals being used in the agricultural system assessing the timing
of changes in sheep breeds due to changes in farming techniques and developing a
better understanding of the various objectives of farming communities However this
technology has primarily been focused on more specific rare medieval parchment
samples (see Stinson 2011 Teasdale et al 2017 Stinson 2009 Clarke 2001) however
the studies conducted creates a number of possibilities for similar research on the
post-medieval period However studies of this nature as stated earlier require research
on the processes of the parchment industry and how the parchment was prepared for
example as was warranted for the studies conducted on the Dead Sea Scrolls (see Poole
and Reed 1962)
There are of course still areas of concern with this research for example Campana et al
in 2010 presented how DNA found in parchment is more complex than first thought
with the manufacturing process affecting the hDNA extracted as a result of
cross-contamination during the industrial production process (Campana et al 2010)
However as Teasdale et al (2015) discuss the form of hDNA research used by Campana
et al has lsquowell-documented deficiencies particularly with regard to controlling and
estimating contaminationrsquo and that this next generation sequencing now being adopted
generates lsquomany orders of magnitude more datarsquo (Teasdale et al 2015 2) These
methods are clearly becoming increasingly accurate and it appears to be only a matter
22
of time before they are more widely applied to a range of archaeological research
However in order to understand the results of these tests it is imperative that they be
understood within the historical context Therefore a detailed understanding of the
industry and the manufacturing techniques is required before the results of these
experiments can be fully understood It also important it be understood where
parchment samples originate in order to understand to what geographical region the
results of any hDNA studies apply As a result the commonly adopted method of
reviewing any stationers stamp or taxation stamp to determine the origin of a sample of
parchment must also be questioned
Overall it remains particularly unfortunate that despite the incredibly interesting work
on hDNA its application to the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries has remained in its
infancy due in no small part to a significant lack of historical information on the
parchment industry during this period However there is by no means a lack of
information on this area and there therefore exists a great opportunity for research in
this area
23
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry
31 Uses for Parchment
From modern collections of parchment it is clear the material was still widely used well
into the early nineteenth century for a variety of purposes However parchment was
predominantly used for legal documents for example being the material used for the
custody of charters patents acts of parliament commissions chirographs deeds and
recognizances all of which were kept by the lsquoMaster of the Rollsrsquo (Chambers 1728 208
507) as well lsquococketsrsquo which were forms for recording goods that had been taxed (1728
242) Parchment was also used in the manufacture of pocket-sized memorandums (Sibly
1808 67) while parchment off-cuts were often used for the manufacture of glue (Smellie
1771 456 Sibly 1808 112) With parchment being the material used for such a huge
variety of products it appears clear that the industry must have remained of fairly
considerable size particularly with the rapid population increase between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries (see Wrigley and Schofield 1981) Furthermore the nature of
the documents recording property acts of parliament tax apprenticeships licenses
and so on likely means parchment was a material of high status it being almost
exclusively reserved for high status documents These were also documents often
required to be kept for a long period of time testifying to the view of parchment as a
high status material and one of greater state of cultural and physical permanence
Furthermore the demand for the products listed above can only have increased over
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of the huge population increase that
occurred over these centuries and the commensurate rise in bureaucracy and litigation
As time went on however many of these documents were instead made of paper but as
we know for many modern large collections of parchment the process was perhaps
slower than many have presumed
32 Who was Selling the Skins
Unfortunately very little is recorded about the parchment industry in regard to the
processes prior to the manufacture of parchment from skins Exactly who was flaying
24
the skins and from whom parchment-makers were purchasing skins is challenging to
determine from the limited literature and primary evidence
In the seventeen twenties Houghton described skins for manufacturing parchment
being sourced from butchers (1728 326) suggesting that the butchers flayed the skins
which were then purchased by tanners and parchment-makers Similarly a number of
the laws passed during this period on the topic of flaying skins referred to butchers as
the primary sources for flayed skins For example in 1603 the lsquoAct concerninge Tanners
Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupyinge the cuttinge of Leatherrsquo refers to
butchers as those flaying animals though also refers to there being various other trades
that involved the cutting of leather (1 Jas I c22) In fact for nearly all the laws on flaying
that succeeded this Act butchers are referred to as those primarily flaying animals
Similarly in 1806 The Flaying Act Considered As Without Benefiting the Pubic most Severely
Oppressing the Butchers of London (An Impartial Observer 1806) details the damaging
effects of the flaying laws on the butchers of London The author refers to the
lsquoindustrious butchersrsquo being fined extremely large amounts of money for damaging
skins (1806 15) Finally in 1808 when the inspection of skins in London was reorganised
the Butchers Company were assigned to appoint seven people to inspect all skins (Chitty
1824 353) This law also included the Curriers Company and the Cordwainers but given
the many references to butchers and the power given to them in this law it seems very
likely that butchers were the primary flayers of carcases
A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto
with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents published in 1824 also specifically
refers to Butchers as those who flay and sell skins (Chitty 1824 347) It refers to
lsquobutchers and others who flay carcasesrsquo as desposing of the raw or salted skins to
tanners who then sell them on to other workers of skinned-goods (1824 347) However
it is not required that the skins be tanned prior to making parchment and so perhaps it
is more likely that the parchment-makers purchased their skins from the butchers or
fellmongers
Chambers (1728) however describes the process of making parchment as being lsquobegun
by the skinner and ended by the parchment-makerrsquo (1728 351) Similarly the 1771
Encyclopaedia Britannica suggests that the process begins with skinners (Smellie 1771
25
456) This could refer to butchers but a number of historical sources make a distinction
between skinners and butchers (Bailey 1784 Campbell 1747 332 339 Kent 1798)
Ultimately it can only be determined that the initial stage of the process is started with
the skinning of the animal by someone other than the parchment-makers though in the
majority of cases this was done by butchers
In regards to who sold the skins to parchment-makers the process in London is fairly
well understood In 1842 Charles Knight elaborated on the processes that occurred in
London discussing who actually sold the skins after they had been flayed He states that
the skins were sold to the various manufacturers such as the wool-staplers
leather-dressers and parchment-makers by fellmongers in the area (Knight 1842 29)
These dealers of skins were found throughout England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries Baileyrsquos (1785) directory lists over 20 listed fellmongers across
England though it was likely there were a great deal more 1
A decade later Poole wrote that the skins of sheep were lsquocarried loose from the
abattoirs and slaughter-houses to the tanneries either loose or in casks without
heading for the purpose of being tanned into leather which is used in various ways as
covers for books parchment harness ampcrsquo (1852 275) This description of the process
remains somewhat odd as parchment was not actually tanned during its manufacture
However Knight also describes these skins being transported through London stating
lsquoWho is there that has not at some time or other had his ears dinned and tormented in
the London streets by a cart rattling and rumbling over the rough stones and laden
with sheep-skinsrsquo (Knight 1842 26) Whether this occurred exclusively in London or
more widely across Englandrsquos towns and cities is difficult to determine However it does
offer another example of fellmongers plying their trade purchasing flayed skins and
selling them on the streets of London
1 It is also worth noting that a few of the fellmongers listed in Baileyrsquos 1784 directory are often listed as being both fellmongers and skinners
26
It appears that skinners and butchers almost exclusively flayed the skins and then sold
the skins either directly to tanners parchment-makers or to skin salesmen and
fellmongers who would then sell on the skins Unfortunately there is little in the
literature on the exact process It appears that many people could be involved in the
sale of parchment and skins with the materials passing through many places (and
presumably geographical locations) prior to reaching the stationer However the records
that do exist show that the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then
sold either directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell In
London in particular skins were purchased from slaughter-houses and then sold
throughout the city by skin salesmen
It also appears that in many instances fellmongers would also be parchment-makers
Despite laws preventing tanners from selling skins (see section 72) the laws did not
extend to parchment-makers The insurance policies shown in section 35 show the
secondary occupations of those listed Of the 17 individual parchment-makers listed
around 47 of them were listed as also being fellmongers This would have been of a
significant benefit to parchment-makers as they would then have access to the specific
skins required for the manufacture of high quality parchment Furthermore it would
have allowed for two sources of income a position not available to many others in the
various skin trades and perhaps necessary given the low incomes of many
parchment-makers
In conclusion the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then sold either
directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell There are also
many instances where the parchment-makers were both source the skins and use them
to manufacture parchment
27
33 How was Parchment Manufactured
lsquoGood parchment must be thin strong yet flexible and have a smooth surfacersquo
(Ryder 1991)
There are a number of historic texts on how parchment was manufactured although
there are discrepancies in some of the more precise details A particularly detailed
description of the process from the period under discussion can be found in Husbandry
and trade improvd being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle
coals hops wool ampc (Houghton 1728 325-328) which has been summarised below
As stated this is perhaps the most detailed outlining of the manufacturing process
during the eighteenth century However it is worth comparing these details with a
variety of other descriptions from various sources in order to highlight possible
variations in the process
The first step is rarely mentioned in primary texts besides an 1838 article in The
Saturday Magazine which states that the skins are first de-haired then smeared with
28
quick-lime on the flesh-side and then were lsquoFolded once in the direction of their length
laid in heaps and left to ferment for ten or fifteen dayslsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838
134) The initial step of allowing the skins to deteriorate before removing the wool is also
a standard step for modern parchment-makers and appears unavoidable both then and
now as a necessary step allowing for the wool to be removed more easily Hanging the
skins and scrapping the wool were the same as the standard process for tanning
leather They are are also steps taken in the manufacture of modern parchment
samples as well as being steps outlined in a variety of other historical texts (Yeomans
2006 33 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456)
One improvement in the manufacturing process that did occur was the lsquosplitting
processrsquo which involves splitting the skin and using only the flesh-side for parchment
(Plenderleith amp Werner 1971 45 Ryder 1991 31 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134)
though this was a change that appears to have occurred very early in this period In fact
parchments lacking follicle remains with lsquoan open mesh of coarse collagen fibres
suggesting the flesh side of a split skinrsquo have been found in samples as early as the
thirteenth century though becoming common from the sixteenth century onwards
(Ryder 1969 534-535)
Putting the skins in a lime pit washing them and then stretching the skin over a frame
were also clearly standard steps in making parchment and are confirmed elsewhere in
the literature (Reed 1991 26 Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1983 730-731 Hagadorn 2012 169 ) However
many washed skins on site while others appear to have cleaned skins in fresh running
water This appears true at least in 1619 when complaints are recorded about
parchment-makers washing skins in Northamptonshire rivers (Page 1930 26-30) This
may explain the evolution towards the increased usage of pits for cleaning skins There
is also an example of an individual named Mr Cogan who washed skins in running fresh
water in Bristol claiming that although slower this would sufficiently soften the skins
(Ballard 1882 70) Although seemingly not the norm at least in London this may have
been adopted by many in the English countryside though presumably not in major
cities due to the issue of severe pollution of local water supplies
29
There are only a small number of sources that detail how long the skins were required
to be in the pit (or pits) with the overall amount of time varying depending on the skins
used Watt (1906) describes having to leave greasy skins in a lime-pit for a week or even
ten days (Watt 1906 439) suggesting the period of time they were left in these pits
would have been variable depending the levels of grease in the skins Also modern
parchment-makers lime the skins for a far shorter period than three weeks and yet it
appears the manufacturing process despite mechanisation has remained very similar
The skins were limed numerous times and in different pits or the same pit with
different solutions and the process seems to have been clearly understood by writers
both then and now however the time taken liming the skins appeared to differ
significantly
The final steps in the process from stretching the skins to the pumice are described in a
number of other texts (see Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1969 532 Plenderleith and Werner 1971 45)
However the time it would have taken for the skins to dry was dependent on the
weather and the skins used
In conclusion the range of literature offers a very clear and detailed overview of the
history of the manufacturing process of parchment with the process remaining very
similar over time However the profession of parchment-maker was a difficult and
required a great deal of skill and training
30
34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker
Unfortunately there are very few primary sources that allude to the socio-economic
position of parchment-makers However it is also important to consider that perhaps
most parchment-makers were located outside of major cities (discussed section 43) and
so would have proven difficult for writers of the time to judge the scale and revenue of
the industry
Campbellrsquos lsquo The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades
Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and
Westminsterrsquo offers overviews of the sums given with apprenticeships the cost of setting
up as a Master and the working hours on a wide variety of professions in London
However even in a text as thorough as this even Campbell confesses to his inability to
determine the incomes of journeymen parchment-makers (Campbell 1747 321)
Campbell does however list some key figures that may prove useful (see Table 1) His
data shows the fees surrounding parchment-making as being some of the lowest of any
London-based skin-related profession This data combined with the quote from
Campbell (1747 321) appears to show the profession was one of little financial merit
with Campbell describing the profession as requiring lsquoneither strength nor ingenuity nor
is there much profit attending it and very little of it manufactured in town so little at
least that after the strictest enquiry I cannot find what wages is given a Journeymanrsquo
(Campbell 1747 321) However parchment-making was clearly a fairly highly-skilled
trade with prior apprenticeship training and an in-depth knowledge of the production
31
required to partake in the profession Campbell however was unlikely to have actually
known the parchment manufacturing process it being a widely protected trade secret
and so his opinion appears conjectural However Campbell does clearly show that
parchment-making at least within the city of London was a profession of relatively low
income
This conclusion is further supported by The Book of Rates which shows the excise licence
for parchment-makers cost as little as pound1 which was far lower than most professions
and again lower than related professions (Anon 1787 109) though this may be due to
the already high stamp duty set on parchment (discussed section 51) However any
aspiring oil leather dressers would have had to pay double the rate of a
parchment-maker and a tawer of leather would have paid five times this amount (1787
109) However the fact the government felt capable of issuing both licensing costs and
stamp duty indicates the market still made enough money firstly to survive the costs
but also that it made enough money to profitably enforce nationwide licences and tax
However when comparing the costs with similar professions of the time it seems safe
to conclude that for many parchment-makers the profits remained relatively small
The incomes shown in the Witherby data (see appendix 1) do however show some
parchment-makers were making huge sums of money by the end of the eighteenth
century Perhaps a huge spectrum existed for profit-making potential with small and
large parchment works coexisting however it may also suggest that the incomes of
parchment-makers increased significantly during the eighteenth century with a rise in
litigation and legislation However perhaps a more likely situation is that the already low
incomes of parchment-makers coupled with the intensive taxation and regulation of the
market may have forced smaller parchment works out of business Overall despite a
lack of data on this area it is possible to see either an increase in profits for the period
or a huge range in the levels of production of the various parchment firms
32
35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry
It is important to note that the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries were a time that
most writers consider to have seen the steady decline of the use of parchment and the
beginning of the dominance of the paper industry (Lyall 1989 11-29 Ryder 1991 26
Reed 1991 217) Though this is not necessarily a reflection of the socio-economic status
of parchment which as shown earlier was still widely used for a variety of purposes
most of which were documents of major significance However it is often remarked for
example that after the introduction of paper the quality of parchment declined and the
parchment industry fell into serious decline (Rogers 1887 601 M L Ryder 1964 Ryder
1991 Clarkson 1992) It is rarely disputed that a causal relationship exists here however
a widespread number of other factors appear to have been ignored after the finding of
such a lsquoneatrsquo correlation in the historical data This decline could also be the result of a
forced change in manufacturing methods a change in the quality of the source
materials used in its production government policies or due to a decline in demand for
specifically high-quality parchment and shift to a more homogenous product
Furthermore more recent research has shown that the quality of parchment appears to
have actually increased between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries followed by a
second sudden decline in quality around the turn of the eighteenth century (see
Appendix 2) indicating the introduction of paper and the subsequent decline of
parchment is not the whole story Certainly the introduction of paper could explain this
initial decline however answers still need to be found for this second fall in quality for if
parchment quality and the state of the industry is intrinsically linked there are clearly
other factors that contributed to the eventual collapse of this industry
A direct link is often drawn between the rise of the paper industry and the subsequent
decline of the parchment industry However as Trolander states lsquoactually what drove the
rise in paper initially was improving economic conditions in England during the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries which created demand for skilled religious and
state administrators who relied on paper as a medium for record keepingrsquo (Trolander
2014) Furthermore if accepted that there were consistently around 15 million living
sheep each year (as stated in Apostolides et al 2008 43) then it could have proven
cost-effective to have produced parchment during this period with the huge supply of
33
skins lowering the cost of this key source material Also although the rise of paper
would have naturally affected what some parchment-makers were producing many
began developing new uses for their parchment lsquoTo meet this sudden new challenge of
the printed book parchment-makers of the sixteenth century found an outlet for their
product by using it as a full binding material to cover the early paper editions an activity
which they themselves largely undertook and developedrsquo (Reed 1991 217) Parchment
was still heavily involved in the production of books and yet there still exists lsquoa chasm in
our knowledge of the origins of the skin materials used in the construction of booksrsquo
(Neate et al 2011) which is further evidence of the importance of this research Finally
the significant population increase between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Brownlee 1915 221-222 Wrigley and Schofield 1989 577 Wrigley 2011 170-171)
needs to be considered Provided that parchment maintained any remotely significant
usage during these centuries the demand for the product was likely to have increased
substantially Again understanding what parchment was used for during seventeenth to
nineteenth centuries is therefore very subsequential
Overall it is clear that traditional parchment products were in decline during a period
when the use of paper was increasing across England The term lsquotraditional parchment
productsrsquo being key here as it appears parchment was beginning to be used in different
ways in order to survive though the extent of what parchment was actually used for
remains mostly unknown This also brings into question the traditional view of the
parchment industry falling into decline as a direct result of the widespread introduction
of paper A review of the changing parchment quality transaction sizes and number of
parchment-makers would answer many of the questions surrounding this debate In
fact a review of these details would offer a far clearer picture of the widespread
introduction of paper across England as well offering more information for those
studying the changes occurring in the English book trade Furthermore the traditionally
held view of the widespread adoption of paper being the direct and final cause of the
decline of the industry should be questioned
34
36 The Price of Parchment
The price of parchment is a source of data rarely used by writers when discussing the
agricultural revolution despite its value in offering insights into an entire unstudied
industry the value of livestock and the various leather and skin trades However despite
the potential gains there exists two key issues with the data on parchment prices Firstly
that parchment prices from the eighteenth century are difficult to obtain and secondly
that parchment often came in a variety of quantities making comparisons of price over
time difficult For example some sales were of individual parchment skins some by the
dozen and others by rolls a legally defined term meaning twenty skins (The Saturday
Magazine 1838134) This being said there is a number of fairly comprehensive datasets
on parchment prices
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices
Rogerrsquos lists a significant number of parchment transactions before 1682 but none
thereafter (Rogers 1887 575-606) This perhaps reflects the decline of the parchment
trade and a belief that the later prices were not important enough to include or perhaps
that the industry moved away from production for universities from which Thorold
received most of his prices (Rogers 1887 v) Similarly it could be a result of prices were
no longer recorded in the same materials and sources as after a 1711 act (9 Ann c11)
parchment prices were being set by the government with the government also
becoming the almost sole buyer of parchment (discussed in section 51)
Figure 2 presents a graph of the parchment transactions in Rogerrsquos work with the values
converted into pence in order to better illustrate the changes over time and to allow for
simpler data comparisons Furthermore transactions of vellum have been removed as
well as two transactions for parchment rolls (though they can be found in Appendix 3)
35
36
The transactions collected show the price of parchment to have increased though at at
a fairly slow rate (see figure 2) There are a number of very high transaction values
perhaps being the sale of very high quality parchment for specialist products
Unfortunately with transactions as small as these significant variability can occur
However Rogers does state that there was a 114 increase in the price of parchment
between his collection of 1541 to 1582 parchment transactions and his 1583 to 1702
data (Rogers 1887 794) though did not publish these transaction values in any later
volumes
Ultimately the prices collected by Rogers show that the price of parchment could vary
quite significantly with some transactions showing a dozen skins selling for considerably
more than others though the price of parchment seems to have remained stagnant for
much of this period Even the 114 increase does not constitute a huge increase when 2
compared to other price rises of the time When adopting the same periods of
comparison to Clarkrsquos collection of prices (Clark and Lindert 2006) mutton increased by
14972 between 1541 to 1582 prices compared to the 1583 to 1702 prices Barley
increased by 10546 and oats by 9084 However if the price of parchment had failed
to increase by any significant amount by 1682 (as shown in figure 2) and then increased
by 114 by 1702 parchment must have had a very sudden increase in price
362 Gregory Clark Prices
These prices are from a spreadsheet compiled by the economic historian Gregory Clark
from the University of California a document later re-formatted and converted to metric
by Professor P Lindert (Clark and Lindert 2006) Unfortunately the original source of
parchment prices has not been listed with the only other instance of these prices being
presented by Professor Clark were in an unpublished conference paper titled lsquoTowards a
Global History of Prices and Wagesrsquo (Clark 2004) This collection of prices is however one
of the most comprehensive collections available and spans admittedly with some gaps
from 1274 to 1706 (see figure 3)
2 It is also worth considering that the variability of prices was perhaps an indication of the variability of parchment quality
37
38
Similar to the results of Rogerrsquos 1887 work the prices shown in Clarkrsquos work present a
long history of a slowly ascending price for parchment followed by a sudden price
increase by the end of the eighteenth century This sudden increase perhaps being an
increase in prices being set by parchment-makers as a result of the advent of new forms
of taxation on some parchment products However Hughes (1941) writes lsquothe contracts
have been made with only two or three great stationers or others entered into
partnership with them who engross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it
in their power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo with this
being true at least until 1711 (Hughes 1941 248) Unfortunately the prices end 1706 and
a review of the original source material could help to shed light on these dramatic price
changes and the sudden lack of parchment prices There is likely some connection
however with the High Treasury beginning to set prices in 1711 as well as becoming the
exclusive purchasers of parchment To conclude however the market appears fairly
stable with the prices only increasing slowly and furthermore appear to support the
prices collected in Rogerrsquos listed transactions
Even when comparing Clarkrsquos prices to the inflation in the prices of goods from the
period as well as the average wages of the period the increase in the price of
parchment appears fairly substantial (see Appendix 4) However when comparing the
percentage increase in the average value of Clarkrsquos 1541 to 1582 parchment prices with
the average value of his 1583 to 1702 prices in a similar method to Rogers the value of
the parchment actually decreases by 98 There is however a spike in the prices of
parchment in Clarkrsquos work similar to the Rogerrsquos price spike with Clarkrsquos appearing to
occur around 1683 with the following year seeing a 100 increase in the price of
parchment Both of these datasets seem to show the price of parchment as being
stagnant for hundreds of years before a quite sudden spike roughly around 1683-1684
This considerable stagnation in prices may indicate a decline in the demand for
parchment and in part a decline of the industry more broadly It may also however
show an ability by parchment-makers to dramatically lower prices through increasingly
efficient methods of production and drastically increasing supply or lowering quality
though this appears unlikely given manufacturing methods remained consistent for
39
several centuries The results of this section will be revisited in the conclusion to
understand these changes within the context of other changes occuring in the market
40
363 Witherby Publishing Group Data
This section will review the data from the Witherby Publishing Group (see appendix 1)
collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018) The records show a
number of transactions that occurred with four parchment-makers during the
eighteenth century with fairly significant sums of money being exchanged
The data appears to show that a very different type of parchment market had emerged
by the end of the eighteenth century with parchment-makers generating very significant
incomes Unfortunately there is no information on the quantities of the parchment
being sold but even if one grants a significant increase in the price of parchment the
four individuals listed are clearly making a considerable quantity of parchment This is in
stark contrast to the few dozens being sold in various parts of the county as shown in
Rogerrsquos 1887 work
Furthermore it indicates that the price of parchment must have increased for if the
price of parchment remained stagnant and the price of parchment skins remained
similar to earlier centuries these four individuals would be making incredibly vast
amounts of parchment For example the average price of a single sheet parchment
during the seventeenth century according to Rogers data (1887) was just under a
shilling If the value for parchment had remained similar until the later eighteenth
century Noah Crook for example a parchment-maker from the Witherby data would
have been manufacturing between 7000 to 10000 sheets of parchment a year
The Witherby data provides a clear indication that the price of parchment must have
increased during the eighteenth century Furthermore it shows a possible changing
market structure in the industry The four individuals from the Witherby data were
making very significant sums of money and producing very large quantities of
parchment and yet prior to the eighteenth century the transactions sizes appear to
have been far smaller and from a variety of parchment-makers Perhaps this marks the
rise of larger parchment works and a move away from smaller-scale parchment-makers
41
364 Conclusions
Overall the nature of the records on the prices of parchment is sporadic containing
fairly substantial gaps in information The general consensus across the datasets
however shows a fairly stagnant market until towards the end of the seventeenth
century when there appears to have been an increase in the price of parchment Even
when compared to the general inflation in the prices of goods from the period the
increase in the scale of parchment production at least per site appears fairly
substantial Unfortunately the prices available in the literature stops a few years prior to
new legislation being enacted whereby parchment prices were to be set by the High
Treasury
The setting of prices coupled with the implementation of various laws surrounding the
production of parchment that were being set throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries appear the likely culprits of the increasing prices as inferred from the Witherby
data Furthermore a nineteenth-century writer under the pseudonym lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo wrote that these laws surrounding the quality control of parchment
production and the flaying of skins was expected to reduce the price of goods but that
instead they caused a number of goods to increase in price (An Impartial Observer 1800
20)
42
37 Salt Prices
The price of salt would have been a major influencer on the development of the
parchment industry Without the application of salt to skins the majority would have
only lasted between two to three days before they would become unusable Each skin
at least in more modern skins requires roughly two cups of salt for every pound of hide
and each skin to be salted twice (Churchill 1983 20) This is a fairly considerable quantity
of salt
In 1643 a Board of Excise was created an issued an early tax on salt This tax appears
likely to account for the early rise seen above It was withdrawn 1660 but reinstated in
1693 (6 Wil amp Mar c7) This tax was then continued and in some particular cases were
increased in 1696 (7 amp 8 Wil c31) The tax was then extended again 1698 (Pulteney
1731 8 ) In 1702 the salt commission was founded which overlooked and enforced the 3
tax on salt This tax on home produced white salt was by this point several times its
market value and was twice the rate on imported foreign salt (The Salt Association
2018)
3 This law was passed under 9th and 10th years of King William however I have yet to find the exact chapter pertaining to this extension of the law for this period of time There are however many extensions made in the 9amp10 Wil c44 law and so perhaps it is this law to which Pulteney refers
43
In 1730 the commission was ceased and the salt tax ended (3 Geo II c20) and this
would explain the very sudden dip in the price of salt around this period shown in figure
4 Lord Carteret when speaking in the House of Lords stated that in regards to the
various taxes set up and the effects they had on the lsquomanufacturers and artificiersrsquo of the
country stated lsquono tax lay so heavy upon them as this tax upon saltrsquo (Parliament House
of Lords 1742 66) After the country was lsquofree from such a heavy burdenrsquo (Parliament
House of Lords 1742 67) the prices again rose to pre-taxation prices Then despite
protests the duties on salt were reinstated in 1732 (5 Geo II c6) this being the likely
cause of the return to high salt prices post-1732 In 1798 the salt commission was
abolished and in 1825 the tax on salt was removed though the price remained fairly
high during this period most likely as consequence of the Napoleonic Wars
The high prices for salt during this period likely restricted many parchment-makers to
sourcing skins locally with any skins sourced further than a days travel likely being in an
unusable state by the time it arrived
44
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers
This section will present 676 records of parchment-makers between 1600 and 1900
from a variety of record-sets including apprenticeships probate records baptisms
directories marriage records records on crimes militia lists data from the Witherby
Publishing Group an unpublished site report and a variety of references to
parchment-makers from various authors The records go beyond 1650 and 1850 scope
of this project in order to further assess the validity of pre-census materials assessing
whether the numbers prior are particularly low or show any clear record-keeping biases
41 Review of Sources
Overall it is the census data that provides the most significant proportion of the records
in the data collected (see appendix 5) However these records only cover the period
after 1851 Prior to this period probate records and baptism records constitute the
majority of the records employed in this study the latter being used in preference to
probate records where possible with baptism records being produced when the
parchment-makers were still alive and engaged in the trade
The majority of all these records have been sourced from the ancestry website
Findmypastcouk Websites of this nature constitute perhaps the most significant
participation in the digitisation of the historic record turning the process into a
financially viable business model As such many of these sites now almost exclusively
own access to the digitised forms of these records which although present the issue of
paywalls to research projects of this nature provide the opportunity to collect and
interpret huge datasets in a relatively short period of time Until the archives sector or
academic community finds a viable method to digitise these records and make them
more accessible to the general public and academic institutions use of ancestry
websites such as Findmypastcouk are almost unavoidable However as this project
hopes to show use of sites such as this present the incredible importance of lsquobridging
the digital gaprsquo as termed by The National Archives in their current national digitisation
project (The National Archives 2018)
45
The records collected of the eighteenth century are primarily made up of apprenticeship
and probate records (see Appendix 4) These two records types are consistently found
throughout the various periods Partly as a result of the various duties associated with
such documents but also due to the importance of inheritance land and the nature of
parchment-making as being a highly skilled profession However there is the issue of
geographical bias in these records One such example may be York which holds a very
significant number of apprenticeship records due in part to the City of York Freemen and
Apprentices records that span over eight centuries This may bring into question the very
significant number of records found here prior to the eighteenth century however with
the records being kept all the way up until 1930 the later lack of records does offer
further validity to the eventual decline of the northern parchment industry at least in
the Yorkshire region
The eighteenth century records offer a greater variety of records types This is mostly in
part to the new and improving forms of records being kept and issued This allowed for
the use of more baptism and marriage records as oppose to probate records with the
former offering greater historical validity having been recorded when the
parchment-maker listed would have still been alive Regardless these probate records
do offer some insights into the socio-economic position of parchment-makers during
the time period with a seeming trend appearing to show a growing number of wealthy
parchment-makers over time however a more detailed analysis of these documents is
required There is also an increase in directory records with the recording and
publishing of trade directories becoming an increasingly common undertaking during
the period However there is an significant lack of parchment-makers being listed in
these directories both national (see Appendix 6) and local (see Appendix 7) This
highlights two key points Firstly the lack of parchment-makers in major towns and
cities where most trade directories covered And secondly it further highlights how
lsquohiddenrsquo parchment-makes are in the historical record and the need for the use of
digitised local record sets
Finally the nineteenth century offers the largest number of records with 424 records
during this century alone The records collected do go beyond what is considered the
46
scope of this project (1650-1850) however this use of later higher volume of records
should highlight any errors with the data that immediately preceded it
42 The Scale of the Industry
Upon on first glance 676 parchment-makers listed over a 300 year period seems rather
few at least when considering that the 1841 census lists 5957 tanners and 6982
tanners operating during 1841 alone (A Vision of Britain 2018) Furthermore parchment
is still being used for a wide variety of products during this period (see section 31)
There are are a variety of possible reasons for this figure It may be a lack of
representation of parchment-makers in the historical record Already it has been shown
parchment-makers were rarely mentioned in various trade directories (see Appendix 6
and 7) This appears significantly in part due to parchment-makers operating outside of
major towns and cities This appears very likely given the various smells and pollutants
involved in parchment production as well as the need by many for a fresh water supply
meant many were restricted to operating outside of major cities Parchment-makers
were also required to send the finished products to inspectors on the outskirts of towns
and cities (see section 52) and so there may have been little benefit to actually
operating within larger towns and cities to pay higher rents and to then send the
product out of town for inspection then taxation in London and eventual sale by
stationers What forms of record-keeping existed during this period being even more
sparse in the English countryside The only major cities in which parchment-makers
were consistently found in the historical record namely Salisbury York and London we
find a significant number of records
Furthermore perhaps many did not list their occupation as a parchment-maker Unlike
butchers curriers and tanners it was legally permissible that parchment-makers
glove-makers and a number of other light leather producers could work other
professions such as tanning cutting or selling skins or manufacturing other leather
goods (see section 52) For example many parchment-makers listed in section 45 were
also fellmongers There was also strong connections between parchment-makers and
glove-makers Many were organized together in various guilds in many locations over
long periods of time For example York between at least 1144 and 1419 (Hoffman 2011
184 Saxl 1954 18) Salisbury between 1613 until at least 1757 (Haskins 1912 80 204
47
737) London (Saxl 1954 18-19) Norwich (Crouse 1768 175) Chester (Freemen of
Chester 1992 18) Warwick (Craig 1960 287) and Paris (Fitzsimmons 2010 13) are just
some places where parchment-makers and glove-makers had been organised together
Glove-makers would have had in most cases the necessary tools while also using
similar types of light skins primarily sheepskins Finally parchment manufacture was a
highly skilled occupation though many of the laws of the period allowed for those
without apprenticeships to work on parchment provided they were under the
supervision of trained parchment-makers Perhaps many people working on parchment
were listed as lsquolabourersrsquo or lsquoservantsrsquo and were not themselves listed as
lsquoparchment-makersrsquo in the historical record
However the number of parchment-makers collected in the data presented in section
43 appears to actually represent a fairly accurate overview of the number of
parchment-makers These numbers after all do not offer insight into any changes in the
scale of production in various parchment works The 1841 census for example only lists
297 parchment-makers over the age of twenty in all of Great Britain with only two
operating in Scotland (A Vision of Britain 2018) There is no huge increase from the data
collected and this census data Furthermore this number is fairly significant when
compared to the paper industry The 1841 census lists 933 paper-makers Paper now
produces the majority of materials for the book trade and as the primary writing
material However Trolander estimates only one third of paper was produced for these
purposes with the rest being produced for other products (Trolander 2014 27) It is
perhaps a surprise then that an industry producing a material for so many uses
producing across the country (2014 28) unlike the parchment trade only employed just
over twice the number of producers Especially considering the fairly laborious process
that was still involved in paper production during the period (see Campbell 1747
125-126)
The Witherby data (appendix 1) also shows parchment-makers of the period producing
very high volumes of parchment Furthermore the parchment industry employed a
fairly significant number of manufacturers in spite of the industry only operating out of
a relatively small number of production centres The various economic motivations for
larger parchment works particularly the contracts between the High Treasury and larger
firms shows that the scale of production increased (discussed in chapter 5) In other
48
words the number of listed trained parchment-makers may be relatively low in the
historic record however the levels of production at these firms may have increased
significantly
Overall the data shows that the parchment industry was remained an industry of
significant economic importance There remained a significantly large highly-skilled
workforce operating in England The scale of this industry further highlights the need for
this research and highlights a significant source of future data and historical
information
49
43 Map of Parchment-Makers
This section reviews the maps made on the database created All the maps are shown
below however an interactive map is also available online at
httpsdrivegooglecomopenid=1cYHpfVWXK77s8yffkx3q6gN4ho8j8Eu6ampusp=sharing
An overview of the data is also available in appendix 8 with a detailed tabled of the
specific towns and cities recorded in appendix 9 and the types of records used during
each period is located in appendix 4
50
51
52
431 Review of the Data
The maps highlight several key aspects of the data Firstly a lack of parchment-makers
in the far south-west and the north of England In particular it appears there were a
fairly significant number of parchment-makers operating in York until the end of the
seventeenth century though there was a very sudden decline in these numbers over
time This likely suggests a decline in what was once a fairly major centre of parchment
production perhaps unsurprising due to a once flourishing book trade (Palliser and
Selwyn 1972 207) and the once high number of those purchasing legal and religious
materials in the region (see Winters 2012) The subsequent decline of the parchment
industry was perhaps therefore related to the decline of the book trade industry that
had occurred in the region however there a number of other possibilities are discussed
in the second half of this project
Secondly the data shows a fairly consistent number of parchment-makers in the
Midlands The figures here are not significantly high however they remain relatively
constant during between 1601 and 1900 The parchment industry may have survived in
this region due to the number of developing urban centres however if population
density and demand for local parchment supplies were directly correlated it would be
expected that this trend would continue in the more northern regions It could be stated
that this is the result of bias within the documentary records however the trend
continues very clearly in the later census data of 1851 and 1861 Perhaps the most
significant early conclusion that can be made is that there is no correlation between
developing urban centres and centres of parchment production
The data instead shows some very clear centres of production in the south of England
primarily in the regions stretching from Somerset to Middlesex and between Middlesex
through to Cambridgeshire and Suffolk In fact there appear to have been some very
clear towns and cities that were centres for the production of parchment between 1650
and 1850 (see Appendix 9) The top ten locations with records of operating parchment
works account for just under 44 of all parchment records from all the data collected
The parchment-makers listed in Salisbury Sherborne Marlborough Malmesbury and
the neighbouring town of Charlton represent a significant proportion of the data with
115 of the parchment-makers for these five locations alone Salisbury in particularly was
53
consistently a city with relatively significant number parchment-makers and was famous
for its production of parchment at least during the nineteenth century (Aubrey and
Britton 1847 95) Malmesbury also had a history of parchment-making being an area
which around c1800 had very few industries of significance besides lsquothe manufacturing
of leather gloves parchment and glue (Moffatt 1805 162 167) Aubrey and Britton offer
a possible theory that this was the result of lsquostrong watersrsquo in the region well-suited for
the washing skins (1847 95)
Sawston Cambridgeshire and Bury St Edmunds also offer interesting results Sawston
for example shows very few records being found for parchment works in the region
until the nineteenth century after which the data suggests the development of relatively
large parchment industry emerged A similar trend exists with the town of Bury St
Edmunds with only one record appearing between 1601 and 1800 though with 20
records appearing in nineteenth century It appears something has occurred that has
either allowed for or supported the growth of two large centres of production during
the nineteenth century
The persistent number of records in Middlesex and Surrey (primarily Bermondsey and
Southwark) is however of little surprise The boroughs inside the City of London offered
significant benefits to parchment producers being able to source from local abattoirs
as well as providing access to a incredibly vast trade network both nationally and
overseas The city also had a significant local market being the one of the largest cities
in Europe with a large demand for legal documents particularly from the central
government However a significant tanning industry had long been associated with the
settlements just beyond the outer reaches of London Yeomans highlighted the
eighteenth and nineteenth century existence of a parchment industry in this area as well
as its two major periods of production (Yeomans 2006) These industrial suburbs were
outside the punitive guild taxes enforced in the city of London offering even greater
financial benefits to parchment-makers and other workers of skinned goods
Overall the data shows a number of very clear centres of parchment production over
the period as the nexus for a fairly significant parchment industry across the country as
a whole Despite the traditional belief that the parchment industry fell into significant
decline following the widespread adoption of paper (as discussed in section 34) it
54
appears a significant number of parchment-makers were still operating at least until the
late eighteenth century The majority being located in South West England the Fenlands
regions and London or at least in very close proximity to London
55
44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies
A key source of information on the locations of parchment-makers can be found in The
British Book Trades 1775-1787 which lists a number of insurance policies taken out by
parchment-makers with the Sun Fire Office and The Royal Exchange insurance companies
(Maxted 1992) These records are by no means extensive the records only cover twelve
years during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and they also only represent
two of the insurance companies during a time when at least six were operating in
London and eight in the provinces (Maxted 1992 vi) However these policies state
where the parchment-makers were located as well as offering a more detailed insight
into the value and size of the firms and any secondary occupations the individuals held
Interestingly they further validate a number of the centres of production presented in
section 33 with Salisbury Malmesbury and St Margarets (in Marlborough) all listed
Coventry (10 parchment-makers) and Leicester (7) are also listed these also being areas
with a slightly higher than average number of parchment-makers (see Appendix 8)
Perhaps more surprisingly is the number of parchment-makers listed with high value
insurance policies Particularly as although different for the Royal Exchange the Sun Fire
Office only insured against fire until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickson 1960
110) This means that five individuals (records 10 12 16 17 21) held fire insurance
policies of a very high value particularly when compared to a number of other
insurance policies of those in other professions (see Maxted 1992) The value of these
policies is a clear indicator of the size and value of some of the parchment works in
operation during this period as well as further highlighting a number of key centres of
production
56
57
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844
To further test the validity of the previous data collected from primary sources (section
43) below are figures published by HM Stationers Office (HMSO 1844 1-237) This data
shows there to have been relatively few parchment-makers operating throughout
England during the nineteenth century identifying 357 parchment-makers though only
302 of them being over the age of 20 likely due in part to the number of young
parchment-makers in training as apprentices This data supports the location of many of
the major centres of production across the south east below a line from the Wash to
the Bristol Channel It further shows the lack of any parchment manufacturing industries
in the North of England or the south West The spreadsheet containing this information
is available on the CD included in this project
-
58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws
Despite the often sporadic nature of many of the records of the seventeenth eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries there still remains a reservoir of information in records
pertaining to tax and law The history of parchment industry can be in part ascertained
from what is found in these records The significant events and changes that occured in
the parchment industry as well as many of the main economic pressures of the period
can be determined by a review of this information The period was marked by increasing
levels of government regulation of various industries and the parchment industry was
no exception Taxation in particular played a key role in driving market forces and with
the growing development of early capitalism and the improved trade and transport
networks all these areas will have played key roles in shaping the parchment industry
during this period
51 Parchment Taxation
The 1688 revolution had plunged the country into lsquofinancial commitments on a level
previously unimaginablersquo (Beckett 1985 287) and as such the period of 1650 to 1850
was subject to a plethora of new and extensive taxation laws in order to raise money for
the crown In 1694 the Bank of England was established and this can perhaps be seen
as the focal point from which after a wave of various money-making government acts
were created primarily centred around the implementation of temporary taxation laws
the majority of which were later extended or made permanent
However no review of the laws specifically pertaining to the taxation of parchment
exists As such a review of all laws pertaining to parchment has been conducted and an
overview of parchment taxation laws can found in appendix 10 with a table of acts in
appendix 11 This history of these laws must first be understood before reviewing the
effects they had on the market
The laws passed implementing duties on various parchment-based products similar to
many products and materials taxed during this period were very extensive There were
a number of laws passed during the seventeenth century with many legal documents
59
being subject to various stamp duties along with strict organisational changes only
allowing trained individuals to partake in certain skinned-based activities for example
tanning flaying and parchment-making However the most significant and extensive act
occurred in 1711 during the ninth year of Queen Annersquos reign (9 Ann c11) As stated in
appendix 10 all parchment would now be taxed and was required to be sent to London
for inspection and the issuing of duties Furthermore the movement of skins the
network of the parchment trade and the market value of parchment was now all
essentially under the total control of the government
This is hugely significant in the development of the parchment industry Any
parchment-maker situated in or around London was now at a great advantage After
this act stationers would now purchase parchment (set at a fee fixed by the High
Treasury) and have the parchment issued with the necessary duties in London and then
distribute the parchment across England sending the parchment to one of the many
stationer offices set up across the country With the distribution network of parchment
almost exclusively owned and run by the government and with the market value set far
lower the survival of a parchment work could only be achieved with an increased
market share reduced production costs and a steady demand for parchment from a
local government-run stationer The reduction in production costs being of particular
significance and a standard only achieved with an increased scale of production a local
supply of high quality skins (likely purchased in relatively high quantities) the improving
efficiency of the manufacturing processes (though combined with a likely reduction in
parchment quality) and minimal land rents and local tax rates
Stationers were also certainly capable of stockpiling parchment supplies further
increasing government control of the market The industry was therefore likely subject
to great fluctuations in the levels of demand with the now almost exclusive purchaser of
parchment (the government) offering beneficial treatment to larger parchment works
The government could control how much it purchased and at what price and
consequently at least from the parchment-makers perspective the market was likely to
have been incredibly volatile with huge barriers to entry
Over the next century the laws covering the taxation of parchment became increasingly
extensive (see appendix 10) The result of these increasing duties and various attempts
60
to improve their implementation would have placed further strain on the smaller
parchment works and further incentivising the development of southern-based larger
parchment works capable of increased economies of scale and of providing a steady
supply to government stationers
However the actual success of these laws must be questioned The persistent re-issuing
of old duties the development of new duties stamps and regulations as well as the
continuous attempts to strengthen the governments market control brings into
question the success of previous laws Conversely with the necessity that all parchment
be stamped and the continued implementation of new stamps and increasingly difficult
to bypass regulations any black market would likely have declined significantly over
time
Furthermore it must also be considered that the extent of these laws and the incredible
amount of government investment may
instead indicate the success of these laws
By the early nineteenth century the
amount of money being made from stamp
duties on various products made almost
exclusively from parchment was
considerable (see figure 13) and with the
government controlling the value and
production of parchment very large sums
of money were clearly made The fact that
these laws were continuously enforced and
reissued over the course of a century
under the separate rule of four separate
monarchs may be a testament to the
success of profit made by the government
and the continuous attempts to access
further profits in already lucrative market
though at the likely expense of the success
of the industry itself The highly regulated
and difficult conditions were only
61
completely abolished in 1815 likely as a result of widespread social unrest of the period
and the various petitions made by many of the various members of the workers and
traders of skinned goods (see appendix 12) and not due to any failing in regards to the
funds raised for the government budget
62
52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment
lsquoThe examiners have attained the faculty of discovering the most trifling and frivolous reasons
for inflicting punishment for unavoidable offences insomuch that the said fines are now
nearly doubledrsquo
(An Impartial Observer 1800 23)
From the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century the implementation of a
series of increasingly intrusive laws surrounding the flaying of animal skins is apparent
A detailed overview of these laws had been conducted and is available in appendix 12
as well as a table outlining the specific laws available in appendix 13
The act of 1603 was the first act regulating the quality of skins and various skin-based
products and remained the only major defining regulatory act for over a century (1 Jac
c22) The law was likely a response to the decline of the guilds as well as the
significantly declining overall quality of parchment that had occurred in the previous
century (see Appendix 1) The steady improvement of parchment over the seventeenth
century and the lack of any newly issued laws regulating parchment manufacture
appear a testament to the success of this law
However the later eighteenth century manufacturing regulatory acts appear a response
to the 1711 law (9 Ann c11) the act essentially granting control of the movement price
distributors and tax rates of parchment giving government almost complete control of
the market The implementation of these laws was likely to enforce the maintaining of
high quality parchment despite a reduction in the market value of parchment overall
Essentially the government put parchment-makers in the position of being legally
required to produce high quality parchment but for a far lower price However the
persistent failure of the laws success with the decline of parchment quality during the
eighteenth century (see Appendix 1 Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70
Clarkson 1992 5) may be the likely cause of the reissuing and intensification of the
various regulatory measures
The repeated implementation of similar laws also seems to show the persistent failures
of the laws preceding them or at least that this was the belief of the governments of
the time These laws were likely to have deeply affected the parchment market as
63
growing government regulation of the various professions involving the manufacture of
goods from animal skins grew exponentially during these two centuries setting strict
manufacturing guidelines and limitations as well as the implementation of widespread
fines This period in general saw an ever-increasing level of intervention by government
in various industries and markets the various laws surrounding the flaying of skins were
therefore part of a larger regulation of standards and markets by government
Unfortunately even in spite of the incredible magnitude of the changes that occurred
over the following century it was clear the changes were not sufficient to see any
significant improvement or even maintaining of parchment quality (see Appendix 1) In
1806 a book was published by lsquoAn Impartial Observerrsquo titled The Flaying Act Considered
As Without Benefiting the Public most Severely Oppressing the Butchers of London
(1806) This text widely criticised the 1803 law (43 Geo III c127) introducing the new
fines and inspections to London stating all parchment must be taken to Leadenhall
Market for inspection if manufacture within a 15 mile radius of the site The Act also
instituted a fine of 2s 6d for anyone in possession of neglected or damaged skins with
an extra half penny for every damaged skin Below is a quote from lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo on the subject of these fines
lsquoNothing stronger proves the inattention of the industrious butcher to what was passing
parliament than the very great disproportion of fines this act enforces for it will hardly be
credited that sheep and lamb-skins which (independent of wool) are on a fair average
worth only seven-pence halfpenny from the butcher to the purchaser are liable to a fine of
three-pence which with the salesmanrsquos charge and inspectors fee amounts to four-pence
farthing while the severity of the examiners has been extended to censure nearly one-third of
all brought before themrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 15)
The laws had clearly made the production of leather and parchment very risky affairs
due to the incredibly severe fines The author of this text continues to discuss the failure
of the law to understand the parchment-making process They describe the operation of
converting sheep skins to parchment as lsquoa very delicate operationrsquo and one that causes
lsquofrequent cuts and gashesrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 19) This being considered as
well as the fact that inspectors were paid for every skin found to have been damaged
(Chitty 1824 351) it appears very likely these laws would have resulted in a great
64
number of (often unwarranted) fines The law incentivised officers to consistently find
cuts and blemishes on skins in an industry where cuts and blemishes were almost
inevitable Defects in the skins were not always immediately visible depending on the
physico-chemical treatment that had been applied in the vat however in many cases the
defects could only be recognised later when the material was actually put to use
(Minard 2011 150) The smaller parchment works of the period particularly those
without large contracts with stationers must have struggled significantly during this
period If only a small number of skins were considered damaged the parchment works
would receive very significant fines and the possible seizure of much of their stock
It is also worthy of note that the lsquoImpartial Observerrsquo also refers to many of the flayers
outside of London as being often untrained and consequently being the primary source
of damaged skins (An Impartial Observer 1806 5-6) This may indicate the high level of
specialisation in London and the failure of early laws to ensure high quality flayed skins
outside of London However it may also have simply proven pragmatic to state this as
the author may be attempting to have the 1803 law retracted while hoping to continue
profiting from the highly intrusive laws affecting the rest of England
By the time these laws were eventually repealed (after a significant number of petitions
from various groups) the effect on the parchment industry must have been substantial
Even if laws preceding the 1800 act (39 amp 40 Geo III c67) which implemented the
creation of inspection points be set up outside each city had been widely ineffective the
effect on the industry between 1800 and 1815 at a minimum must have been very
significant A huge number of smaller parchment works must have collapsed or been
forced to merge with other firms The widespread fines and inspections and the
incentivisation of inspectors to find damaged skins would have put further strain on the
market with only the larger firms capable of creating a more homogenous product and
able to afford the inevitable fines capable of surviving
53 Who is enforcing these laws
The 1603 act (1 Jac I c22) states that all leather goods within three miles of London
must be inspected and sealed before they can legally be sold Eight individuals were
therefore appointed to inspect and tax skins and hides these individuals were
65
designated the role ofrsquo lsquosearcher and sealerrsquo and these individuals were changed each
year They would each record all sales of leather hides and skins as well as recording
the name of the buyer and seller the price of the leather and any issues regarding the
quality of the products Any individual selling products sold that had not been lsquosearched
and sealedrsquo would have their goods confiscated In the event of goods being seized the
company of cordwainers the company of curriers and the company of tanners would
each elect two individuals with no connection to the accused who would examine the
goods and determine whether the goods were lsquosufficient and serviceablersquo Strangely
however the law does not discuss the maintaining of these laws beyond the three mile
radius of London set out in the act suggesting those outside of London were perhaps
beyond the scope of any government regulation of product quality If true there would
have been a fairly significant incentive to produce parchment outside of the city of
London
Then in 1694 the Treasury established a number of offices (see appendix 14) and hired a
number of commissioners to distribute stamped parchment throughout the country in
order to maintain this new tax they were what Hughes calls lsquoretailers of stamped paperrsquo
(Hughes 1941 247) It is fortunate that it appears the first list of these distributors was
recorded (see Appendix 15) According to the Calendar of Treasury Books there were
thirty-six distributors of stamped parchment and paper across England and Wales
spread across almost every county However it appears there may have been a number
of stampers an even smaller number of officers and only a single inspector of
parchment (see Shaw 1935 636-648) As a result of this system it appears the Treasury
would sign contracts with certain parchment-makers to insure the steady supply of
parchment throughout England (Hughes 1941 248-252) The contracts were made with
only two or three great stationers and others who entered into partnership with these
stationers who lsquoengross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it in their
power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo (Hughes 1941
248) These contracts greatly benefited the stationers however claiming an allowance of
six percent of each stamped paper or parchment batch sold while many of these
distributors lsquotransgress muchrsquo in charging higher prices than was permitted (1941 252)
It appears to have been a grossly inefficient system and one fraught with corruption
though one that greatly encouraged the reduction of parchment production costs
66
Each county had an office with a commissioner of stamps and these commissioners
were reported to have stamped all the parchment and paper legally used in England at
this time as well as to have made a record of such activities An investigation into these
individuals and the volumes of parchment they stamped in their respective counties
would offer further evidence of key centres of parchment production and usage in
England though as of yet it has not been possible to locate these documents Also for
most of this period it seems all parchment was required to be inspected at least once a
day for quality and tax purposes (Leadbetter 1755 339 Ashworth 2003 246) and so
perhaps even more data exists The nature of these laws also highlights the high
volumes of parchment still used across England a point further supported by the fact
that as late as 1714-1715 parchment was still generating huge sums of money from
stamp duties (see Shaw and Slingsby 1957 385)
The 1710 act (9 Ann c11) offers greater clarification on this issue This law states that
officers were appointed to weigh the skins and issue the necessary duties as well as
mark the hides skins and parchment to denote the charging of a duty The act does not
however specify if these officers are inspecting the quality of the skins though a later
text indicates this to be the case In 1778 a text titled Instructions for Officers of the Duties
on Hides in the Country details how the excise officers at this time were instructed to
inspect the skins (Great Britain Commissioners of Excise 1778) It was instructed that
the excise officers must lsquoinsert in an entry-book which is to be kept at the Excise Office
copies of all the entries made by tanners tawers ampcrsquo (1778 5) and furthermore that
they must weigh and mark the skins (1778 7) However it appears these officers were
also required to investigate the quality of the skins lsquoWhen you discover that any Tanner
Tawer or Oil-dresser ampc has diminished shaved or impaired his skins contrary to law
between the time of taking them out of the materials and weighing them or has
neglected to keep his hides or skins that not been duly markedrsquo officers must in such
cases lsquogive notices therof as soon as possible to your Collector or Supervisor that the
offenders may be prosecuted as the law directsrsquo (1778 7-8)
Unfortunately it cannot be said with complete certainty if these officers were inspecting
the skins quality prior to this however it appears to have been a long history of those
taxing the parchment to also inspect it going back to the lsquosearchers and sealersrsquo of
67
London Furthermore as early as 1671 the English government had created offices for
excise officers places where officers who would examine and stamp skins would be
based (Hughes 1941 247) A later text even details how the excise officers of the early
nineteenth century would inspect skins quality and then stamp the skins with either an
lsquoSrsquo marking them as acceptable skins or lsquoDrsquo for damaged skins (Hughes 1941 351)
Overall then those in charge of distributing the duties on these goods were also
inspecting the materials and goods for quality This being the case a great number of
skins and parchment goods would have been inspected in London due to the number
of goods that were required to be transported there for tax purposes (see section 61) as
well as the large market for parchment in the city
However the 1800 act (39-40 Geo III c66) saw to the creation of a number of places
outside of major towns and cities specifically for the examination and inspection of
skins It was written that these assigned locations will not exceed three miles nor be less
than two miles from each city or town to which they are assigned (Chitty 1824 348) The
inspections of London also changed slightly in 1808 when it was determined that the
inspectors would be named by the Butcherrsquos Company the Currierrsquos Company and the
Cordwainers (Chitty 1824 353) who would each appoint seven individuals Ultimately
however this did not last long with the various regulations and inspectors being
removed from English law during the nineteenth century This act marks the last
attempt by the government to control the development of the parchment industry until
the repeal of the various acts between 1808 and 1815
54 Effects on Parchment Quality
There is a general consensus that parchment between the seventeenth and eighteenth
century was of far lower quality than parchment of the medieval period (Rogers 1887
601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70 Clarkson 1992 5) Current research by Sarah
Fiddyment at the University of York offers further clarity on parchment quality
(Appendix 1) This research involves reviewing a large number of parchment samples to
assess changes in quality over time based on the development of a Parchment Quality
Index (PQI) measuring the levels of damage that occurred to parchment during the
manufacturing process This research shows two very clear period of decline in the
quality of parchment
68
The first sudden decline begins around the fifteenth century and has many possible
causes though Fiddyment has presented a clear correlation with the changing
proportion of parchment to paper used in the market based on the data presented by
Lyall et al (1989 11-29) The sudden influx of paper led to the steady dismantling of the
infrastructure of the parchment-making industry and would in part explain this sudden
decline However the detrimental effects of the plague must also be considered
Parchment-making was a highly skilled profession with knowledge of the various
processes having been well-kept secrets within the profession and the dramatic
population decline in the mid-fourteenth century likely saw the loss of much of the
inherited knowledge It may have taken many generations before this knowledge was a
disseminated across England once more
However the cause of the second sudden decline between c1710 and c1830 remains
something of an historical anomaly (see appendix 1) There are a number of possible
causes for example the continued competition with paper though it appears unlikely
to have caused such a sudden decline so late The effects of the influx of the new
breeds which were generally far less suited to the production of high quality parchment
presents another plausible theory However as stated earlier the majority of the major
parchment works in the country were primarily located in regions where the older more
suitable breeds remained Furthermore the decline appears to occur before the new
breeds such as those of Ellman and Bakewell had made any noticeable impact on
English agriculture Finally there is the possibility of European wars causing the decline
in quality France in particular was a significant producer of parchment (Massey 1763
58) and a major exporter of parchment to England for a number of centuries (see
Gullick 1991 154-156 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Chambers 1728 351 ) However
there is no evidence French parchment was of significantly better quality than English
parchment and England was still importing lsquovast quantitiesrsquo of parchment around 1728
If the higher quality parchment of previous centuries had been that of French origin
then it would be expected the quality would have risen significantly again by 1728
(Chambers 1728 351)
However the most plausible primary cause of this sudden decline was the 1711 Act (9
Ann I c11) as well as many of the laws that followed it Firstly the yearly setting of
69
prices by the High Treasury was likely very detrimental to the quality of parchment In
order to set the price of a product a universal measurement needed to be established
Prices could have been set to a certain quantity of parchment for example one piece of
parchment which was set to a duty of 6 d in this Act Similarly it could be set to the
weight of parchment This being possible as all inspectors were required to weigh
parchment before denoting a duty but they would also record the value of the
parchment after weighing (9 Ann I c11) Each method fails to take into consideration
the quality of the parchment a subjective characteristic one not mentioned in any law
during the period
The results over time would be little incentive to produce high-quality parchment as
parchment-makers would receive the same price for a low quality piece of parchment as
they would from a high quality product Furthermore being unable to improve profits
with increased prices firms could now only do so with an increased market share and
reduced production costs Over time competition over a reduction in production costs
was likely more significant than any competition over parchment quality
Furthermore the strict regulations set on the production of parchment would have
great discouraged the production of higher quality parchment The risk associated with
finely flayed skins as well as over-liming skins the removal of wool the scraping of skins
and removal of fat deposits would be so high as any damaged skins would result in high
fines and the seizure of parchment and skins that it seems likely to have greatly
discouraged the production of high quality parchment The quality of parchment only
increases (see Appendix 1) after the repeal of the variety of acts pertaining to the setting
of prices and the extensive regulations surrounding the production of parchment that
occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century (see section 34) This difficult period
was likely best navigated by larger parchment works capable of producing large
quantities of a more standardised quality of parchment that though perhaps not of
great quality met the strict criteria set out in these acts while reducing production costs
55 Conclusions
Overall the various laws on taxing parchment clearly played a key role in the
development of the industry With all parchment moving through London one might
70
expect the industry to be larger in the south given the huge price implications for
transporting parchment from the more northern regions Secondly clear deals were
being struck between the Treasury and stationers and between stationers and
parchment-makers in order to make large amounts of parchment more cost-effectively
(at least in theory) Larger manufacturers and larger trade routes meant increased
economies of scale but perhaps more importantly allowed for a more efficient method
for taxation The whole system appears to have greatly incentivised the development of
larger parchment works declining parchment quality and a geographical shift to the
southern regions These developments are likely to have forced the small-scale
parchment works to either develop a partnership with larger parchment works in order
to be a part of the huge deals that existed at the time or to stop manufacturing
altogether Also the percentage based charges set on each bulk of parchment sold the
economies of scale related to industry and the steadily developing systems for
processing and distributing large amounts of parchment will have greatly shaped the
parchment industry between 1711 and 1815
71
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds
61 Sourcing Sheepskins
lsquoThese skins are difficult to describe in general terms for they differ enormously in size fat
content general quality of the fibre network and the types of epidermal structures they
elaborate depending on a multitude of biological factors of which breed age environment
diet and conditions of rearing are the most obviousrsquo
(Reed 1972 41)
The skins most ideal for the manufacture of parchment had specific characteristics that
made them better suited for the manufacturing process The quality of the skins could
be affected by a variety of possible factors Therefore it must be determined which
skins were best for the production of parchment and which breeds of sheep under
which agricultural system would be best suited to producing skins used in the
manufacture of parchment Furthermore having established the significant financial
benefits of sourcing skins locally as well as the high risks involved with using low quality
skins due to possible damages to the final product establishing which breeds were best
suited to parchment-makers is vital to a study of this nature
611 Fat Content
lsquothe surface should be firm free from grease of good even colour and as smooth as possiblersquo
(Reed 1972 125)
The fat content of an animal drastically affects the quality of the skin for its use in
manufacturing parchment During the manufacturing process parchment-makers
remove the fat hypodermic layer of the skin in order to make a smooth surface free
from grease Failure to remove the grease from the skins results in the discolouration of
the final product (Reed 1972 21-24 Saxl 1954 6) as well as the possibility of marked
ridges on the parchment (Reed 1972 132) Removal of all fragments of grease is a
difficult and time-consuming task (Reed 1972 132) particularly before the
mechanisation of the parchment manufacturing process (Saxl 1954 31-32) Significantly
72
fatter sheep would have caused even great difficulties as in many cases the fat cells
could infiltrate the connective tissue residing in the dermal layer of skin which would
have proven an even greater challenge to parchment-makers (Reed 1972 30) Reed also
stated that fat can cause weakness at the epidermal junction causing the dermal and
epidermal layers of the skin to split (1972 43) However this appears to be of most
concern in skins sourced from older sheep though one might presume that skins
originating from fast-maturing sheep may suffer from this defect at an earlier age given
the lsquorelatively unstablersquo collagen development in some fast-maturing breeds (Henrickson
et al 1984 168) The removal of grease if not completed after the initial exposure to the
lime pits many craftsmen would use gesso quicklime powdered bones or chalk (see
Reed 1972 148-149) though the most common solution was the application of
additional treatments of lime (Yeomans 2006 33) Overall the more grease that had to
be removed the longer it would take to make parchment and the process would be
more costly The increased workload may also have increased the likelihood of the
damaging of skins a particularly significant issue given the various laws surrounding
skin and parchment quality between 1650 and 1850
The fat content of sheep between the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries was likely to
have varied significantly and determining which breeds produced usable skins and
which did not is a difficult task Even today both the overall fat content and the
distribution of fat in sheep appears to be very variable (see Palop 2016 7) It also
appears very likely that parchment-makers were unable to avoid using fatter breeds of
sheep over time as many of the breeds in England and Wales grew in size during this
period due to changes in breeding practices and husbandry (Davis and Beckett 1999
Henderson 2016 25-31) Ryderrsquos work may also support this as the eighteenth century
parchment samples he reviewed were of a greater thickness (1991 31) and studies have
shown a correlation between skin thickness and diet Sheep fed on a diet of lower
nutritional value can see a reduction in their skin thickness over time while sheep
intensively fed larger diets will keep thicker skins (Williams and Thornberry 1992 140) It
can be concluded that the skins of fattier faster-maturing breeds were likely to have
been spurned by parchment-makers in favour of smaller breeds with lower deposits of
grease
73
612 The Age of Sheep
Another key factor in determining the quality of a sheeprsquos skin is the age of the animal
Younger animals tend to have higher quality skins for parchment-making due to their
finer grained surface (Reed 1972 35-36) Older animals however despite being larger
and providing more skin per animal tend to have inferior fibre networks and increased
chances of skin defects and irregularities (Reed 1975 35-36) They are also more likely to
have far greater deposits of fat due to longer lives of eating and depending on the
breed and farming system very little exercise They are also more likely to have greater
deposits of fat spread throughout their entire bodies including their skin causing great
difficulty to parchment-makers With greater age also comes a greater propensity for a
variety of pathological conditions and connective tissue disorders as well as damage to
the skin from mites insects and physical trauma (Reed 1972 35-37)
Even when considering the issues connected with older sheep the harvesting of lamb
skins is a far more costly enterprise Lambs produce far less usable material for
parchment-makers and yet require very similar levels of skill time and production costs
as full-grown sheep
Another key area in regards to the effects of ageing on sheepskins is the difference
between the older native breeds of England and the so-called lsquonew breedsrsquo which
reached maturity far quicker A clear example being that of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester
sheep a breed that matured in only two years and had a far greater propensity to fatten
(Youatt and Weld 1837 25-26) In these faster-maturing improved breeds the dermal
collagen grows far more quickly than in the skins of the native breeds This rapid growth
of collagen results in the collagen becoming lsquorelatively unstablersquo and therefore the
lsquoleather obtained from intensively fed animals had a lower breaking point strength than
those obtained from regularly fed animalsrsquo (Henrickson et al 1984 168) Similarly it has
been argued that the lsquoincreased growth rate must be accompanied by increased
collagen degradation or reduced collagen synthesisrsquo and lsquothis is true whether the
increase results from nutrition or from selection for growth ratesrsquo (Lawrence et al 2012
44)
Unfortunately given the wide variety of breeds from the resulting cross-breeding from
the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries it is difficult to determine which breed exactly
74
presented a significant problem However it can be concluded that the skins of
fast-maturing intensively-fed breeds were overall more delicate than those of the more
lsquonaturallyrsquo raised sheep and therefore it seems likely that parchment-makers would have
avoided sourcing their skins from sheep farmed intensively for their mutton
613 Diet and Environment
lsquoa larger carcass inevitably meant longer heavier and coarser woolrsquo
(Wykes 2004 51)
Diet clearly affects the quality of skin with over-feeding resulting in issues of collagen
development and a weak fibre network as well as higher levels of grease (Henrickson et
al 1984 168 Reed 1972 37) However there are a variety of agricultural systems with
different foodstuff and feeding methods which Reed (1972) reviewed to assess the
impact of diet on the skin quality (Reed 1972 36-42)
Firstly Reed concluded that stall-fed sheep typically have looser thinner hides
compared to sheep that roam pastures for their food This is partly due to the lack of
exercise a common issue with the larger sheep as in the words of the
nineteenth-century land survey John Middleton lsquoanimals that are intended to be
fattened with the most speed the least food and the greatest profit are or ought to be
kept still and as free from exercise as possiblersquo (Middleton 1807 436) It is also due to
the diet of stall-fed sheep These animals would have experienced lsquoartificial feedingrsquo for
example barley oil-cake potatoes and food-waste and this diet as Reed states results
in skins that are often softer and more spongy in character (1972 37)
Reed goes on to write that the woolled downland sheep generally had large skins
lsquouniform in texturersquo though with large deposits of grease (1972 41) This was in stark
contrast to the mountain and hill-reared sheep which typically produce stronger
higher quality skins (1972 37) They also have thinner skins with a tighter dermal
network with a finer grain and far less grease (1972 41) The hilly and mountainous
districts have great tracts of uncultivated lands which provided rough grazing for a
number of sheep (Fussell 1964 49) The mountain and hill-reared breeds found in these
areas often had slower rates of maturity (relative to the improved breeds) and they
75
generally had increased levels of exercise as they roam for their food (1972 42) These
factors help to create a tighter dermal network and consequently stronger thinner
skins more ideal for making parchment
The environment and diet of sheep plays an integral part in developing high quality
skins and as Reed describes the more lsquonaturalrsquo the conditions in which the sheep are
raised the better (1972 37) We can therefore conclude that the parchment-makers
using the skins of the naturally fed roaming sheep (typically hill-reared) would be
producing the highest quality parchment and given the increased strength of the skins
(resulting in fewer defects) and the reduced levels of grease would be producing
parchment faster and with fewer damages to the material and with less wastage
76
614 Wool Sheep
lsquoBreeding for mutton however and breeding for wool are distinct and different objects and will in some measure depend on situation for those soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of mutton and on the other hand those soils which
fatten most in equal proportion deteriorate the woolrsquo
(Rudge 1807 306)
Between 1650 and 1850 there were a great variety of sheep
breeds with a varying range in the quality of their fibre
networks and types of epidermal structures At either end of
this spectrum existed the two extremes of wool breeds
Firstly the woolled sheep with epidermal growths of fine
soft and curly wool (Reed 1972 41) The latter breeds were
the lsquohair typersquo (often referred to as heath sheep) which had
coarse thick and tough fibres (1972 41)
The woolled type of sheep produced the worst skins for
parchment-makers Sheep with a high number of follicles
particularly those with a high ratio of secondary to primary
follicles such as the Merino sheep produced skins that were
loose in texture of a poor quality to parchment-makers The
extensive glandular structures would prevent the dense
packing of the connective tissue fibre networks (1972 41)
Furthermore the persistent shearing of sheep has an effect on
sheepskin thickness (Lyne 1961 152 Wodzicka 1958
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska 1960 197) an issue mostly affecting
sheep bred primarily for their wool Overall the better the
sheep for producing finer wool the worse it would be for
manufacturing parchment
The latter breed the lsquohair typersquo on the other hand had thick
fibres and fewer follicles therefore producing a far more firm fibre network (Reed 1972
41) and therefore better skins for parchment (see figure 14)
77
There were of course a greater variety of sheep breeds than those purely bred for wool
and the purely hair-type of sheep There were also medium-woolled sheep producing
fewer follicles with a lower ratio of secondary to primary hair follicles (see figure 14)
These sheep were primarily the downland sheep bred for the production of mutton The
larger carcass resulting in longer heavier and coarser wool (Wykes 2004 51) the skins
were generally thick and fairly uniform in texture (Reed 1972 42) though unfortunately
still proving difficult for parchment-makers due to their high deposits of grease Overall
the ideal breed for parchment-makers was one that had not succumbed to either
extreme of specialisation for either wool or mutton production The hill-reared sheep of
Britain therefore developed favour amongst many producers of light leathers (eg
gloves) and presumably therefore parchment-makers These sheep produced thinner
skins with tighter dermal networks (Reed 1972 41) and were therefore of the highest
quality for parchment-makers
Overall however there was a huge variety of sheep breeds but the studies into fibre
and follicle networks show that sheep with tighter and firmer fibre networks were best
for making parchment These were generally less woolly sheep with lower grease
deposits ones not subject to extreme specialisation unimproved sheep with the fatter
improved breeds promoted by Bakewell and others for either intensive mutton
production having skins that were too greasy and the wool-producing sheep having
skins that are too loose in texture
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used
Ryder (1960) reviewed the diameter of fibres and follicles in a variety of parchment
samples ranging from twelfth to the nineteenth century The results found that most of
the fine-wool samples came from the medieval period while most of the medium-wool
samples came from the sixteenth century onward and finally the coarsest samples
appear to have been from the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) This work also
shows that throughout these centuries there were still attempts to use lsquohair sheeprsquo This
is similar to Hedwig Saxlrsquos results (1954) which reviewed the development of sheep
breeding and a variety of samples and concluded that there was a progression from
medieval times which saw sheep with very few hair follicles to more modern
78
sheepskins which showed a great number of crowded hair follicles The results of this
paper similar to results of Ryderrsquos work suggest that sheep were being bred to produce
more wool over time or that producers of parchment were being more selective over
the skins they used
It is also worthy of note that according to Ryderrsquos work hair sheep were used in all
centuries including the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) However when discussing
the hair-bearing sheep an eighteenth century writer stated that lsquothe pure breeds of this
sort are scarcely anywhere to be found among manufacturing nationsrsquo (Anderson 1797
320) However Anderson also states that sheep such as these have often not been
separately categorised and have lsquoalmost entirely escaped the notice of naturalists and
othersrsquo (Anderson 1797 320) It appears likely then that many of these sheep were still
being used in the English agricultural system though were often overlooked by the
agricultural writers of the time who were more concerned with the breed capable of
producing high levels of mutton or wool Anderson even goes on to write that lsquothere is a
much greater proportion of the hair-bearing race among the breeds of sheep in the
southern parts of the islandrsquo and that a Mr Lisle had heard of these sheep under the
name lsquorowety-woolrsquo (Anderson 1797 330) The word lsquorowetyrsquo means a poor area of land
either an area recently harvested andor having been left unploughed for some time
(see Lisle 1757 157 Fussell 1966 39 Bath amp West of Eng Agr Soc 1792 85) These
sheep were therefore likely found in lands of high levels of lsquowastersquo with little attention
paid to the quality of the breeds being farmed
In general however despite clear benefits of using the skins of coarse woolled sheep
during the eighteenth century many parchment-makers were either becoming less
concerned with parchment quality or in most cases did not have a supply of the more
sheepskins from coarse-woolled breeds
615 Conclusion
It appears the best sheepskins for the manufacture of high quality parchment come
from sheep that have not been intensively farmed to produce quantities of mutton or
wool The most suitable sheep are most likely the hair-type of sheep as they have
tighter dermal networks Similarly sheepskins from smaller hardy sheep ones that
79
roam for their food and mature at the slower rate to many of the improved breeds of
the period would have been greatly advantageous to parchment-makers The areas of
England which did not follow the route of intensive sheep farming and did not employ
the improvements of farmers such as Barkwell and Ellman seem likely to prove best
sheepskins for making parchment These sheepskins would have also been subject to
fewer possible damages a hugely advantageous factor during a period of intensive
manufacturing standards and high fines
80
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds
lsquoThe different races of sheep in England are variously distinguished for uncommon size goodness of flesh and plenty of fineness of woolrsquo
(Aikin 1795 19)
This section of the research will attempt to outline the rural landscape between 1650
and 1850 looking primarily at the location of various sheep breeds throughout England
as well the iconic features of these breeds It will highlight whether there was any link
between the geographic distribution of breeds and the location of parchment works A
link that seems possible particularly given the wide variety of breeds and their effects
on the manufacturing quality (discussed in section 61) Furthermore the ability to
purchase skins from great distances was greatly limited by the high costs of salting skins
(see section 37) but also due to the high transport costs of the period that acted as a
lsquomajor constraint on economic activityrsquo (Gerhold 2014 1)
This section should also highlight when and where the new breeds like those promoted
by Ellman and Bakewell were used in the agricultural system the timing of
stockbreeding also being an issue of great consequence that is still relatively poorly
understood Perhaps unsurprisingly as the sheep farming industry during this period
has been widely overlooked by many economists historians and archaeologists As a
result this section constitutes a much-required review of sheep breed locations based
on various tours reports and works of agriculturalists though primarily the results of
this work are based on the reports produced by the Board of Agriculture
It is important to consider that the majority of the historical reports were published
around the turn of the nineteenth century This was an important period in sheep
farming coming at the end of nearly thirty years of determined efforts to lsquoimproversquo the
national agricultural base including the improvement of sheep breeds on a national
scale (Ryder 1983 487)
This chapter will now establish which regions of England were subject to any major
changes in sheep farming or wider agricultural objectives Combined with the
81
conclusions of section 61 this section will determine which regions had access to
supplies of high quality skins
621 The DownlandsSouth
lsquoFrom this central core long fingers of chalkland stretch out north-eastwards through the
Marlborough and Berkshire Downs and on into the Chilterns while south-westwards the
chalk downs extend across Cranborne Chase into Dorset reaching the English channel coast
between St Aldhelmsrsquos and Abbotsburyrsquo
(Thirsk 2000 27)
The chalk downlands have had a long history of agriculture and an absence of
large-scale industry (Thirsk 2000 29) For most of the period under examination this
region was under lsquosheep and corn husbandryrsquo whereby a system of grain production
was sustained by maintaining large sheep flocks that were fed on the unenclosed
downlands or waste by day and folded by night on the arable lands to enrich the thin
chalkland with their dung (2000 30) This system was continued even after the
introduction of new systems and crops in other counties as the soil of the chalk
lowlands was often too shallow to support the introduction of legumes Furthermore
many of these regions were particularly late enclosed Much of the high downland in
Berkshire Wiltshire Dorset and Sussex remained entirely open and unenclosed at the
end of the eighteenth century (2000 43) A particularly interesting factor as enclosures
are often seen as a necessary prerequisite for the instigating of new selective breeding
techniques and the adoption of the larger coarser-wooled breeds (Ryder 1991 455
Ryder 1964 70)
This system dominated these regions until the production of new artificial fertilisers in
the nineteenth century (Overton 1996 193) The livestock practices in these counties
were therefore sustaining the hardier breeds capable of travelling great distances in
order to fertilise the land supporting the popular lsquosheep and cornrsquo system of the region
Thirsk offers the following overview of this system and the subsequent breeds
lsquoHere sheep were specially selected not for their propensity to yield mutton or wool but for
their folding qualities Over the centuries prolonged selection have given rise to the distinctive
Wiltshire and Hampshire breeds and so a Berkshire strain known as the Berkshire Knott
82
These animals were large lanky and hardy producing a thin but fine fleece and a small
quantity of sweet mutton Their great advantage was that they were able to range the Downs
all day and had a propensity drop their dung and urine at night when penned in the fold
They require little water taking most of what they needed from the grass they grazed as this
too was an important advantage on the bare open Downs were where streams and wells
were few and far betweenrsquo
(Thirsk 1984 329)
This lsquosheep and cornrsquo system was particularly prevalent in Wiltshire Dorset the
Hampshire downs and Berkshire Wiltshire in particular had a lsquovast quantity of sheeprsquo
(Davis 1813 137) with Defoe estimating around 2-3 million prior to 1724 which though
perhaps an inflated figure highlights the prevalence of sheep in the region (Cited in
Fussell and Goodman 1930 146) There was an abundance of one particular breed a
small native breed lsquoof middling size and moderately fine woolrsquo (Aikin 1795 282) widely
used to fertilise the land during the period (Davis 1813 137) In 1813 Davis offered a
concise overview of some of the key issues pertaining to the sheep in the region
describing lsquothe peculiar aptitude of the soil and climate to sheep the singular use of
sheep-folding on arable land naturally light and loose the necessity of making sheep the
carriers of dung in situations where the distance from home and the steepness of the
hills almost preclude the possibility of carrying it by any other modersquo (Davis 1813 137)
As a result much of this land was limited to lsquorough pasturersquo until the later introduction of
later fertilising agents (Aikin 1795 332) making sheep a necessity in many areas and
making the improvement of the carcass not the primary objective for the region (Davis
1813 139) In fact the use of livestock to fertilise the land was commonplace across
much of the Wiltshire in particular (Aikin 1795 281 Cobbett 1912 40) with much of the
land not being enclosed until after c1750 Attempts were made to cross the New
Leicester with the widespread black-faced hill sheep of the period with a disastrous loss
of hardiness (Ryder 1983 487) Instead the smallness of an animal was a major
recommendation lsquoin a country where summer food is scarce and winter food raised
with difficultyrsquo (Davis 1813 147) These lands also had small enclosed fields and the
livestock were often left to graze with the minimum of attendance (Thirsk 1984 339)
Despite attempts to increase the size of the downland Wiltshire breed the new strain
possessed many serious shortcomings resulting it its eventual degeneration (Copus
83
1989 40)
Berkshire was home to a lsquopure breedrsquo sheep that had survived for hundreds of years
called the Berkshire Nott The longwool Berkshire Nott was bred throughout the county
for much of the seventeenth century (Trow-Smith 1951 161) and despite the
considerable changes the breed went through (Mavor 1813 381) it remained a common
breed in the region (see Mavor 1813 387-390) as it was well-suited to the sheep and
corn system due to its ability to travel long distances to fertilise the land (1813 382)
However the Berkshire Agricultural Society also supported the breed by disapproving of
crossing breeding until at least 1813 though it was stated that crossing was still fairly
common (Mavor 1813 387-390)
The breed was well-adapted to the chalk downlands according to writers of the time
however it had a poor quality fleece and produced relatively small quantities of mutton
(1813 381) Despite its previous success Mavor writes that around the turn of the
nineteenth century much of the livestock on the downs had been widely replaced by the
Southdown breed (Mavor 1813 381) this being either a reflection of an improvement in
the Southdown breed or a change of agricultural system on the lower downs Attempts
were made to introduce the new Leicester breed to the region though these sheep
lsquomade but little progressed being confined to a few select flocks onlyrsquo (Mavor 1813 391)
The Berkshire Nott survived in the Chiltern Hills even into the nineteenth century
(Ryder 1964 17) due to the continued reliance on lsquosheep and cornrsquo husbandry
The large Dorset and Mendip breeds were closely associated with the lowlands of
Dorset which under the right circumstances were known to produce very good mutton
(Youatt 1810 84) The Dorset breed was described as lsquotall and light of body somewhat
resembling the camel in shape and proportionlsquo and was only subject to improvement
towards the end of the eighteenth century (Anderson 1778 168) Nevertheless It was
known for producing a lsquorelatively finer woolrsquo (Ryder 1983 488) though this wool was
clearly not so fine to attain a high value at market compared to many of the other
breeds of the period (see table 3)
84
The chalk lands of Hampshire also required the use of hardy sheep to sustain the
sheep-corn system (Copus 1989 39) with breeds conditioned for the wet and cold
conditions of the woodland clays (Vancouver 1810 360) Despite the later increase in
popularity of the Southdown sheep in the region over the old Hampshire breed (Aikin
1795 286) there were still a great number of locations in the region where the older
breeds remained Attempts were made during the century to cross the Hampshire with
the old black-faced Berkshire and later with the Southdown though the latter did not
occur until around the mid-nineteenth century (Ryder 1964 11)
85
These chalk downlands also extended through Sussex Despite this region primarily
producing sheep for wool produce breeding sheep of lsquovery competitive excellencersquo
(Young 1808 296-297) many flocks were still used on the chalky hills primarily to
manure the land (1808 348) The sheep on chalk-hills were primarily fed on wheat
(1808 143) as the turnip was not a viable option There was a great variety of sheep in
the county however the main breed to occupy the chalk downlands was the Southdown
(Young 1808 300)
Finally Thirsk describes the chalk downland farming of Kent Despite the county being
primarily a region producing sheep for their mutton (Aikin 1795 222) the North and
South Downs of Kent practiced other agricultural systems due to the hilly nature and
chalk soils of the regions Instead of the large Romney-Marsh breed widely adopted in
the Kent lowlands the Southdown breed was farmed in the hilly chalk regions of the
county (Boys 1805 175) On first appearance this appears slightly odd as the
Southdown breed often disliked in similar regions due to its inability to walk great
distances (Billingsley 1798 243) however they were still relatively hardy animals and
perhaps the narrow nature of the North and South Downs meant these animals were
not required to walk quite as far to the fold as many of the breeds discussed above
However the more common use of this animal may in part explain why so few
parchment-makers were located in Kent until the nineteenth century when Canterbury
became a major centre of production (see section 43)
However it is important to consider that these clear systems did not last forever the
high prices set on arable crops during the Napoleonic Wars led to the establishment of
new farmsteads and the further spread of enclosures over the regions (Thirsk 2000 44)
and enclosures were used to convert land previously unsuitable for profitable arable
farming The availability of the kinds of sheep discussed in section 61 were very likely to
have declined quite dramatically during the Napoleonic Wars However for the majority
of the period these downland regions had an abundance of hardy sheep and failed to
adopt the new breeds of Ellman and Bakewell on any significant scale As a result many
of the breeds in this region would be have been particularly ideal for the production of
parchment based on the requirements set out in section 61
86
622 The Wolds
Thirsk defines the wold regions as hilly with relatively lightly spread woodland though
that the variety between the English wolds can be quite significant
The Yorkshire wolds in the East Riding were formerly known for two distinctive breeds in
this region the Holderness and the Wold breed both small hardy animals (Strickland
1812 231) However farmers in this region began crossing with the New Leicester breed
very early with the principal objective of the lsquospeedy fatteningrsquo of lsquogreat numberrsquo of
sheep (1812 51-52) Strickland writes lsquo great expense and pains are bestowed by many
in their endeavours to concentrate every good quality observed in the species in one
breed in order to bring this useful animal to a state of perfectionrsquo (1812 52) Clearly the
aim of this region was to specialise in the breeding of the largest sheep
Secondly the Lincolnshire Wolds which were particularly well known as a grazing
country producing animals of great size and weight (Aikin 1795 130) perhaps most
notably the widespread adoption of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester breed (Young 1799 365)
The New Leicester having been described as lsquoan indolent animalrsquo one lsquoindisposed to
actionrsquo and requiring pasture where it can collect its food with little exercise (Duncumb
1805 122-123) It was also said to have been subject to some peculiar disorders and as
such required much care and attention in the management (Duncumb 1805 122-123)
They were incredibly large animals (see Marshall 1793 229-232) capable of being
folded at less than a year old and which lsquowhen highly finished they appear as a solid
lump of fleshrsquo (Marshall 1793 229 233) It was certainly not an animal likely to produce
the skin necessary for high quality parchment
Finally the Cotswolds which Aikin described at the end of the eighteenth century as lsquoa
long tract of high ground for the most part bleak and bare yet affording in many places
a short fine grass for the feed of sheep and at present principally devoted to the
growth of cornrsquo (1795 163) Despite the use of turnips not being of first importance in
farming improvements in the neighbouring Wiltshire Somerset and to a lesser extent
Gloucester they were widely employed across the Cotswolds (Crittal 1959 43-64)
Turnips likely being used as a winter fodder that supported the growth of the heavier
stocking of livestock Mixed farming had generally been the standard however livestock
87
became increasingly important between 1640 and 1750 with experiments in the use of
Bakewellrsquos breeds occurring as early as the first half of eighteenth century (Thirsk 1984
320-321)
Overall the various wold landscapes appear to have introduced the newer breeds of
Bakewell and Ellman relatively early-on and farmers in these regions were widely
adopting the newly specialized forms of livestock management stocking a great number
of larger breeds for the purposes of producing mutton
623 Lowland Vales
The Lowland Vales are prominent across the centre of the country occupying large
parts of the counties of Buckinghamshire Bedfordshire Oxfordshire Leicestershire
Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire as well as more patches in
Hertfordshire Essex East Anglia Central Yorkshire and through parts of the Berkshire
vale (Thirsk 2000 78) The pastures of the vales were primarily based on the production
of mutton as well as the production of second-grade wool (2000 91) supported by the
widespread introduction of the turnip though in most counties in the Midlands the soil
was better adapted to the farming of cattle (Marshall 1793 217) Enclosures had spread
across many of these regions far earlier than many of the other parts of England
(Roberts et al 2016 129) with a renewed burst of enclosures between 1755 and 1780
(Thirsk 2000 91) In many of the grazing districts the larger farms had been divided up
with enclosed lands offering greater control over breeding practices As such it was the
New Leicester and Southdown breeds that were lsquocentral to the improvement which
swept across Lowland England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(Walton 1983 175-176) However the Midlands was still breeding a number of sheep
Marshall describes as lsquothe small and hardy mountaineersrsquo a short-wooled breed kept
on the commons and fields of the region
Buckinghamshire had high quality soil that supported large quantities of crops with only
little manure (Aikin 1795 323) as well as the production of fat lambs for the London
market (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) The fattening of lambs for London markets
appears to have been an objective shared by many counties in close proximity to
London
88
Leicestershire had quantities of rich grazing land (Aikin 1795 135) with the eastern and
south-eastern regions breeding a great number of cattle to very large sizes while the
northern grazing tracts supported great numbers of sheep (1795 135-136) The
principal sheep breeds of the county were the Old and New Leicester breeds (Pitt 1809
245) and these Leicestershire breeds were lsquovery large in size without horns and clothed
with thick long flakes of soft wool particularly fit for the worsted manufacturersrsquo (Aikin
1795 136) Lincolnshire also bred a large number of New Leicester sheep as well as the 4
long wooled large Lincoln breed (Young 1799 365) It is of little surprise that Lincoln and
Leicester exported large quantities of wool (Aikin 1795 66) Nottinghamshire was also
an area with widespread enclosures with turnip husbandry being widely adopted in the
enclosed regions (Lowe 1794 11) and consequently the enclosed areas began to see
the adoption of the Lincolnshire and New Leicestershire breeds (1794 33) However the
sheep kept on fallow lands were lsquoa poor breedrsquo described as a mixture of the forest and
Lincolnshire pasture sheep (1794 11) a breed which may have perhaps proven viable
for parchment However these breeds were by no means widespread The New
Leicester was also found in Warwickshire principally a feeding and dairy county (Aikin
1795 151) with great attention paid by farmers to improve the wool and mutton of their
sheep Many breeders were said to have purchased the lsquofinest Leicestershire ramsrsquo at
lsquothe most extravagant pricesrsquo to cross with their best shaped ewes (Murray 1815 161)
Hertfordshire which Thirsk describes as having lsquopatchesrsquo of these Lowland Vales though
primarily an arable county (Young 1804 194-195) The primary breeds were the
Wiltshire and the Southdown breeds the former a possible contender for sourcing
parchment materials though these too were not found in any great numbers Essex also
only had lsquofew breeding flocksrsquo (Young 1807 308) and generally fattened lambs for spring
and ewes for sale at the end of summer (Young 1807 308) Oxfordshire also primarily an
arable county (Davis 1794 7) with the fertile lowlands in particular having long
produced wheat and malt for London market (Havinden 1961 73) The northern tip of
Oxfordshire however had extremely fertile soil (Young 1813 5) with cattle and sheep
important to the region (Havinden 1961 74) with a large profitable local breed (Page
4 The establishment of the New Leicester in this county attesting to the regions success
in sheep farming
89
1907 279-292)
Overall these regions were quite varied though in the majority of cases many of these
regions were not farming a significant number of sheep Furthermore in most cases the
breeds found here were often the newer larger Leicestershire breed However many
farmers in many counties were still opposing the introduction of these improved breeds
for example Warwickshire Northamptonshire Rutlandshire and Leicestershire were all
counties with graziers opposing the new breeds (Marshall 1793 224)
624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture
Although conceding that there is no single agreed term to define the agricultural
systems of this region Thirsk more broadly defines these areas as lsquowood pasturesrsquo and
lsquopastoral lowlandsrsquo providing a somewhat clearer idea of the regions The region
primarily stretches from parts of Cheshire to Dorset Typically these areas were widely
enclosed with enclosures continuing throughout the sixteenth seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries as a result of agreements rather than as a result of parliamentary
acts (Thirsk 2000 117)
The primary product of Cheshire during the eighteenth century was dairy while lsquoless
attention is paid to sheep in this than in most countiesrsquo (Holland 1813 286-287) Only a
few farmers in the region had the Leicester flocks and paid some attention to their
breeds while there were also some Southdown sheep lsquoin the hands of a few gentlemenrsquo
(Holland 1813 287) An eighteenth century writer described three fourths of the land
being dedicated to pasture with the grass of the region used in part to feed horses but
in most cases fed to milking cows with little attention paid to fattening cows (Aikin 1795
92) Shropshire too had few breeding flocks though the sheep that were kept were said
to have varied from the small Welsh breeds to the far larger Leicestershire breeds of
Leicestershire (Plymley 1803 259) A great number of experiments occurred in this
region with almost all farmers of different districts having tried almost all the improved
breeds (1803 260-261) However in general the low parts of the county were primarily
used to feed cattle used widely for production of cheese while the hilly tracts were for
the breeding of sheep producing a fine wool (Aikin 1795 98-99) The Old Shropshire
sheep were prevalent a very hardy animal that Plymley claimed did not require food
from farmers during the winter nor did they generally drink or require any attention
90
from the shepard (Plymley 1803 260)
Staffordshire was also lsquonot a great feeding countyrsquo (Pitt 1817 69) though the beast was
horned cattle and the primary product of the county was milk (1817 66) However of
the sheep kept in the region the main breeds lsquodeserving of particular attention were the
native Cannock-heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds breeds from Leicestershire and the
Southdown breedrsquo (1817 70-71) The native breeds were under certain management
well disposed to fatten and lsquoproduced mutton equal to that from any other breedrsquo (1817
71) and produced a fine wool (Pitt 1817 71 Pitt 1796 136) while the breeds bred for
wool were lsquorefined and improved in a high degree upon principles introduced by the late
Mr Bakewell of Dishley (Pitt 1817 71) The region did however continue to breed the
older smaller black-faced horned varieties many of which had died out in most
counties by this time (Russell 2007 173-174 Plot 1686 109) and possibly these
un-improved breeds were well-suited to parchment (Russell 2007 174)
Herefordshire was similar in many respects with wool a primary export of the county
with the sheep of the region generally small lsquoaffording a fine silky wool in quality
approaching the Spanishrsquo (Aikin 1795 105) This county had previously employed the
farming of sheep to collect lsquofood from situations where no other animal was capable of
subsistingrsquo but Duncomb suggests that by the end of the eighteenth century lsquoan
opposite system has been adopted and many thousand acres of the best tillage ground
have been converted into pasture of sheeprsquo (Duncumb 1805 122-123) This allowed for
the adoption of breeds such as the New Leicester however many of the breeds already
bred in this region produced a finer wool and in greater quantities (1805 123)
Worcestershirersquos primary products were lsquocorn cattle fine wool hops cyder and perryrsquo
(Aikin 1795 157) with the sheep of the region being described as being lsquoof no particular
breedrsquo except the sheep on the commons and wasteland which were breeds of the
same origin as the Staffordshire Cannock Heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds (Pitt 1810
216) The north and east of the country were described as primarily farming flocks of the
Leicester and Cotswold sorts though widely crossed with the New Leicester breeds (Pitt
1810 217) However the wastelands and hills of the south were generally stocked with
Cotswold sheep (1810 217-218) The northern regions bred sheep generally ideal for the
butcher (Pitt 1805 217)
91
The majority of the land of Warwickshire was also committed to the breeding of
improved breeds as the following concise summary offered in the Board of Agriculture
report states lsquoThe great attention that has been paid by many eminent breeders in
Warwickshire to improve the wool and mutton of this animal by selecting the finest
Leicestershire rams and paying the most extravagant prices for them only for a season
to cross with from a selection of the best shaped ewes in the country has now produced
a breed of sheep equal if not superior to most counties in Englandrsquo (Murray 1815 161)
There were large numbers of the New Leicester and Wiltshire sheep in this region
though also with a number of the Southdown Merino and Welsh breeds on the
commons (Murray 1815 161) Ultimately the county was not producing breeds of sheep
most ideal for parchment in any great number however the breeds here were varied
and with small Welsh breeds creating a possible supply for local smaller parchment
works
Gloucester was almost exclusively home to what Marshall describes as lsquomountain
sheeprsquo however the county swept them away during the summer 1782 (Marshall 1789
208) Following this summer the county developed a wide-range of the improved breeds
by the end of the eighteenth century There appears to be very differing methods for
breeding sheep in the county (see Rudge 1807 307-312) though with only two clear
objectives either producing large quantities of fine wool or significant weights of
mutton As a result the Cotswold breed an animal primarily bred for its mutton and the
principal breed of the county was widely crossed with the Southdowns in an attempt to
improve the fineness of wool (Rudge 1807 305) The pure Cotswold breed had however
become lsquoscarcersquo by the end of the eighteenth century with the introduction of the new
Leicester being used to improve the breed to create a finer (though also shorter) wool
and a more compact and fatty carcase (1807 306)
A number of woodland lowland areas in Wiltshire Dorset and Somerset all followed the
same paths as many of the counties listed above and were widely enclosed The result
being the introduction of a number of improved breeds However these regions were
small due to the type of agriculture commons in these counties For example much of
south Wiltshire avoided enclosure with the lsquopeculiar shape of many of the manorsrsquo and
the lsquogeneral application of the landrsquo made enclosures impractical (Davis 1813 44-45) In
92
Somerset too there was great resistance to enclosure in the hilly regions The issue of
enclosure was so significant in this county in fact that the Board of Agriculture report
dedicates thirty pages to attempting to disprove the perceived disadvantages of the
local population (Billingsley 1798 48-78) an issue not so intensely discussed in the
majority of the other reports There was also a widespread aversion to improved
breeds the key belief being that the lsquodeficiency in the fat of the inside would so disgrace
their sheep in the eye of the butcher that they would have lost their old customersrsquo
(Billingsley 1798 243) Despite Billingsley describing the aversions to the the improved
breeds as lsquofallaciousrsquo he later discusses the instance of a Mr Lowman crossing sheep
with the Leicester breed and the significant issue of the new breeds being unable to
walk far to the fold finally concluding that rsquoif they cannot walk a mile to the fold they will
never gain much ground in this countryrsquo (1794 255) This might explain why so many of
the hilly regions of county did not adopt the new improved breeds (see Billingsley 1798
76)
Finally the county of Dorset shared many of the same characteristics listed above The
region was said to have sheep very similar to those in Somerset (Stevenson 1812 393)
though primarily for the purpose of selling lambs to the London market (Stevenson
1812 393 Aikin 1795 297) The differing agricultural system of Dorset to many of the
neighbouring counties the system of pastoral farming likely allowed for the later
improvement to the breeds that occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century
(Stevenson 1812 393) Overall however Dorset may have produced a number of viable
sheep for parchment with the local breed being described as lsquotall and light in bodyrsquo as
later as 1778 (Anderson 1778 168) as well as the late introduction of the turnip being a
testament of the regions refusal to adopt new farming methods (Stevenson 1812 251)
By the end of the eighteenth century the majority of these regions were not producing
viable sheep for parchment production besides a few of the more southern counties It
appears much of the woodland regions described by Thirsk was enclosed and quickly
began to adopt the improved breeds of the time
625 Fenlands
Thirsk describes lsquotrue fenlandsrsquo as existing widely across England the most extensive of
93
which being the mosses of Lancashire and Cumbria and the Eastern Fenlands of
Cambridgeshire and south Lincolnshire (Thirsk 2000 167) describing the regions as
having lsquocountless drainsrsquo and lsquowatercourses criss-crossingrsquo wide-scale cooperation
amongst farmers in the regions
Westmorland and Northumberland appear to have shared the same breeds of sheep
with Bailey and Culley (1797 126) and Walls (1901 141) listing the same three major
breeds of the region None of them particularly fat or woolly (Pigot 1834 144) Firstly
the Cheviot breed a short woolled lsquohardy and valuable mountain sheeprsquo bred in the
north-west of the county (Pigot 1834 144) Secondly the heath sheep otherwise
referred to as the hair-type of sheep (Ryder 1983 496) A lsquopure breedrsquo sheep typically of
a smaller size and as described in the earlier section (section 61) as an ideal breed of
sheep for manufacturing parchment Walls even claimed that the heath breed was
actually the most common breed in Westmorland (Walls 1901 141) Finally the Lincoln
and New Leicester breeds though these were primarily found in the enclosed grazing
lands and did not represent a significant proportion of the sheep population in these
counties Similarly most of the Cumberland farmland was populated by a significant
number of sheep in the hilly regions (Aikin 1795 38 73 Pigot 1995 15) many of which
were said to travel great distances often unsupervised for long periods of time (Pigot
1995 16) However the Cumberland downlands primarily bred cows certainly to a larger
degree than Westmorland and Northumberland
The primary breed of sheep in the flat fenlands of south Lincolnshire and
Cambridgeshire region was a cross between the Leicester and the Lincoln breed (Gooch
1811 272 Young 1799 365) Cambridgeshire in particular although mostly farming the
Leicester and Lincoln cross breed had a very significant range of breeds including
Norfolks West-country Cambridgeshire Berkshire Hertfordshire South Down Lincoln
and Leicester (1811 272) Despite a clear propensity for breeding larger breeds
Cambridgeshire still bred some smaller hardier breeds for some time and remained
one of the few regions to farm sheep with coarse wool over fine wool (Ryder 1964 77)
This region therefore may have still bred sheep ideal for parchment production
however there were still a significant number of the newer larger breeds in this region
These fenlands then seem to have produced a number of viable breeds though in a
94
greater quantity in the more northern regions while eastern fens instead produced a
wider variety of sheep of a wide variety of weights and wool weights (see Gooch 1811
273) particularly around the southern tracts of Lincolnshire (Aikin 1795 189) and the
northern region of Cambridgeshire (Aikin 1795 205) Overall the variability of farming
objectives in these regions make a definitive conclusion difficult however most of the
locations appear certainly capable of supplying local parchment-makers with a relatively
significant number of viable skins However the systems adopted here were certainly
not as beneficial to local parchment-makers as the regions adopting the lsquosheep and cornrsquo
system a system far more likely to incentivise the growth of a far more lucrative
parchment industry
626 Moorlands
This section will cover the uplands of the Pennines the North York Moors as well as the
uplands of Exmoor Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor These regions have varying
agricultural outputs with some at this time being entirely uncultivated covered in peat
or tall inedible grasses (Thirsk 2000 188) while others were accessible regions or
reasonable agricultural outputs
The northern tip of the Pennines stretches through west Durham a region of peaty soils
accompanied with lsquoyellow orchrey clay or white sand both of them certain indications of
unproductivenessrsquo (Bailey 1810 10) The south of Durham however bred a significant
number of sheep and was formerly famed for having the largest breed of sheep in the
kingdom (Bailey 1810 248) though these were being overtaken by the New Leicester
which were slowly being introduced to the region (1810 248)
The west- and north-ridings of Yorkshire both farmed sheep of possible significance The
North Riding being home to the lsquoold stock of the northern part of the Vale of York and of
Clevelandrsquo sheep that were lsquovery large coarse boned slow feeders and the wool dry
and harshrsquo (Tuke 1794 64) While the West Riding of Yorkshire bred a large quantity of
Scotch sheep (Rennie 1799 186) However though these sheep were perhaps viable
options for parchment production both the regions were subject to widespread breed
improvement along the principles of Robert Bakewell (Tuke 1794 64 Rennie 1799 186)
The native breed of Devon was the Exmoor (Vancouver 1808 338) while Cornwall was
95
home to the Exmoor the Dartmoor and many other breeds while the pure Cornish
sheep had become very rare by the beginning of the nineteenth century (Worgan 1811
148) Despite the surviving native breeds farmers in both Devon and Cornwall had
attempted to introduce a wide breadth of different breeds as well as attempting to cross
the local sheep with the new breeds such as the New Leicester by the first decade of the
nineteenth century (Vancouver 1808 341 Worgan 1811 148) Cornwall in particular was
said to be breeding lsquoflocks of sheep as any count either as to form weight of fleece
hardiness of constitution aptitude to fatten quickly at an early age or flavour of
muttonrsquo (Worgan 1811 148) Devon despite the many attempts at crossing with the
New Leicester breed still appeared have a number of native breeds though many were
still bred for their wool growing properties (Vancouver 1808 342) and the Exmoor its
native breed was a longwool breed of fairly considerable size Overall there is again a
possibility that there were some breeds in this area were viable options for
parchment-makers but ultimately the objectives of many of the farmers in the two
counties were in stark contrast to what was required
The moorlands in general were not areas of any significant agricultural output and
unlikely to support any great parchment industry Even the counties in which Moorland
farming took place generally adopted agricultural objectives in contrast to farming
sheep most viable for parchment production
627 Londonrsquos Hinterland
The final section deals with a region not defined in most agricultural histories however
most of the counties surrounding London appear to share a similar agricultural output
in the production of lambs of the London market The defining feature of many of these
counties being their proximity to London rather than any shared agrarian
characteristics Many of the farmers located nearer to London primarily farmed sheep
to sell lambs into London included Sussex (Davis 1813 140 Pitt 1810 216-217 Young
1808 297) Buckinghamshire (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) Essex (Young 1807 308)
and a number of the farmers of Middlesex (Middleton 1813 434) as well as the farmers
of Surrey breeding Dorsetshire sheep (Stevenson 1809 536) which were a very popular
breed amongst farmers producing lambs for the London market
The sale of lambs was likely a difficult and expensive occupation requiring the transport
96
and sale of a very delicate and relatively expensive commodity The counties therefore
in close proximity to London were at a great advantage Another reason for the large
lambing market in this region was also perhaps the inability of the region to compete in
the specialised breeding of sheep for mutton and wool with the Midland and northern
regions due to topographical restraints
628 Conclusion
Andrew Copus stated that sheep had three major uses within in the English agricultural
system the production of mutton and tallow the production of wool and the
fertilisation of arable land (1989 36) Having reviewed the agricultural regimes of the key
regions and the types of sheep preferred it has become clear that those using sheep
for the fertilisation of arable land were the most suited to providing skins for parchment
making These regions appear to be predominantly in the lsquosheep and corn regionsrsquo with
particular emphasis on the south-west of England and some of the fenland farming
regions Also as Copus states lsquoany attempt to provide fattening fare would have been
incompatible with the other objective of the sheep-corn farmer of that time maximizing
cereal outputrsquo (Copus 1989 39) with the poor soils heavily reliant on the use of sheep to
produce satisfactory crops (Cook and Williamson 1999 185) This being important as the
main area for high cereal production appears to have been the south-west (1989 39)
likely due to the history of the specialisation of this market but seemingly also due to
the soil quality in the region The systems in these heavy clay areas relied heavily on the
use of sheep for fertilising arable land while the objectives in the region appear to be in
contrast to the supporting of larger breeds An article in the Farmerrsquos Magazine offers a
short summary of the fodder grown in these heavy clay regions
lsquoClover vetches and cabbages are the only crops which can be raised as food for
sheep or cattle on the latter and cabbages cannot be eaten off by sheep on such land
There is more expence in the production and consumption of the crops on wet clay
land than on a dry friable soil and therefore the expence of improving such land is
greater The crops must be carted to be consumed in the yard by stock and the dung
carted again into the field besides the injury done to the land in wet weather by
carting off the corps is great Vetches and clover may however be folded by sheep in
97
the summer months on clay soilsrsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838 188)
The Midlands and more northern regions (though excluding most of Cumberland
Northumberland and Westmorland) were generally better suited to the specialised
breeding of sheep for either mutton and wool production This was due in part to the
prevalence of enclosures which gave greater control to the selective breeding practices
of landowners though also due in part to the topography of the regions For example
the diets and levels of exercise of the sheep could greatly affect the quality of the wool
(see section 634) Lisle writes that clover-grasses cause sheep to develop coarser-wool
while lsquothe better the hayrsquo the finer the wool Lisle particularly recommends the
hill-county hay (Lisle 1757 358) Furthermore the growing of legumes according to Lisle
in his book Observations on Husbandry and particularly the cultivation of the turnip
resulted in better conditions allowing shearing to take place earlier than normal (cited
in Ryder 1983 485) The soil in any region would greatly dictate the type of breeding
that could take place for example in the Board of Agriculture report on Gloucester
there is a concise description of the severe limitations of certain soils
lsquoThose soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of
mutton and on the other hand those soils which fatten most in equal proportion
deteriorate the wool it being a fact ascertained by experience that wherever fine woolled
sheep have been introduced on more luxuriant soils than they were bred or accustomed to
the wool has increased in quantity but become coarser in qualityrsquo (Rudge 1807 306)
The primarily mutton producing regions emerged in areas of enclosures where it was
possible to grow large quantities of winter fodder which allowed for intensive
year-round feeding Also the ability to separate their sheep across a lot of land (Young
1796 489) and keep the level of exercise in these animals to a minimum with small
enclosed fields and artificial feeding
As stated in an 1838 article in The Farmerrsquos Magazine
lsquoThe quantity of food produced by turnips and by two years of clover and vetches will enable
the farmer to keep and fatten a large quantity of sheep on the ground which will by their
trampling and by the manure left on it give to this kind of soil the best preparation for the
succeeding crops of cornrsquo (The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 188)
98
In conclusion the objectives of the farmers in the south-west (excluding the West
County) the eastern fenland and most northern regions of England for many years
hindered the adoption of the newer breeds which were spreading across England
under the banner of lsquoimprovementrsquo Breeds in these regions were crossed with other
sheep though appear to have remained hardier animals not being bred primarily for
either wool or mutton However the introduction of many artificial fertilisers in the later
nineteenth century (Cook and Williamson 1999 193) and the more economically
preferable position of mutton and wool over cereal following the levelling of prices in
the 1820s (Copus 1989 44) may have resulted in some farmers changing systems
Overall though for the majority of the period under discussion the agricultural systems
in these regions appear to have been breeding sheep better suited for parchment
production and until at least the first half of the nineteenth century the south-western
and fenland counties were likely to have produced the most viable sheepskins for
parchment-makers
This is greatly significant as parchment-makers with a high supply of local viable skins
were at a great advantage As discussed parchment-makers for much of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries could not compete over price (see section 51) and were held
accountable to incredibly strict manufacturing standards standards particularly difficult
to attain with the use of fatty or weak skins The parchment works with a local supply of
quality skins were therefore likely producing a higher quality product at a lower cost and
therefore able to bargain for the lucrative contracts offered by the High Treasury during
the period Furthermore the likelihood of parchment works being able to transport
skins from distant locations is questionable given the increasing prices for salt the strict
laws controlling the movement of skins and parchment and the high transport costs of
the period As a result it is unsurprising that the regions with a higher supply of high
quality skins are in the majority of cases the locations with a higher number of
parchment works (see section 43)
99
Chapter 7 Conclusions
71 Conclusion
This work has provided the first systematic studies of the post-medieval parchment
industry shedding light on a previously unknown industry It has highlighted that it was
not only of significant size but survived the influx of paper during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries producing high volumes of parchment up until at least 1850 This
work also includes the first major collection and review of a significant number of both
historical and modern literature on the post-medieval parchment industry tying
together hundreds of years of information and presenting a plethora of historical texts
on which to develop future research
Overall the parchment industry went through very significant changes between 1650
and 1850 The industry appears to have developed from a large collection of small firms
operating across England with parchment-makers of relatively low income or turnover
engaging in small-scale production and transactions Between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries the increasing regulation increasing taxation and a drastically
increasing population resulted in the control of production being shifted to a smaller
number of larger firms These firms primarily aimed to compete through a reduction in
production costs and the manufacture of a more homogenous product resulting in the
slow decline in parchment quality over time The results of this research also highlight
that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming nation
clinging onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and where
older hardier breeds survived
Finally the work has highlighted the extent and significance of government intervention
on a number of skin-based industries during this period The collection and
interpretation of a number of parchment taxation laws and of laws on the regulation of
manufacturing standards has also been the first of its kind The results of this particular
analysis offer a primary cause of the sudden decline in parchment quality during the
eighteenth century as well as the eventual decline of the parchment industry requiring
100
the reconsideration of the traditional view of the widespread introduction of paper
being the sole cause
This project has answered all the questions set out in its aims and objectives though
has also highlighted the importance of future research on this previously unstudied
industry Furthermore it has provided the first detailed overview of post-medieval
parchment production and determined the key factors influencing its development
while also presented a number of key indicators that can be researched to enrich our
current understanding of the post-medieval period Overall the results accrued have
widespread applications and this project has shown that there exists a plethora of
literature and historical data capable providing a basis for further investigation
72 Discussion
This work highlights some key issues in any models used for post-medieval hDNA
studies that find any relationship between when parchment was dated and when it was
produced Furthermore it highlights the issues of determining the manufacturing origin
of parchment from any stamp duties or stationers marks with parchment often being
moved great distances for tax purposes before being distributed across England by a
series of stationers offices Thankfully this work does present some clear centres of
parchment production as well as a more widespread geographical shift of parchment
firms to the south of England over time Any post-medieval parchment samples
analysed in any hDNA study are in most cases likely representative of the regions last
to adopt agricultural changes associated with an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo Any future
hDNA studies on the period between 1650 and 1850 must now consider these results
Such studies are unlikely to represent any agricultural changes in the north of England
or in most cases any regions adopting the intensive production of mutton or fine wool
However any hDNA research that finds a shift in the types of animals being farmed can
now more confidently state when the period of agricultural improvement had spread
across the majority of England for the regions from which skins were collected for
parchment production were primarily the regions that were late to adopt these
changes
The results of this research are not only significant to hDNA studies but also contribute
to the debate of agricultural improvement particularly in regards to determining the
101
timing of the adoption of new sheep breeds and stockbreeding techniques though also
the chronology and geography of agricultural improvements more generally Firstly if
there was a lsquosuddenrsquo agricultural revolution that occurred between 1650 and 1850 it did
not result in any sudden or major changes to the parchment industry The changes that
did occur primarily in regards to livestock improvement occurred over a 200 year
period and were variable depending on geographical location and the agricultural
objectives within that region These results strongly suggest that no such sudden change
occurred particularly as mutton was a more important resource than beef during this
period (Kerridge 1967 303 Mathias 1969 65) and with any sudden improvement likely
to have strongly affected this particularly important market Furthermore the results
indicate that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming
nation it clung onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and
where older hardier breeds survived As a result this research can offer further
clarification on the development and geographical movement of agricultural
improvement between 1650 and 1850 with an emphasis on the changes in sheep
farming another industry often overlooked in modern literature
Furthermore from the results of this research it is also now understood that the decline
of parchment quality that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century was primarily
due to legal changes and the subsequent changing market processes rather than as a
direct result of the introduction of new breeds of sheep This should contribute to the
current work of Sarah Fiddyment but also to studies on parchment quality more
broadly It also highlights the danger of drawing a causal relationship between
agricultural improvement and any industries decline during this period with growing
government intervention also being a hugely significant though often overlooked factor
likely affecting the development of a number of industries
In regards to the size of the industry and the growing scale of production future
research on the specific large scale producers of parchment would be greatly beneficial
In many of the parchment centres of production clear family-led parchment firms
appear to own and run a number of parchment works for example the Crook family
with Noah Crook Thomas Crook John Crook Snr and John Crook Jnr all operating
different parchment works in Wiltshire during the eighteenth century A more detailed
review of the sources used in this project combined with a review of local resources of
102
Wiltshire would offer greater detail on the development of the scale of production of
parchment during this period but also the development of a monopolistic market
structure in certain regions This work should constitute a firm basis on which future
investigations can be conducted
Overall the significance of this research should drastically affect the interpretations of
any hDNA studies on the post-medieval period Any changes found in the hDNA data
during this period can now be interpreted within the historical context Correlations can
now also be drawn between the data and the various historical changes that occurred
during this period This work has also contributed to a number of debates and currently
held theories on the period while also highlighting the importance for further study in
this area and demonstrating the value of digitised local records
103
Appendices
104
Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data Collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018)
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Noah Crook Abingdon 1795 Twice a month pound30 pound386 Orders placed about 15 months in advance Paid in advance
1796 Twice a month pound26 pound265
1797 Twice a month pound30 pound164
1798 Once a month pound40 pound225
1799 Once a month pound40 pound96
1803 Once a month pound40 pound140
1804 Once a month pound40 pound597
1805 Once a month pound40 pound94
pound2038
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Crook Marlborough 1795 Three times per month pound26 - Orders placed about lt1 months in advance Paid in advance Incomplete years Last two years
1796 Three times per month pound30 pound674
1797 Three times per month pound26 -
1799 Four times per year -
1800 Four times per year pound637
1802 Four times per year pound206
pound1517
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Rake Salisbury 1796 Once a month pound30 pound120 Incomplete years 1797 Once a month pound30 pound169
1798 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound65
1801 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound58
1802 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound85
1803 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound221
1804 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound247
pound966
105
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Samuel Bishop Bristol 1798 Twicethree times per year pound21 Only a few purchases across the year but multiple years Specialist certain type of parchment
1799 Twicethree times per year pound47
1801 Twicethree times per year pound39
1804 Twicethree times per year pound41
1805 Twicethree times per year pound34
1806 Twicethree times per year pound21
pound205
Stamped Parchment Sold - (LMA) Witherbys 4682E01001 (page 21-22) 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806
J nd 794 769 995 827 874 799 859 932
F nd 782 1047 936 929 1047 1034 851 1092
M nd 855 727 1030 1179 814 1098 1002 1106
A nd 903 1000 941 1028 1005 910 946 1279
M nd 972 1312 1230 1012 1100 1001 1147 1263
J nd 1036 879 1236 1151 1139 1077 1128 1117
J nd 780 1251 1182 1069 1031 867 1061 1058
A nd 763 789 676 779 810 761 906 920
S nd 711 849 549 660 722 913 667 686
O 933 996 904 928 972 933 1054 977 nd
N 813 1283 896 950 1136 914 821 1040 nd
D 1119 788 1033 851 822 928 704 1056 nd
Total 2865 10663 11456 11504 11564 11317 11039 11640 9453
106
Appendix 2 Parchment Quality Source Fiddyment 2018
107
Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions Source Rogers 1887 575-606
Mendham 1585 4 Parchment Skins 7 Worksop 1588 Skin Parchment 6 Eton 1589 2 Rolls Parchment 18 Oxford 1590 Skin Parchment 6 Gawthorp 1592 2 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1592 2 Skins Parchment 6frac12 Oxford 1593 Sheet Parchment 8 Oxford 1594 5 Skins Parchment 8frac12 Gawthorp 1595 1 Skin Parchment 7- Oxford 1595 Parchment Skin 9- Oxford 1599 9 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1601 16 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1602 8 do Parchment 7 Oxford 1603 8 Skins Parchment 8
Eton 1604 4 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1605 3 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1607 2 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1608 2 Skins Parchment 6 Cambridge 1609 1 Skin Parchment 8 Oxford 1610 4 Skins Parchment 4frac12- Chatham 1624 Parchment 5 doz 6 Oxford 1629 Parchment 8 doz 6- Oxford 1632 Parchment 15 doz 6- Winchester 1644 4 Skins 7- 3 Bridles 14 Winchester 1645 4 Skins 6
Oxford 1646 10 Sheets Parchment 32 12 Skins 7 Winchester 1648 8 Skins 6 Oxford 1649 78 Skins 12
Eton 1651 6 Skins 8 Winchester 1656 Parchment 3 doz 9- Winchester 1657 Parchment 4 doz 9- Winchester 1658 Parchment 1 doz 9- Winchester 1660 16 Parchment 10 Winchester 1661 2 Rolls 12- Winchester 1663 8 Parchment 1- Winchester 1665 Parchment 2 Doz 9- Winchester 1667 Parchment 1 Doz 9- Winchester 1668 16 Skins 9- Winchester 1672 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1673 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1677 7 Parchments 50 Cambridge 1682 20 Sheets 13-
108
Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages
109
Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected
1601-1901 Record Type No
DeathWill 145
Baptism 129
Directory 27
Marriage 71
Apprenticeship 49
Reference 13
Census 242
Total 676
110
Appendix 6 National Directories
111
Appendix 7 Local Directories
112
Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data
County 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 1851-1900 All Periods
Bedfordshire 0 0 1 1 1 0 3
Berkshire 0 0 0 0 9 7 16
Buckinghamshire 1 1 7 5 3 9 26
Cambridgeshire 2 0 0 1 31 21 55
Devonshire 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
Dorset 11 8 0 0 4 0 23
East Riding of Yorkshire 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
Gloucestershire 3 0 1 3 0 11 18
Hampshire 0 0 1 3 8 20 32
Hertfordshire 0 0 0 3 5 4 12
Kent 0 1 0 1 1 12 15
Lancashire 0 0 0 0 5 0 5
Leicestershire 0 1 1 3 5 1 11
Lincolnshire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Middlesex 1 2 1 1 10 26 41
Norfolk 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
North Riding of Yorkshire 30 6 0 1 0 0 37
Northamptonshire 2 0 3 4 4 30 43
Nottinghamshire 0 1 0 0 0 5 6
Oxfordshire 0 1 0 2 2 9 14
Rutland 0 0 0 1 0 4 5
Shropshire 1 0 1 0 1 0 3
Somerset 2 5 2 7 12 3 31
Staffordshire 0 1 1 0 4 0 6
Suffolk 1 0 0 0 14 6 21
Sussex 0 0 0 0 0 5 5
Surrey 0 1 8 5 20 42 76
Warwickshire 1 1 2 5 2 0 11
Wiltshire 16 37 18 12 36 16 135
Worcestershire 0 2 0 3 4 10 19
Total 73 68 50 61 182 242 676
113
Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location
Location No Location No
Abingdon England 5 Lambeth England 20
Andover England 1 Leicester England 7
Ayleburton England 1 Leicestershire England 1
Aylesbury England 3 Lenton England 5
Barrowden England 5 Lichfield England 1
Barton St David England 1 Lingfield England 4
Basingstoke England 2 Little Weldon England 7
Bassingbourn England 1 Liverpool England 5
Bath England 4 Longparish Hampshire England 1
Bedford England 2 Lyncombe England 1
Bedminster England 3 Malmesbury England 10
Bengeworth England 5 Marlborough England 29
Bere Regis England 1 Marylebone England 1
Bermondsey England 48 Middlesex England 4
Beverley England 3 Milton Abbas England 1
Bexley Kent England 1 Motcombe England 0
Bottisham England 1 Newington England 2
Bristol England 7 Newport Pagnell England 1
Brokenborough England 2 North Cerney England 1
Buckingham England 5 North Petherton England 6
Buriton England 1 Northampton England 6
Burnham England 1 Northleach England 2
Bury St Edmunds England 21 Norwich England 1
Butleigh England 1 Nottingham England 1
Camberwell England 14 Oborne England 2
Canterbury England 13 Olney England 1
Castle Cary England 2 Oswestry England 1
Caversham England 6 Oundle England 1
Charlton Wiltshire England 6 Powick England 1
Cheltenham England 2 Preshute England 1
Chepping Wycombe England 1 Princes Risborough England 5
Chichester England 1 Ravenstone England 1
Chippenham England 3 Reading England 8
Clifton Gloucestershire England 1 Rotherhithe England 2
114
Compton Dando England 1 Saint Margaret Leicestershire England 2
Corfe Mullen England 1 Salisbury England 56
Coventry England 10 Sawston England 51
Crowle England 1 Shepton Beauchamp England 0
Darlaston England 1 Sherborne England 14
Deptford England 1 Sherston England 6
Devon England 0 Southwark England 12
Dorchester England 1 St Margarets Wiltshire England 1
Dorset England 4 Steyning England 3
Ealing England 1 Stockbridge England 9
Earls Barton England 8 Stourbridge England 2
Eastham England 1 Tewkesbury England 1
Ely England 1 Thame England 1
Emneth England 1 Tring England 5
Emsworth England 1 Trowbridge England 1
Evesham England 11 Walcot England 1
Exeter England 1 Walworth England 1
Finsbury England 1 Wantage England 3
Fugglestone England 1 Warminster England 4
Gloucester England 8 Weldon England 1
Great Doddington England 2 Wells England 1
Gretton England 10 West Wycombe England 1
Harrold England 1 Westbourne England 1
Havant England 11 Westport St Mary England 4
Heston England 1 Wheatley England 0
High Wycombe England 4 Whitington England 1
Highworth Wiltshire England 1 Wilby England 2
Hillingdon England 2 Winchester England 6
Hitchin England 7 Wisbech England 1
Holloway England 1 Witney England 5
Ipswich England 0 Wooburn England 1
Irthlingborough England 6 Wycombe England 3
Kennington England 3 Yeovil England 3
Kingswinford England 4 York England 37
Kintbury England 2 London 11
Knowle England 1 Total 676
115
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws
The first major relevant actor pertaining to the parchment industry occurred in 1603 (1
Jam c22) regulating the manufacturing process and the organisation of the industry
The first significant act between 1650 and 1850 however occurred in the aftermath of
the Great Fire of London after which Charles II introduced a variety of taxes in order to
raise funds for the rebuilding of London One of these laws enforced the taxation of lsquoany
charter or grantrsquo with the rate of 40 s for one skin of parchment and 20 s for every
additional skin (22 amp 23 Cha II c9) The act covered a number of other uses including
inter alia grants of lands or leases conveyances surrender or release documents writs
of covenant original writs or bills and pleas The vast number of documents taxed were
those typically used in court This came into force in 1671 and was instituted for the
period of 9 years and although only applied to a relatively small number of uses all
parchment that was to be used for any of these purposes had to be transported to the
head tax office at Lincolnrsquos Inn London to be stamped (see Glasse 1794 452)
These laws surrounding the taxation of parchment were more firmly established in 1711
(9 AnnI c11) The new act ensured the extension of many of the previous duties while
also setting higher rates on a number of other specific parchment-based documents
Most significantly however this act stated that all parchment would now be taxed and
therefore all parchment must be transported to London for stamping this included any
parchment or vellum imported into Great Britain For every dozen parchment sold there
was a duty of 6 d while the fee stood at 1 s for vellum The act went further however
stating that all parchment works were now to be inspected regularly by appointed
officers who were permitted to enter the place of work of any parchment-maker while
refusal to allow entry would result in a fine of pound10 Finally these acts set out that at least
once a year the Lord High Treasurer or the commissioners of the Treasury would set
the prices at which stamped vellum parchment and paper would be sold (an issue
discussed further in section 72 and section 82) with officers instated to weigh skins
and hides determine the duty that was to be paid and mark the products that been
charged appropriately
A 1712 act (10 Ann I c19) enacted further duties on parchment and vellum as well as
applying a number of duties to Scotland In 1712 (11 Ann I c26) and 1713 (12 Ann I c9)
116
further duties were set on parchment (with varying prices depending on the intended
use of the parchment) with indentures pardons appeals to high court or documents
granting any office or employment in Great Britain above the value of pound50 a few of the
major documents now taxed The extension and increasing of duties would be a
common feature of the market over the next century
In 1716 George I made the tax of 6 d on every dozen parchment a perpetual tax rather
than a temporary one (3 GeoI c7) Two years later another act was passed that set out
clear regulations to ensure the more efficient collection of the duties set on parchment
(5 GeoI c2) In 1725 additional stamps duties were put in place for the period of 16
years (12 Geo I c30) though these too were continued by a later act (9 Geo II c32)
Finally these duties were also made perpetual though not until 1749 (24 Geo II c12) By
1755 the standard duty for a dozen pieces of parchment was 1 s 6 s as taken from a table
given to officers of the period (see (Leadbetter 1755 134) Under George II and later
under George III there was a seemingly ever-growing number of parchment stamp
duties (see appendix 5)
In 1757 a 1 s duty was set on leases bonds and deeds (30 Geo II c19) In 1759 further
parchment documents used in court would have a duty of at least 6 s while laws copies
of laws writs and their copies depositions and pleas were just some of the documents
covered by new stamp duties (32 Geo II c35) In 1765 a number of other duties were
passed that now pertained to parchment used in the British colonies (5 Geo III c12) In
fact new duties were being continually introduced and many others were changed in
price over the following years For example in 1776 (16 Geo III c34) a new duty of 1 s
and 6 d was set on all parchment manufactured in Great Britain This act follows an
plethora of a number of new duties and fines with acts passed in 1777 (17 Geo III c50)
1779 (19 Geo III c66) 1780 (20 Geo III c28) 1782 (22 Geo III c33) 1783 (23 Geo III c7)
1791 (31 Geo c21 c25) 1794 (34 Geo III c14 c32) 1795 (35 Geo III c30) 1796 (36
Geo III c136) 1800 (39 amp 40 G III c67) 1801 (40 Geo III c86) and 1803 (41 Geo III c86)
Over time the duties increased to cover a increasing variety of parchment products
while various new attempts were made to improve the efficiency of the tax collection
methods In 1804 for example the greatest number of new acts were passed to
117
improve the efficiency of the various stamp duties This law made numerous attempts
to consolidate and simplify the process
Over the next few years however many of the laws surrounding parchment were
repealed The stamp duties set out in the 1804 (44 Geo III c98) 1805 (45 Geo III FINISH)
and 1806 (46 Geo III c43) laws were mostly all repealed in 1808 (48 Geo III c149) There
were still many exceptions however with newspapers almanacks pamphlets and
medicine forms and licences for those selling alcohol just some still in effect However
the majority of the documents that remained heavily taxed appear to be documents
more likely to have been made from paper with many of the parchment documents
(mostly documents used in courts) were no longer subject to stamp duty Finally in
1815 all the duties set out in 1808 (48 Geo c149) as well as the those that remained
from the the 1804 act (44 Geo III c98) and those instated in the 1810 act (50 Geo III
c35) were repealed These laws marked the end of over a century of widespread
government intervention in the parchment industry
118
Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws
Year Law Title Law Reference
1671 An act for laying impositions on proceedings at law 22 amp 23 ChaII c9
1694 An act for granting to their Majesties several duties upon vellum parchment and paper for four years towards carrying on the war against France
5 amp 6 WampM c21
1696 An Act for granting to His Majesty several Duties upon Paper Vellum and Parchment to encourage the bringing of Plate and hammered Money into the Mints to be coined
8 amp 9 WampM c 7
1697 An act for making good the deficiencies of several funds there-in mentioned and for enlarging the capital stock of the bank of England and for raising the publick credit
8 amp 9 Wil III c20
1698 An act for granting to his Majesty his heirs and successors further duties upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
9 amp 10 WilIII 25
1702 An act for making good deficiencies and for preserving the publick credit 1 Ann I c13
1702 An Act for preventing Frauds in her Majestyrsquos Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper 1 Ann I c22
1705 An act for laying further duties on low wine and for preventing the damage to her Majestyrsquos revenue by importation of foreign cut wholebone and for making some provisions as to the stamp duties and the duties on births burials and marriages and the salt duties
4 Ann I c12
1706 An act for continuing the duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction and the duties payable by harkwers pedlars and petty chapmen and part of the duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and the late duties on sweetsfor the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven and other uses therein expressed
5 Ann c19
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Ann I c11
1711 An Act for licencing and regulating hackney coaches and chairs and for charging certain new duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and on cards and dice and on the exportation of rock salt for Ireland
9 Ann I c23
1712 An act for laying several duties upon sope and paper made in Great Britain or imported into the same and upon chequered and striped linens imported and upon certain silks callicoes linens and stuffs printed painted or stained and upon several kinds of stampt vellum parchment and paperhellip and for better securing her Majestyrsquos duties to arise in the office for the stampt duties by licences for marriages and otherwise and for relief of persons who have not claimed their lottery tickets in due time
10 Ann I c19
1712 An act for laying additional duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment and new duties on starch coffee tea drugs gilt and silver wire and policies of insurance to secure a yearly fund for satisfaction of orders to the contributors of a further sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds towards her Majestyrsquos supplyhellip
10 Ann I c26
119
1713 An act for laying additional duties on soap and paper and upon certain linens silks callicoes and stuffs and upon starch exported coals and upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
11 Ann I c9
1716 An act for redeeming the yearly fund of the South-Sea companyhellipand for making the said new yearly fund and annuities to be hereafter redeemable in the time and manner thereby prescribed (National Debt Act)
3 Geo I c7
1718 For continuing the duties on malt mum cyder and perry for the service of the year 1719 and for enlarging the time for entring at the exchequer such assignments of reversionary annuities as are therein mentioned and for better securing the duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment
5 Geo I c2
1725 For the relief of th suitors of the high court of chancery 12 Geo I c33
1735 For continuing for the purposes therin mentioned the additional duties uon stamped vellum parchment and paper laid an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the First
9 Geo II c32
1750 An act for making good a deficiency upon the revenue of the office of keeper or clerk of the Hanaper and for preventing any future deficiency therein to answer the publick services provided for out of the same and for augmenting the income of the office of master or keeper of the rolls
24 Geo II c25
1756 An act for granting to his majesty a duty upon licences for retailing beer ale and other excisaable liqours for establishing a method for granting such licences in Scotland and for allowing such licences to be granted at a petty session in England in a certain cafe therein mentioned
29 Geo II c12
1757 For granting to his Majesty several rates and duties upon indentures leases bonds and other deeds and upon news papers advertisements and almanaks and upon licences for retailing winehellip
30 Geo II c19
1759 An act for augmenting the salaries of the puisne judges in the court of Kingrsquos Bench the judges in the court of Common Pleas the barons of the cois in the court of Exchequer at Westminster the judges in the courts of session and Exchequer in Scotland and justices of Chester and the great sessions for the counties in Wales
32 Geo II c35
1776 An act for granting to his Majesty several duties on coaches and other carriages therein mentioned and several rates and duties upon indentures leases bods and other deeds and upon cards dice and news papers and for raising the sum of two millions by annuities and a lottery to be attended with annuities
16 Geo III c34
1777 An act for granting to his Majesty certain duties on licences to be taken out by all persons acting as auctioneers and certain rates and duties on all lands houses goods and other things sold by auction and upon industries leases bonds deeds and other instruments
17 Geo III c50
1779 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for better securing the stamp-duties upon indentures leases deeds and other instruments
19 Geo III c66
1780 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on advertisements and certain duties on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions or the custom of any province or place
20 Geo III c28
1782 An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand
22 Geo III c33
120
1783 An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts
23 Geo III c49
1783 An act to explain and amend an act made in the last session of parliament intiruled An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts and for indemnifying all persons who have written or signed any bill of exchange promissory or other note or any receipt not stamped according to law
23 Geo III c7
1783 An Act for granting to his Majesty several additional new Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper and also for repealing certain Exemption from Stamp Duties
23 Geo III c58
1789 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional stamp duties on probates of wills letters of administration and on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions
29 Geo III c51
1790 An act for repealing the duties upon licences for retailing wine and sweets and upon licences for retailing distilled spirituous liqours and for granting other duties in lieu therof
30 Geo III c38
1791 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional duty on certificates issued with respect to the killing of game
31 Geo III c21
1794 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on indentures of clerkships to solicitors and attornies in any of the courts in England therein mentioned
34 Geo III c14
1794 An act for enabling the commissioners of the stamp duties to stamp bills of exchange and notes in certain cases
34 Geo III c32
1795 An act for granting to his majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for repealing a certain exception as far as relates to bonds given as security for the payment of one hundred pounds or under contained in an act of the twenty-third year of hsi present Majestyrsquos reign
35 Geo III c30
1795 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on sea insurances 35 Geo III c63
1796 An Act for the more effectually securing Duties on Indentures Leases Bonds and other Deeds
37 Geo III c19
1797 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional stamp duty on deeds 37 Geo III c111
1796 An Act to enable the Commissioners of Stamp Duties to Stamp Duties to stamp Deeds and other Instruments Bills of Exchange Promissory and other Notes in Cases therein mentioned
37 Geo III c136
1798 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on bills of exchange and promissory notes for small sums of money
c 107
1799 An act for altering the period of making up the annual account of the duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper
39 Geo III c92
1800 An act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland 39 amp 40 Geo III c67
121
1801 An act for granting to his Majesty additional Stamp Duties on cards and dice on Probates and Wills on certain Indentures Leases Bonds or other deeds
41 Geo III c86
1803 An act for granting to his majesty several duties therin mentioned to be levied by the commissioners for managing stamp-duties in Ireland
43 Geo III c127
1804 An Act to repeal the several Duties under the Commissioners for managing the Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper in Great Britain and to grant new and additional Duties in lieu thereof
44 Geo III c98
1805 An Act for granting to His Majesty additional Stamp Duties in Great Britain on certain Legacies and also the several Duties granted by the Act passed in the Forty-sixth Year of His Majestys Reign intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to Appraisers in Great Britain
45 Geo III c28
1806 An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to appraisers in Great Britain
46 Geo III c43
1806 An act to repeal the several duties under the care of the commissioners for managing the duties pon stamped vellum parchment and paper in Ireland and to grant new and additional duties in lieu thereof and to amend the laws relating to the stamp-duties in ireland
46 Geo III c64
1808 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Law Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments andthe Duties on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in great Britain and for granting new Duties in lieu thereof
48 Geo III c149
1810 Act act for altering the Mode of collecting the Duty on Insurances against Loss by Fire upon property in His majestyrsquos Islands and Possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere beyond the Seas and for exempting certain Bonds and Receipts from Stamp Duty for giving Relief in certain cases of Stamps spoiled or misused and for explaining Part of an Act passed in the Forty eighth Year of His Majestyrsquos Reign for granting Stamp Duties in Great Britain
50 Geo III c35
1815 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Laws Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments and the Duties on Fire Insurances and on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in Great Britain and for granting other Duties in lieu therof
55 Geo III c184
122
Appendix 12 Flaying Laws
The first act passed during the seventeenth century (Jac 1 c22) stated that earlier
statues had been passed on the topic of the flaying of animal skins but that lsquothe laws
and statutes formerly established and made for the true and just tanning currying and
working of leather have not taken that good effect which was expectedrsquo and had failed
to address the lsquodeceits and abusesrsquo that were lsquocommonly practised by the tanners
curriers and workers of leatherrsquo (see Britain and Pickering 1763 106) The act then
reiterated that no butcher or any other person could damage the skin of any ox bull
steer or cow though interestingly it does not state that the same laws apply to skins
more specifically to the skins of sheep Strangely however the law later defines leather 5
as any tanned skin of ox steer bull cow calf deer and fallow goats and sheep so
presumably the law did cover tanned sheep-skins It also states that anyone selling
sheep skins that did not adhere to this law should be fined 3s 4d This particular Act is
quite difficult to interpret so much so that a later act (14 Cha II c7) offers clarification as
to what animal skins were actually covered as well as clarifying that the law pertained to
all of Great Britain and not just England It certainly brings into question the efficiency of
this tax system provided that there were clear misinterpretations (or explorations) of the
law by some for nearly sixty years
The law also began to create legally protected professions For example only a trained
tanner with a tan-house could tan any hide after the passing of this law while no tanner
could cut the leather The law also set out clear instructions on how leather should be
manufactured stored and dried It was no longer permitted that any individual could be
both a butcher and a tanner and tanners were also not allowed to occupy any other
trade that involved the cutting or working of leather It was now illegal to work the jobs
of other professions simultaneously and furthermore to work any of the professions
pertaining to the working of skins Also the law reiterated the 1563 law stating
individuals must either gain an apprenticeship or must be hired as a servant of an
individual in that profession There were clear attempts by the government to create
separate legally protected professions in the hope of improving specialisation and
5 Interestingly it is also stated that no butcher shall kill to sell any calf under five weeks old or they will be fined six shillings and eight pence This then prohibits the use of very young calves in the production of vellum and brings into question the early use of the skins of very young calves were used for the production of vellum However this law was repealed in 1685 in another act (22 amp 23 Car II c19)
123
consequently the efficiency of a number of industries The law does not however list
parchment-makershellip ADD
This law also extended to the manufacturing process of all goods in the various
skin-based industries while extensive fines were also implemented For example there
was a fine of 3 s 4 d for any putrefied or rotten skin put up for sale (1819 1040) The law
also extended to ensuring high-quality wears and to reduce wastage Any attempt to
transport leather that was cut or unwrought for sale was now illegal Curriers would also
be fined if they attempted to sell leather that had not been sufficiently tanned No
leather could be sold that had not been lsquosearched and sealedrsquo in other words inspected
and taxed (further clarification in section 63) No tan fats before liming and skins must
not be left in lime pits for too long Skins must not be left to dry in frost nor in direct
sunlight Finally the fine for the sale of a dozen sheep skins that did not meet these high
standards was six shillings and eight pence This appears a particularly troubling issue as
many of the standards set were subject to the opinions of inspectors inspectors with a
monetary incentive to find as many damaged skins as possible The consequential
finding of a high volume of lsquodamagedrsquo skins would then be likely to further support the
need for further regulation
The 1662 Act (14 Cha 2 c7) was the next major law bringing about stricter laws
surrounding the exportation of skins and leather From 1662 no tanned hide or
untanned hide of any ox steer bull cow or calf was allowed to be exported out of the
country as well as a number of limitations regarding to the transport of hides within
Great Britain The law does however state that sheep-skins not dressed with wool may
be transported this was in keeping with the law stating that the exportation of wool was
also illegal at this time (see 14 Cha I c 18) The law also further details the punishment
of tanners who cut and raked the hides impairing them shall have their hides seized
The 1688 law(1 WampM c33) more clearly states what the previous statutes cover every
hide skin or piece of tanned leather shaved or liquored of whatever colour with any
liquoring or dressing Clearly then even if poorly enforced for some time the laws
pertaining to the flaying of skins the strict manufacturing processes and the
requirement of searches and seals all applied to the parchment manufacturing process
at least after 1689 Interestingly this law also states that individuals may now sell
124
leather hides or skins by weight This would allow for individuals to sell more
homogenised products with less emphasis on quality
The 1710 act (9 Ann I c11) was extensive although pertaining primarily to the taxation
of hides and skins it enacted even further laws and punishment surrounding the
manufacture and sale of skins and parchment Setting out clear punishments for those
lsquodefrauding the crownrsquo and most importantly further punishments were created for the
damaging of skins It is also the first law to specifically refer to the manufacture of
parchment The law also creates and clarifies a significant number of limitations and
instructions on the manufacturing process for a number of skin-goods For example
who may cut the skins how they were cut how the skins were dried when and if skins
could be transported and who shall inspect these skins It states that officers would now
inspect skins and various tanned products to review their quality This law seems to
highlight the failure of the previous laws as the laws of 1603 (1 Jac I c22) and 1689 (1
WampM c33) were also extensive and yet it was deemed necessary to enact further laws
and punishments as well as offering further clarification of the previous laws For
example it was considered necessary to clarify that previous laws had also extended to
Scotland in the 1784 act (24 Geo II c19)
As late as 1800 attempts were still being made by the crown to limit the number of
damaged skins (39-40 Geo III c66) This is a clear indicator of the failures of previous
laws as well as indicating the still widespread problem of damaged materials at least in
the opinion of government new lsquoproper and convenient placesrsquo were set up for the
examination and inspection of all raw hides for each city (Chitty 1824 348) This perhaps
indicates the lack of appropriate inspections outside of the city of London The act also
sets out new fines for the improper flaying of skins even greater than those preceding
them (Britain 1811 390-391) These fines were so high that only a year later a new law
was passed (41 Geo III c53) reducing the amount perpetrators were fined (Minard
2011 154) In 1803 (43 Geo III c 106) it was also deemed necessary to apply these more
thorough inspections to London a troubling sign considering the issues clearly still
pertained to London despite the significant size of the tanning industry and the
high-quality works expected to accompany an industry of that size
The 1808 law pertaining to London exclusively saw the reduction of these fines (Minard
125
2011 154) with the fine now being no more than 3 s though no less than 2frac12 d (Chitty
1824 353) This law also saw the reorganisation of the inspectors in London and the
requirement that all sheep and lamb skins be inspected either at the Woodsclose
Market the Borough Market or Whitechapel Market (Britain 1824 353) The timing of
these changes again shows the failure of the laws the preceded them and marks the
the beginning of the end for the intensive regulation of this market by the government
That same year a petition was put forward titled A Petition of Several Tanners of London
and its vicinity was presented (House of Commons 1808 120) attempting to repeal a
number of the regulations enforced on the various skin-working professions A few
weeks later on the 17th March the committee created to consider the petition decided
the acts ought to be repealed (1808 183) and on the 28th of March a bill was presented
(1808 218) In the same year a similar petition was put forward by Scottish tanners
(1808 271) and yet another by lsquocurriers and other dealers in tanned leatherrsquo (1808 286)
The previous laws had clearly been a failure and caused major issues across Great
Britain On the 20th of May 1808 a bill was passed to repeal some of the acts that
implemented strict requirements for those working with animals skins
The inspections remained however with inspections on the flaying of skins still
undertaken by the government though in 1824 this too was abolished The 1824 act (5
Geo IV c57) repealed the 1800 (39 amp 40 Geo III c66) the 1801 act (41 Geo III c53) the
1803 local act (43 Geo III ccvi) and the 1808 act (43 Geo III clxxi) (Williams 1824 90-91)
This 1824 act marks the end of two centuries of intensive government regulation
126
127
Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws
Year Act Name Legal Abbreviation
1485 An act shewing the duties of a corwainer tanner or currier 1 Hen VII c5
1563 Statute of Artificiers (An act containing divers orders for artificiers labours servants of husbandry and apprentices)
5 Eliz I c 4
1603 An Act concerning tanners curriers shoe-makers and other artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather
1 Jac I c22
1662 An act to restrain the exportation of leather and raw hides out of the realm of England
14 Cha 2 c7
1689 An act for explaining part of an act made in the first year of King James the First concerning tanned leather
1 WampM c33
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Anne c11
1784 An act for encouraging the manufacture of leather by lowering the duty payable upon the importation of oak bark when the price of such bark shall exceed a certain rate for a limited time and for extending several acts of parliament relative to the manufacture of leather to that of Great Britain called Scotland
24 Geo III c19
1800 Use of Horse Hides etc Act 39-40 Geo III c66
1801 An act to explain and amend an act passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of the reign of his present Majesty intituled An act to repeal so much of an act passed in the second year of King James the First as prohibits the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and for better preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
41 Geo III c53
1803 To extend the provisions of two acts passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth and in the forty-first years of the reign of his present Majesty relating to the use of horse-hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw-hides and skins in the flaying thereof to and to alter and amend as to the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark and liberties therof and all places within fifteen miles of the Royal Exchange of the said city of London
43 Geo III ccvi (local act)
1808 For repealing an act made in the 43rd year of his present majesty for extending the provisions of two formers acts relating to the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
48 Geo III clxxi (local act)
1808 An Act for repealing an Act passed in the First Year of king james the First intitled An Act concerning Tanners Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather and also for repealing and amending certain Parts of several other Acts of Parliament relating thereto
48 Geo III c60
1824 An Act to repeal Four Acts of his late Majesty relating to the Use of Horse Hides in making Boots and Shoes and for better preventing the damaging of Raw Hides and Skins in the flaying thereof
5 Geo IV c57
128
Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 Source Shaw 1935 671-672 (Originally sourced from Calendar of Treasury Books 1694)
The like of persons to be distributors of the [stamped] parchment and paper in all the counties of England and Wales and to be collectors of the duty thereby arising as follows
Berkshire John Paise of Reading
Beds Francis Brace
Bucks Charles Herle
Cambridgeshire William Percivall
Cheshire Richard Backwell and Robert Foulks
Cornwall Thomas Horwell
Cumberland Robert Jackson
Derbyshire Peter Gery
Devonshire Benj Robins
Dorsetshire Jos Watson and Peter Clinton
Durham William Roper
Essex William Wright and Francis Blythe
Gloucestershire Walter Marshall Edward Bulstrode and Thomas Wale
Hampshire Thomas Shory and Paul Burwood
Herts Francis Isaacson of Barnet
Herefordshire Thomas Mathews
Hunts John Mason
Kent Thomas Raworth of Dover and Thomas Cason of Maidstone
Lancs William Townsen of Lancaster and mdash Dodd of Preston
Leicestershire and Rutland John Cradock
Lincolnshire Edward Cowly
Monmouthshire Walter Marshall
Norfolk Edward Barnes and Henry Marriott
Northants Edward Butler
Northumberland Cha Sanderson and Samuell Wilson
Notts John Bury
Oxfordshire William Busby and John Langston
Shropshire William Leake
Somerset Humphry Burton of Tiverton and mdash Babb of Taunton
Stafford Geo Nevell and John Dunster
Suffolk Robert Warren
Surrey John Balchen
Sussex John Dee Richard Holmes John Newton of Lewes and Samuel Bruer of Battle
129
Warwickshire Jer Withers
Westmorland John Procter
Wilts Robert Cutler of Sarum
Worcestershire William Collins
Yorks Geo Maynard for the West Riding John Hall for the North Riding William Lyster for the East Ridinng
Town of Hull Jos Claver
Denbighshire John Lloyd
Anglesey Montgomery Merioneth and Carnarvon Samuel Howson and Richard Wright
Flintshire Robert Foulks
Carmarthenshire Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire John Evans
Glamorganshire Edward Thomas
Radnorshire Cha Jones
Brecknockshiremdash Davys
130
Bibliography
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Anderson J 1797 Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Dublin Messrs P Wogan P Byrne and J Moore
An Impartial Observer 1806 XXXIX and XL Geo III c 66 The Flaying Act considered as without benefiting the Public most severely oppressing the Butchers of London By an Impartial Observer 30 June 1800 London E Thomas
Anon 1787 The Book of Rates Dundee Printed for George Milln
Aubrey J Britton J 1847 The natural history of Wiltshire Wiltshire Topographical Society Salisbury
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Ashworth WJ 2003 Customs and Excise Trade Production and Consumption in England 1640-1845 Oxford Oxford University Press
Bailey J 1810 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Durham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London R Phillips
Bailey J amp Culley G 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Northumberland With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement by J Bailey and G Culley London Sol Printed by S Hodgson and sold by M Robinson and G Nicol
Bailey W 1784 Baileyrsquos British Directory First Edition London Printed by J Andrews
Ballard E 1882 Report in Respect of the Inquiry as to Effluvium Nuisances Arising in Connexion with Various Manufacturing and Other Branches of Industry London HM Stationery Office
Bath and West of England Agricultural Society 1792 Letters and papers on agriculture planting ampc [electronic resource] Selected from the correspondence of the Bath and west of England Society for the encouragement of agriculture arts manufactures and commerce Vol IV The second edition Bath Printed by order of the Society by R Cruttwell and sold by C Dilly Poultry London and by the booksellers of Bath Bristol Salisbury Gloucester Exeter ampc ampc
Beckett JV 1985 Land Tax or Excise the levying of taxation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England The English historical review C(CCCXCV) pp285ndash308
Bicchieri M et al 2008 Inside the parchment Proceedings of Art pp25ndash30
Billing M 1855 Directory amp Gazetteer of Worcestershire 1855 Birmingham M Billing Steam-Press Offices
131
Billingsley J 1798 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Somerset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Bath R Cruttwell
Brownlee J (1915) The history of the birth and death rates in England and Wales taken as a whole from 1570 to the present time Public Health 29 pp211-222
Blanch J 1774 The art of tanning and currying leather with an account of all the different processes made use of in Europe and Asia for dying leather red and yellow London Printed for J Nourse
Blom P 2005 Enlightening the world Encyclopeacutedie the book that changed the course of history London Macmillan Publishers
Boys J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London B McMillan
Bower MA et al 2010 The potential for extraction and exploitation of DNA from parchment a review of the opportunities and hurdles Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 33(1) pp1ndash11
Burger J Hummel S amp Herrmann B 2000 Palaeogenetics and cultural heritage Species determination and STR-genotyping from ancient DNA in art and artefacts Thermochimica acta 365(1) pp141ndash146
Campana MG et al 2010 A flock of sheep goats and cattle ancient DNA analysis reveals complexities of historical parchment manufacture Journal of archaeological science 37(6) pp1317ndash1325
Campbell R 1747 The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and Westminster London T Gardner
Chambers E 1728 Cyclopedia - Volume 1 London Printed for James and John Knapton John Darby Daniel Midwinter Arthur Bettersworth John Senex Robert Gosling John Pemberton William and John Innys John Osborn and Tho Longman Charles Rivington john Hooke Ranew Robinson Francis Clay Aaron Ward Edward Symon Daniel Browne Andrew Johnston and Thomas Osborn
Chitty J 1824 A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents London A Strahan
Churchill JE 1983 The Complete Book of Tanning Skins and Furs London Stackpole Books
Clark G 2004 Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous Living Costs of the Rich versus the Poor in England 1209--1869 In Conference paperldquoTowards a Global History of Prices and Wagesrdquo Utrecht Available at httpswwwresearchgatenetprofileGregory_Clarkpublication246687497_Lifestyles_of_the_Rich_and_Famous_Living_Costs_of_the_Rich_versus_the_Poor_in_England_1209-1869links546e62200cf2b5fc176075b5pdf
Clark G 2007 The long march of history Farm wages population and economic growth England 1209ndash1869 The Economic History Review 60(1) pp97ndash135
Clark G amp Lindert P 2006 England_1209-1914_Clarkxlsx Global Price and Income History Group Available at httpgpihucdavisedufilesEngland_1209-1914_(Clark)xls [Accessed September 9 2018]
Clarke M 2001 The analysis of medieval European manuscripts Studies in Conservation 46(2) pp3ndash17
Clarkson C 1992 REDISCOVERING PARCHMENT THE NATURE OF THE BEAST Paper Conservator 16(1) pp5ndash26
Cobbett W 1912 Rural Rides in Surrey Kent and Other Counties London A Cobbett
132
Collins M J Fiddyment S Webb C OConnor T P Bradley D Teasdale M Doherty S Curtis A Vnoucek J Hall 2015 Reading the leaves sheep parchment as a 1000 year genetic resource Advances in Animal Biosciences p63
Cook HF amp Williamson T 1999 Water Management in the English Landscape Field Marsh and Meadow Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press
Copus AK 1989 Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in Southern England 1750ndash1900 The Agricultural history review 37(1) pp36ndash51
Craig H 1960 English religious drama of the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford Clarendon Press
Crittal E 1959 Wiltshire Volume 4 Other Industries In A History of the County of Wiltshire Volume 4 London British History Online pp 43ndash64 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchwiltsvol4 [Accessed July 29 2018]
Crouse J 1768 The History of the City and County of Norwich From the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time London Printed John Crouse and sold by M Booth
DrsquoAgata R et al 2007 The use of atmospheric pressure laser desorption mass spectrometry for the study of iron-gall ink Applied Physics A Materials Science amp Processing 89(1) pp91ndash95
Davis JM amp Beckett JV 1999 Animal husbandry and agricultural improvement the archaeological evidence from animal bones and teeth Rural history economy society culture 10(1) pp1ndash17
Davis T 1813 General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Dickson PGM 1960 The Sun Insurance Office 1710-1960 Oxford Oxford University Press
Doherty Sean 2018 The proteomic and isotopic analysis of parchment and their application to post-medieval sheep husbandry in Britain PhD Thesis University of York
Duncumb J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Hereford Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Fitzsimmons MP 2010 From Artisan to Worker Guilds the French State and the Organization of Labor 1776ndash1821 New York Cambridge University Press
Freemen of Chester 1992 Chester Freemen and Guilds Information and History Booklet Chester Chester City Record Office
Fussell GE 1966 The English Dairy Farmer 1500-1900 London Frank Cass amp Co
Fussell GE 1964 THE GRASSES AND GRASSLAND CULTIVATION OF BRITAIN I Before 1700 Grass and Forage Science 19(1) pp49ndash54
Fussell GE amp Goodman C 1930 Eighteenth Century Estimates of British Sheep and Wool Production Agricultural history 4(4) pp131ndash151
Gerhold D 2005 Carriers and coachmasters trade and travel before the turnpikes Oxford Phillimore
Glasse S 1794 The Magistratersquos Assistant Or A Summary of Those Laws which Immediately Respect the Conduct of a Justice of the Peace Continued to the End of the Session--1793 Gloucester Printed by R Raikes
Gooch W 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge London Sherwood Neely and Jones
133
Great BritainCommissioners of Excise 1778 Instructions for officers of the duties on hides in the country London
Gullick M 1991 From parchmenter to scribe some observations on the manufacture and preparation of medieval parchment based upon a review of the literary evidence In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 145ndash157
Hagadorn A 2012 Parchment making in eighteenth-century France historical practices and the written record Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 35(2) pp165ndash188
Haskins CH 1912 The ancient trade guilds and companies of Salisbury Kindle Salisbury Bennett Brothers
Havinden MA 1961 The Rural Economy of Oxfordshire 1580-1730 B Litt thesis Oxford University
Henderson S 2016 A Revolution in Sheeprsquos Clothing BA University of York
Henrickson RL Ranganayaki MD amp Asghar A 1984 Age species breed sex and nutrition effect on hide collagen Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 20(3) pp159ndash172
Her Majestyrsquos Stationery Office 1844 Reports from Commissioners Seventeen Volumes 13 London English Government Available at httpsmarketandroidcomdetailsid=book-jmoSAAAAYAAJ
Hoffman T 2011 Guilds and Related Organisations in Great Britain and Ireland a bibliography - Part 1 Unpublished Available at httpwwwbbkacuklibrarydownloadsguilds-part-1pdf [Accessed 28102018]
Holland H 1813 General view of the agriculture of Cheshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Houghton J 1728 Husbandry and trade improvrsquod being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle coals hops wool ampc With a complete catalogue of the several sorts of earths With many other useful particulars communicated by several eminent members of the Royal Society to the collector John Houghton The second edition London Printed for Woodman and Lyon
Hughes E 1941 The English Stamp Duties 1664-1764 The English Historical Review 56 (222) pp234ndash264
Hunt amp Co 1849 Hunt amp Corsquos Directory of Gloucester amp Bristol London BW Gardiner
Ibbetson J 1845 Ibbetsonrsquos Directory of the Borough of Bradford etc Bradford Printed and Published by J Ibbetson
Kent H 1798 Kentrsquos directory for the year 1798 containing an alphabetical list of the names and places of abode of the directors of companies persons in public business merchants of London and Westminster and Southwark etc 66th edn London Richard amp Henry Causton
Kellyrsquos Directories Ltd 1936 Kellyrsquos directory of stationers printers publishers booksellers papermakers amp c of England Scotland and Wales 18th edn 1936 London Kellyrsquos Directories
Kerridge E 2013 The Agricultural Revolution London Routledge
Kite M amp Thomson R 2006 The Manufacture of Leather Conservation of Leather and Related Materials London Elsevier Science amp Technology Ltd
Knight C 1842 London London Published by Charles Knight
Lawrence T Fowler V amp Novakofski J 2012 Growth of Farm Animals 3rd edition London CABI
Leadbetter C 1755 The royal gauger or Gauging made perfectly easy as it is actually practised by the officers of His Majestyrsquos revenue of excise London Printed for E Wicksteed
134
Lisle E 1757 Observations in Husbandry London J Hughs
Lowe R 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Nottingham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London C MacRae
Lyall RJ 1989 Materials The Paper Revolution In J Griffiths et al eds Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375--1475 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 11ndash29
Lyne AG 1961 The Postnatal Development of Wool Follicles Shedding and Skin Thickness in Inbred Merino and Southdown-Merino Crossbred Sheep Australian Journal of Biological Sciences 14(1) pp141ndash156
Marshall M 1789 The rural economy of Gloucestershire including its dairy together with the dairy management of North Wiltshire and the management of orchards and fruit liquor in Herefordshire Glocester Printed by R Raikes for G Nicol Pall-Mall London
Massey W 1763 The Origin and Progress of Letters An Essay in Two Parts London J Johnson
Mathias P 1969 The first industrial nation The economic history of Britain 1700-1914 London Metheun and Co
Mavor WF 1813 General view of the agriculture of Berkshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Mazoyer M and Roudart L (2006) A History of World Agriculture from the neolithic age to the current crisis London Earthscan
Maxted I 1992 British Book Trades 1775-1787 An Index to Insurance Policies (Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History) London JMaxted
Minard P 2011 Micro-Economics of Quality and Social Construction of the Market Disputes Among the London Leather Trades in the Eighteenth-Century Historische Sozialforschung = Historical social research Zentrum fur Historische Sozialforschung Koln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften Bonn 36(4) pp150ndash168
Moffatt JM 1805 The History of the Town of Malmesbury and of Its Ancient Abbey Together with Memoirs of Eminent Natives to which is Added an Appendix Tetbury JG Goodwyn
Murray A 1815 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Warwick with Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London B McMillan
Narayan S amp Rathore A 1964 Skin follicles and wool characteristics of seven breeds of Rajasthan sheep Research Studies-University of Udaipur 2
Neate S Howell D Ovenden R Pollard AM 2011 The Technological Study of Books and Manuscripts as Artefacts Research Questions and Analytical Solutions Oxford Archaeopress
Overton M 1996 Re-Establishing the English Agricultural Revolution The Agricultural history review 44(1) pp1ndash20
Page W 1930 A History of the County of Northampton In The borough of Northampton Trades London British History Online pp 26ndash30 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchnorthantsvol3pp26-30 [Accessed 30102018]
Page W 1907 Agriculture In A History of the County of Oxfordshire London British History Online pp 279ndash292 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchoxonvol2pp279-292 [Accesse 30102018]
Palop R 2016 Sheepskin and Cattle Hide Degreasing PhD University of Barcelona Available at
135
httpwwwcromogeniacomimagesnoticiasAF_LIBRO_DESENGRASE_english_bajapdf
Palliser DM amp Selwyn DG 1972 The Stock of a York Stationer 1538 The Library s5-XXVII(3) pp207ndash219
ParliamentHouse of Lords 1742 The history and proceedings of the House of Lords from the Restoration in 1660 to the present time London Ebenezer Tumberland
Parson WM amp White WM 1830 Directory of Leeds York and the Clothing District of Yorkshire Northowram Ovenden From Weaver to Web Northowram Calderdale Libraries Northgate Halifax West Yorkshire England
Pendred J 1785 The London and Country Printers Booksellers and Stationers Vade Mecum Moorfields J Pendred
Pigot 1995 National commercial directory Norwich Michael Winton
Pigot 1834 National commercial directory of the merchants bankers professional gentlemen manufacturers and traders in the counties of Chester Cumberland Durham Lancaster Northumberland Westmorland and York etc London Pigot
Pigot J 1825 Pigot and Corsquos New Commercial Directory of Scotland for 1825-1826Together with the most extensive Directory of London Manchester J Pigot and Co
Pitt W 1796 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Stafford With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G Nicol and sold
Pitt W 1809 A general view of the agriculture of the county of Leicester with observations on the means of its improvement London R Phillips
Pitt W 1817 A Topographical History of Staffordshire Including Its Agriculture Mines and Manufactures Memoirs of Eminent Natives Statistical Tables and Every Species of Information Connected with the Local History of the County With a Succinct Account of the Rise and Progress of the Staffordshire Potteries J Smith
Plenderleith HJ amp Werner A 1971 Papyrus Parchment and Paper In The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art Treatment Repair and Restoration Oxford Oxford University Press pp 44ndash73
Plot R 1686 The Natural History of Staffordshire Oxford Printed at the Theater
Plymley J 1803 General View of the Agriculture of Shropshire with Observations Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole B 1852 Statistics of British commerce Being a compendium of the productions manufactures imports and exports of the United Kingdom London WH Smith amp Son Simpkin Marshall amp Co
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Priest SJ amp Parkinson R 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Buckinghamshire Drawn Up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Reed R 1972 Ancient Skins Parchments and Leathers New York Seminar Press
Reed R 1991 Some thoughts on Parchment for Bookbinding In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 217ndash220
136
Reed R 1975 The nature and making of parchment Leeds Elmete Press
Rennie G Brown R amp Shirreff J 1799 General View of the Agriculture of the West Riding of Yorkshire Surveyed by Messrs Rennie Brown amp Shirreff 1793 With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement and Additional Information Since Received Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement Edinburgh G Nicol
Roberts C David Roberts F amp Bisson D 2016 A History of England Volume 1 Prehistory to 1714 London Routledge
Rogers JET 1887 A History of Agriculture and Prices in England From the Year After the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the Commencement of the Continental War (1793) Oxford Clarendon Press
Rudge T 1981 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Gloucester London R Phillips
Russell N 2007 Like Engendrsquoring Like Heredity and Animal Breeding in Early Modern England Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Ryder M 1981 A survey of European primitive breeds of sheep Annales de genetique et de selection animale 13(4) pp381ndash418
Ryder ML 1963 A survey of the gross structural features of protein fibres Fibre Structure pp534ndash566
Ryder ML 1958 Follicle arrangement in skin from wild sheep primitive domestic sheep and in parchment Nature 182(4638) pp781ndash783
Ryder ML 1960 Follicle remains in some British parchments Nature 187(4732) pp130ndash132
Ryder ML 1969 Remains derived from skin Science in Archaeology 43 pp539ndash554
Ryder ML 1983 Sheep and man London Gerald Duckworth amp Co Ltd
Ryder ML 1991 The biology and history of parchment In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thurbecke pp 25ndash33
Ryder ML 1964a The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain The Agricultural history review 12(1) pp1ndash12
Ryder ML 1964b The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain (Continued) The Agricultural history review 12(2) pp65ndash82
Saxl H 1954 An investigation of the qualities the methods of manufacture and the preservation of historic parchment and vellum with a view to identifying the animal species used PhD University of Leeds
Sellet F 1993 Chaicircne opeacuteratoire the concept and its applications Lithic technology 18(1-2) pp106ndash112
Shaw W 1935 Entry Book June 1964 1-10 In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 10 1693-1696 London British History Online pp 636ndash648 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol10pp440-449 [Accessed 30102018]
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137
httplibrarythehumanjourneynet890 [Accessed 13082017]
Sketchley J 1775 Sketchleyrsquos Bristol Directory Bristol James Sketchley
Slater I amp Pigot 1857 Slaterrsquos - late Pigot amp cos - Royal national commercial directory and topography of the counties of Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire Rutlandshire amp Yorkshire the towns of Hull Leeds Nottingham and Sheffield embellished with beautiful maps of Lincolnshire Nottingham amp Yorkshire etc Manchester Isaac Slater
Slater amp Pigot 1852 Slaterrsquos Royal National Commercial Directory and Topography of Scotland etc 1852 Aberdeenshire Isaac Slater
Smellie W 1771 Encyclopaeligdia Britannica [electronic resource] or a dictionary of arts and sciences compiled upon a new plan Illustrated with one hundred and sixty copperplates By a Society of gentlemen in Scotland In three volumes Edinburgh printed for A Bell and C Macfarquhar and sold by Colin Macfarquhar
Smith F 2009 Smithrsquos Directory of Halifax Bradford Oldfield and Horsfall
Stevenson W 1812 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Dorset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G and W Nicol
Stevenson W 1809 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Surrey London J Phillips
Stinson T 2011 Counting Sheep Potential Applications of DNA Analysis to the Study of Medieval Parchment Production In F Franz C Fritze amp G Vogeler eds Kodikologie und Palaumlographie im digitalen Zeitalter 2 - Codicology and Palaeography in the Digital Age 2 Norderstedt Books on Demand (BoD) pp 191ndash207
Stinson TL 2009 Knowledge of the flesh using DNA analysis to unlock bibliographical secrets of medieval parchment Papers Bibliographical Society of America 103(4) pp435ndash453
Strickland HE 1812 A general view of the agriculture of the East-Riding of Yorkshire published by order of the Board of Agriculture author
Teasdale MD et al 2015 Paging through history parchment as a reservoir of ancient DNA for next generation sequencing Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B Biological sciences 370(1660) p20130379
The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 The Rotation of Crops The Farmerrsquos Magazine 8 p188
The House of Commons 1808 The Journals of the House of Commons Volume 63 London Printed by Order of the House of Commons
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The Salt Association 2018 Salt amp the Salt Tax | Salt History The Salt Association Available at httpwwwsaltassociationcoukeducationsalt-historysalt-the-chemical-revolutioneighteenth-century-salt-making-salt-and-the-salt-tax [Accessed July 5 2018]
The Saturday Magazine 1838 The Saturday Magazine 12-13(402) pp129ndash136
Thirsk J 1984 The Agrarian History of England and Wales Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Thirsk J 2000 The English Rural Landscape USA Oxford University Press
Thomas S 1983 Leathermaking in the Middle Ages In Leather Manufacture through the Ages Proceedings of the 27th East Midlands Industrial Archaeology Conference (27) EMIAC 27 pp 1ndash10
138
Trolander P 2014 Literary Sociability in Early Modern England The Epistolary Record London Rowman amp Littlefield
Trow-Smith R 1951 English husbandry From the earliest times to the present day London Faber and Faber
Tuke J 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the North Riding of Yorkshire With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London W Bulmer and Company
Vancouver C 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Hampshire Including the Isle of Wight London R Phillips
Walls GF 1901 Westmorland Agriculture 1800-1900 London Book on Demand
Walton JR 1983 The diffusion of improved sheep breeds in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Oxfordshire Journal of historical geography 9(2) pp175ndash195
Watt A 1906 The Art of Leather Manufacture Being A Practical Handbook in Which the Operations of Tanning Currying and Leather Dressing Are Fully Described London Kessinger Publishing
Williams TW 1824 A Compendious Abstract of the Public General Acts passed in 6 Geo IV London Printed for GWightman
Williams AJ amp Thornberry KJ 1992 THE SKIN THICKNESS OF MEDIUM WOOL MERINO SHEEP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WOOL PRODUCTION Proceedings of the Australian Society of Animal Production 19 pp138ndash141
Williams amp Co 1844 Williams amp Co Directory of York Printed by Edward Baines amp sons York
Winters J 2012 THE ENGLISH PROVINCIAL BOOK TRADE BOOKSELLER STOCK-LISTS C 1520-1640 PhD University of St Andrews
Wodzicka M 1958 Studies on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin of sheep ImdashDevelopment techniques New Zealand Journal of Agricultural Research 1(4) pp582ndash591
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska M 1960 Effect of cold on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin in sheep In Proc Aust Soc Anim Prod pp 195ndash198
Worgan GB 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall London G and W Nicol
Wrigley E (2011) The Early English Censuses Oxford Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press
Wrigley E and Schofield R (1981) The Population History of England 1541-1871 Cambridge Mass Harvard Univ Press
Wykes DL 2004 Robert Bakewell (1725-1795) of Dishley Farmer and Livestock Improver The Agricultural history review 52(1) pp38ndash55
Yeomans LM 2006 A zooarchaeological and historical study of the animal product based industries operating in London during the post-medieval period PhD University of London Available at httpwwwacademiaedudownload30464459Yeomans_phdpdf
Youatt W 1810 A Treatise on the Choice Buying and General Management of Live Stock Comprising Delineations and Description of the Principal Breeds London B Crosby and Company
Youatt W amp Weld MC 1837 Sheep Their Breeds Management and Diseases London Baldwin and Cradock
Young A 1799 Experiments on the Winter and Summer support of sheep Annals of Agriculture and other
139
Useful Arts 34 pp414ndash425
Young A 1807 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary of the Board In Two Volumes Vol 2 London RPhillips
Young A 1804 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk London G and W Nicol
Young A 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary to the Board London B Macmillan
Young A 1808 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex London R Phillips
Young A 1813 General view of the agriculture of Oxfordshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
140
List of Tables
Table 1 Campbellrsquos London Tradesmen 31
Table 2 Parchment-Maker Insurance Policies 1770-1779 57
Table 3 Sheep Breeds Overview 85
6
List of Figures
Figure 1 Depiction of the Research Process 14
Figure 2 Thorold Rogers Parchment Prices 1858-1683 36
Figure 3 Gregory Clark Parchment Prices 1274-1706 38
Figure 4 Salt Prices 1500-1850 43
Figure 5 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1900 50
Figure 6 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1650 51
Figure 7 Map of Parchment-Makers 1651-1700 51
Figure 8 Map of Parchment-Makers 1701-1750 52
Figure 9 Map of Parchment-Makers 1751-1800 52
Figure 10 Map of Parchment-Makers 1801-1850 52
Figure 11 Map of Parchment-Makers 1851-1900 52
Figure 12 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Figure 13 Net Produce of Stamp Duties 1807 61
Figure 14 Fibre Groupings - Dead Sea Scrolls 77
7
Acknowledgements I would like thank my thesis advisor Dr Jonathan Finch of the Archaeology Department at
the University of York for all his help and support throughout this project I would also
like to thank Matthew Collins Sean Doherty Sarah Fiddyment and Matthew Teasdale for
including me in their conversations on their research surrounding the lsquohidden history of
parchmentrsquo
I would also like to express my gratitude to my family for proof-reading my project and
apologise for the many hours they will never get back and for the wealth of sheep and
parchment knowledge they will carry around with them for years to come
8
Declaration I declare that this thesis is a presentation of original work and I am the sole author This work has not previously been presented for an award at this or any other University All sources are acknowledged as References
9
Chapter 1 Introduction
11 Aims
lsquoThe assumption has been made that parchment was made in the region of the place in which
the document was written However certainly as early as the seventeen-nineties it was clear
that the parchment had not necessarily been made locally a parchment of that fate from
Hereford bore the name of a London stationerrsquo
(Ryder 1963 541)
The aim of this project is to develop the first detailed overview of the post-medieval
English parchment industry This particular industry is one routinely overlooked by
historians and archaeologists and this work constitutes the only in-depth investigation
of the parchment industry of this period However not only is there ample evidence on
which to create a detailed outline of the size location and processes of this industry but
that this research will greatly contribute to our understanding of the past from both the
new data it will provide on this time period as well as potentially contributing new
material to the debates surrounding the agricultural revolution and the neglected area
of stockbreeding but also by providing essential historical context for groundbreaking
new studies on historical DNA (hDNA) found in parchment
However being that this is the first detailed review of this industry there is very little
academic literature to highlight the key components of the industry as well as the key
factors shaping the industry As a result this project is divided into two sections Firstly
the piecing together of the history of the industry assessing the size and structure of
the industry and the various processes that occurred during production Having
established the outline and processes of the industry and any changes over time the
second section will explore the driving factors shaping the development on the industry
Put simply the results of the first section should raise important new questions that
need to be asked of the historical record and section two will attempt to answer these
questions taking the study beyond the industry itself to address questions from
broader research agendas
10
A review of the key changes in this industry particularly those concerning the price of
materials the objectives of manufacturers and the fluctuations in the progress and
efficiency should prove significant in further developing our understanding of the
post-medieval agricultural change and the wider-economy more generally Furthermore
this research will help us to understand when paper became the primary lsquohardwarersquo for
recording information It will also offer new data to interpret the chronology and
geography of the agricultural revolution through the hitherto neglected area of livestock
improvement All the areas discussed above are topics that will be reviewed in this
project and from which a good understanding of the location and processes of the
parchment industry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century will be developed
Perhaps however as stated earlier the most consequential aspect of this research will
support the advancement of these scientific techniques currently deployed in the field
of archaeology to be applied in the study of the post-medieval period The research of
hDNA analysis appears the most quintessential use for this research though it is by no
means limited to this area alone The recent investigative fervour surrounding the
scientific study of parchment through the analysis of hDNA as well as chemical and
spectrographic analysis (discussed further in section 25 of the literature review) should
benefit from research of this nature greatly supporting its application on the
post-medieval period
11
12 The Research Question
What was the structure size and geography of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 and what light can the results throw onto wider research goals in a variety of
disciplines including hDNA studies historical archaeology and agricultural history
relating to the chronology and geography of agricultural improvement
13 Objectives
To complete a literature review of both materials written recently and those written
during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries The sources reviewed can then be used
to conduct a detailed overview of the structure of the parchment industry looking
primarily at the parchment manufacturing process the uses for parchment the
socio-economic status of the industry and the overall condition of the industry during
these centuries This will involve reviewing a variety of external factors such as changes
in law taxation the price of various agricultural products the paper industry and
transport
Once completed a more detailed analysis of the data can be undertaken reviewing
correlations in the data and assessing which factors were most significant in shaping the
development of the parchment industry In order to conduct such an analysis a detailed
review of the agricultural landscape between 1650 and 1850 must be completed
primarily investigating the location of various sheep breeds and the various agricultural
systems to which they most suited Any information on the geography of the parchment
manufacturing industry and the identification of any centres of production will not only
offer further information on this previously unstudied industry but more specifically
provide greater validity to post-medieval hDNA studies by offering further clarity on the
origin of parchment samples Furthermore this work will assess the key factors in the
changing industry and their effects on parchment quality over time
Finally a review of the impact of this research Reviewing if this new information
contributes to current debates surrounding agricultural improvement more specifically
12
the timing and significance of an agricultural revolution as well as how it affects the
results and methodologies of future hDNA studies
13
Figure 1 shows the research process that will be adopted This process should allow for
detailed analysis of the location of the industry while also allowing for the review a
significant number of external factors shaping the industry This form of research allows
for the more successful adoption of the chaicircne opeacuteratoire method (see section 15) and
should also provide a solid bedrock of information on a variety of topics on a subject
otherwise untouched in the historical and archaeological literature
14
14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire
lsquoWithout fertilizer no harvests without livestock no fertilizer which has such an immediate impact without seeded pastures no livestock finally without the elimination of fallowing no
or very few seeded pastures all is linked in agriculture its system must be totalrsquo
Instruction to the National Convention 1794 (Cited in Mazoyer and Roudart 2006 313)
Much of the data surrounding the production of parchment is intrinsically linked to
other areas of study There is likely a number of inter-relationships between a variety of
processes within the parchment industry and the broader agricultural economy For
example the price of sheep mutton and wool would have shaped the market and must
be understood to be able to understand the dynamics of the parchment industry
Furthermore issues such as changes in agricultural systems cultural changes legal
changes foreign policy changes would all have been entangled in the shaping and
development of the industry There are likely very clear links between many features of
the parchment industry and the wider English economy many not listed here though
the nature of these relationships is not always immediately obvious
By using the methodological tool of chaicircne opeacuteratoire it is possible in many cases to
unravel the logical sequences that caused and affected certain changes In other words
the correlations found between various linked markets can be analysed and used to
make logical conclusions as to what happened Perhaps the clearest description of this
process can be found in Frederic Selletrsquos 1993 paper Chaine Operatoire The Concept and
its Applications which states this method lsquoaims to describe and understand all cultural
transformations that a specific raw material had to go throughlsquo (Sellet 1993 106)
Knowing the importance and manufacturing processes of certain materials allows
inferences to be made as to the certain practices that were occurring as well as to
understand the logical steps taken to achieve these outcomes and to then map and
understand various industries and agricultural practices
15
Chapter 2 Literature Review
21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
The post-medieval parchment industry has remained lsquohiddenrsquo in the both the historical
and archaeological record The primary resources are often sources that briefly touch
upon the parchment trade though the parchment industry was not usually their
primary concern Such documents included encyclopaedias essays on livestock farmers
letters tours of England texts on the subject of the leather trade and legal documents
to name a few examples Although these indirect sources are relatively numerous there
is a dire need of recording comparing and contrasting as well as a detailed analysis
testing their validity Unfortunately validity has proved to be a significant issue with the
key components of the industry often being closely guarded secrets amongst
parchment-makers In 1775 Lalande highlighted this issue when writing his
Encyclopaedia stating lsquoanyone writing an article on the mechanical arts will learn after
having for some time gone from workshop to workshop with cash in his handrsquo that they
will often be paying for lsquothe most preposterous misinformationrsquo (Cited in Blom 2005
47)
This project constitutes the first detailed investigation into the parchment industry
during this period and so almost all information pertaining to the industry will prove
important and therefore a significant amount of information has been collected The
following chapters will therefore include a comprehensive review of all the major
processes and influences of the parchment industry hopefully creating the foundation
for future studies in this area
Firstly in regards to how parchment is made there are a number of texts from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which describe the process (see Ballard 1882
65-66 Houghton 1728 326 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456
Chambers 1728 351 Saxl 1954 94 Blanch 1774 42-43) However these descriptions
require thorough analysis particularly as none of the authors referenced above were
actually parchment-makers themselves The work of Chambers (1728) and Smellie
16
(1771) are encyclopaedias and perhaps therefore were less likely to have been
particularly thorough investigative pieces on the parchment trade similar issues of
validity remain with the Saturday Magazine article (The Saturday Magazine 1838) Ballard
(1882) and Blanchrsquos (1774) works are descriptions of the leather trade only briefly
reviewing the parchment industry though these texts share strikingly similar
descriptions of the manufacturing process Finally Houghtonrsquos work is perhaps the most
useful Written in 1694 though not published until 1728 it was written after an interview
with a parchment-maker reciting the production process in great detail These few
primary sources often share material details but they provide a vital historical platform
from which to build a fairly thorough understanding of the process and whether it
changed over the centuries
Just as there are few contemporary descriptions of the production processes so there
are also only a few texts describing the industry on a macro-scale Those that do exist
appear to only describe the process of the materials through the industrial system For
example Houghton (1728) and an article in The Saturday Magazine (1838) describe
parchment-makers purchasing their skins directly from butchers (Houghton 1728 326
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134) However there are various different descriptions of
the process For example Chambers and Smellie described the process as being started
by the skinner and finished by the parchment-maker (Chambers 1728 351 Smellie
1771 456) while a later text describes the skins as being purchased directly from the
abattoirs or slaughter-houses (Poole 1852 275) and Knight who describes the London
industry wrote about a lsquoskin-salesmanrsquo who acted as an agent between the sellers and
the fellmongers (Knight 1842 26) who then sold to the parchment-makers Finally
Hagadorn states that from the sixteenth century onwards English parchment-makers
purchased their skins from fellmongers (Hagadorn 2012 169) though it should be noted
that he draws this conclusion by referencing two texts neither of which supply
compelling evidence but instead simply outline the jobs of fellmongers (see Kite and
Thomas 2006 72 Thomas 1983 6) However Hagadorn does show evidence of Parisian
parchment-makers purchasing their skins locally (2012 170) which could perhaps
reflect the English model The directories and insurance records of the Sun Office and
Royal Exchange insurance groups two of the larger insurance groups that emerged
around the turn of the eighteenth century may also offer some insights into the roles of
17
parchment-makers during this period Overall the literature differs greatly on the
process of the exchange of materials and whether there are differences over time
geographical regions or simply authors who are mistaken as to how the process occurs
is not clear The primary sources therefore provide a conflicting picture of how the
industry functioned at least on a macro-scale again highlighting the need for greater
research in this area
A number of primary sources do provide some indication as to the scale and location of
the industry For example Chambers describes parchment as making a lsquovery
considerable article in the French commercersquo with large quantities being sent to
lsquoEngland Flanders Holland Spain and Portugalrsquo in the late 1720s (Chambers 1728 351)
a claim supported in The Saturday Magazine (1838 134) Despite this little is known
about the exact quantities or where they were transported to within England Also in
regards to where it was being made in England it is clear that large quantities were
being made in Bermondsey London (Knight 1842 18 Pendred 1785 33 37 Yeomans
2006 134) This area had a long history of tanning and with Knightrsquos detailed 1842
description of the parchment industry in the area (Knight 1842) it is possible to say with
confidence that this was a major centre for parchment production
Unfortunately however this appears the majority of the literature on the topic The
historical information on the post-medieval parchment industry is incredibly
fragmented with only a small number of texts referring to the industry and often only
in a few pages Of the more detailed summaries that do exist many describe different
systems with the majority of them have never been subject to any academic scrutiny
However a full review and analysis of these texts should begin to offer outlines of some
of the major aspects of the industry providing a reasonable overview of its history
22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry
There is a significant lack of any modern literature on the parchment industry between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries This is an issue perhaps best highlighted
recently by the lack of reference to any such documents in a number of modern studies
on hDNA in which providing an historical context for results would otherwise be
essential (see Teasdale et al 2015 Collins et al 2015 Campana et al 2010) Despite this
lack of literature there are a number of texts on parchment in the Middle Ages and
18
perhaps more importantly there are also a number of texts on the medieval
manufacturing processes which could prove useful for a later historical study of the
industry (see Clarkson 1992 Gullick 1991 Bicchieri et al 2008)
A number of texts on hDNA analysis highlight the need for greater research on the
parchment industry (Burger et al 2000) Species determination and STR-genotyping
from ancient DNA in art and artefacts have provided a comparison of the genetic status
of animals or plants with historical data and have greatly increased our knowledge lsquonot
only about the material itself but also about domestication cultivation planting and
herding practicesrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Bower et al write that if an extensive DNA
database of known provenance was created then future studies showing identical or
very similar hDNA identities could use it to determine the origin of their own samples
(Bower et al 2010)
Campana et al write however that their results showed multiple hDNA signatures in
other words that their results were affected by the environment in which the skins and
parchment were kept during production (2010 1324) an issue that can begin to be
combated once a better understanding of the post-medieval parchment manufacturing
process is developed It seems safe to assume that Campana et al would have reviewed
or even re-published their results if they could answer either of these issues but clearly
the material does not exist In fact their only reference to the history of parchment is to
a text by Ronald Reed (1972) however Reed only references modern methods of making
parchment and a single recipe from 800BC Ultimately there is a significant gap in
understanding about the structure of the industry and how parchment was made
between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries Overall all these studies only cover a
very small number of primary and secondary sources on the history of the parchment
industry despite the clear benefits associated with reviewing within a more clearly
defined historical context though this appears to be due to a lack of literature on the
topic than of choice
Despite a lack of literature on these areas there does appear to have been a cluster of
work on parchment between the 1950s and 1970s though primarily discussing how
parchment is currently made and what methods and source materials contribute to the
19
manufacture of the highest-quality parchment ( Ryder 1958 Ryder 1960 Ryder 1964
Ryder 1969 Reed 1972 Reed 1975 Reed 1991 )
The state of the parchment industry has also been measured by the quality of the
parchment over time which a number of studies showing the steady decline of
parchment quality over the centuries Ryder covers 200 samples of parchment between
the eleventh and nineteenth centuries to determine the relative quality (Ryder 1991
31-32) Relatively it can be argued that seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
parchment was of the worse quality than the medieval (Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1964
70 Clarkson 1992 5) Many writers have therefore made the claim that this shows the
decline of the parchment industry and the rise of the paper industry with cheaper
lower-quality parchment being made in order to compete However few writers appear
to have considered the possibility of changes in the quality of the materials available to
be used for making parchment an area that will be reviewed in this project
Yeomans (2006) is one of the only people to map parchment-makers using parish
records Her work covers the Bermondsey area in London which was the key area for
tanning in London and most likely therefore the main centre of parchment production
for all of England This work might provide a useful methodology for the current study
and data collection as well as providing key information about the structure of related
industry in London
Similarly Hagadorn (2012) reviews the parchment industry in eighteenth-century France
discussing elements of the industry such as how parchment was made (2012 169) how
skins were preserved (2012 171) the common use of lsquoadult sheep as opposed to lambsrsquo
sourced from local butchers by French parchment-makers (2012 170) and how the
market functioned more generally This work provides a useful methodology but also a
model of how a parchment industry would operate in that time period in a culture and
economy that is relatively similar to Englandrsquos It should be noted that the French
parchment industry has been well-studied and is very well-documented a luxury not
applicable to the study of the English parchment industry Fitzsimmons for example
has studied the integration of parchment-makers in Paris with other corporations
(Fitzsimmons 2010) and this might provide an insight into the role of English guilds in
the parchment industry Indeed one might expect the French and English parchment
20
industries to share many similarities both in scale and processes making both of these
pieces of work useful in both understanding the industry and creating a methodology
for future research
In conclusion despite little information being available on the history of the parchment
industry a number of texts detailing the composition of parchment and the effects of
breed-type diet environment grease content and age on the overall quality Combining
this information with the overview of the various texts discussing parchment quality
over time will offer some insights into the possible changes occuring in sheep farming in
the past These texts should also offer a number of interesting research possibilities for
reviewing any future conclusions made on the parchment industry between the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries
However literature surrounding the history of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 is extremely rare Very little is understood in terms of the size of the industry
its geography its source materials product prices taxation laws manufacturing laws
manufacturing practices or the various processes that occurred between an animals
slaughter the manufacture of parchment and the products eventual sale More detail is
known on the London and French parchment industry though the literature here also
remains limited The overall lack of literature on this topic further highlights the need to
initiate an investigation into this significantly overlooked industry and presents a source
of historical data on a time period severely lacking in economic historic and
archaeological information
21
23 New Areas of Research
There have been a number of groundbreaking new research methods surrounding
parchment that have been developed in recent times A plethora of new scientific
methods have been adopted for instance the chemical and spectroscopic analyses of
parchment has allowed archaeologists to identify the inks and other products used on
parchment for writing or decorative purposes ( DrsquoAgata et al 2007 ) In 2000 it was shown
that historic DNA (hDNA) could be be lsquoisolated from most of the various biomaterialsrsquo
and this hDNA has the possibility to be used to lsquodetermine the organic remnantrsquos
genusspecies of origin and on the other hand to create the genetic profile of an
individual animalrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Hence this new research could determine the
breeds of animal populations used in parchment production and help to determine the
timing or existence of an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo by developing a detailed
understanding of the animals being used in the agricultural system assessing the timing
of changes in sheep breeds due to changes in farming techniques and developing a
better understanding of the various objectives of farming communities However this
technology has primarily been focused on more specific rare medieval parchment
samples (see Stinson 2011 Teasdale et al 2017 Stinson 2009 Clarke 2001) however
the studies conducted creates a number of possibilities for similar research on the
post-medieval period However studies of this nature as stated earlier require research
on the processes of the parchment industry and how the parchment was prepared for
example as was warranted for the studies conducted on the Dead Sea Scrolls (see Poole
and Reed 1962)
There are of course still areas of concern with this research for example Campana et al
in 2010 presented how DNA found in parchment is more complex than first thought
with the manufacturing process affecting the hDNA extracted as a result of
cross-contamination during the industrial production process (Campana et al 2010)
However as Teasdale et al (2015) discuss the form of hDNA research used by Campana
et al has lsquowell-documented deficiencies particularly with regard to controlling and
estimating contaminationrsquo and that this next generation sequencing now being adopted
generates lsquomany orders of magnitude more datarsquo (Teasdale et al 2015 2) These
methods are clearly becoming increasingly accurate and it appears to be only a matter
22
of time before they are more widely applied to a range of archaeological research
However in order to understand the results of these tests it is imperative that they be
understood within the historical context Therefore a detailed understanding of the
industry and the manufacturing techniques is required before the results of these
experiments can be fully understood It also important it be understood where
parchment samples originate in order to understand to what geographical region the
results of any hDNA studies apply As a result the commonly adopted method of
reviewing any stationers stamp or taxation stamp to determine the origin of a sample of
parchment must also be questioned
Overall it remains particularly unfortunate that despite the incredibly interesting work
on hDNA its application to the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries has remained in its
infancy due in no small part to a significant lack of historical information on the
parchment industry during this period However there is by no means a lack of
information on this area and there therefore exists a great opportunity for research in
this area
23
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry
31 Uses for Parchment
From modern collections of parchment it is clear the material was still widely used well
into the early nineteenth century for a variety of purposes However parchment was
predominantly used for legal documents for example being the material used for the
custody of charters patents acts of parliament commissions chirographs deeds and
recognizances all of which were kept by the lsquoMaster of the Rollsrsquo (Chambers 1728 208
507) as well lsquococketsrsquo which were forms for recording goods that had been taxed (1728
242) Parchment was also used in the manufacture of pocket-sized memorandums (Sibly
1808 67) while parchment off-cuts were often used for the manufacture of glue (Smellie
1771 456 Sibly 1808 112) With parchment being the material used for such a huge
variety of products it appears clear that the industry must have remained of fairly
considerable size particularly with the rapid population increase between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries (see Wrigley and Schofield 1981) Furthermore the nature of
the documents recording property acts of parliament tax apprenticeships licenses
and so on likely means parchment was a material of high status it being almost
exclusively reserved for high status documents These were also documents often
required to be kept for a long period of time testifying to the view of parchment as a
high status material and one of greater state of cultural and physical permanence
Furthermore the demand for the products listed above can only have increased over
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of the huge population increase that
occurred over these centuries and the commensurate rise in bureaucracy and litigation
As time went on however many of these documents were instead made of paper but as
we know for many modern large collections of parchment the process was perhaps
slower than many have presumed
32 Who was Selling the Skins
Unfortunately very little is recorded about the parchment industry in regard to the
processes prior to the manufacture of parchment from skins Exactly who was flaying
24
the skins and from whom parchment-makers were purchasing skins is challenging to
determine from the limited literature and primary evidence
In the seventeen twenties Houghton described skins for manufacturing parchment
being sourced from butchers (1728 326) suggesting that the butchers flayed the skins
which were then purchased by tanners and parchment-makers Similarly a number of
the laws passed during this period on the topic of flaying skins referred to butchers as
the primary sources for flayed skins For example in 1603 the lsquoAct concerninge Tanners
Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupyinge the cuttinge of Leatherrsquo refers to
butchers as those flaying animals though also refers to there being various other trades
that involved the cutting of leather (1 Jas I c22) In fact for nearly all the laws on flaying
that succeeded this Act butchers are referred to as those primarily flaying animals
Similarly in 1806 The Flaying Act Considered As Without Benefiting the Pubic most Severely
Oppressing the Butchers of London (An Impartial Observer 1806) details the damaging
effects of the flaying laws on the butchers of London The author refers to the
lsquoindustrious butchersrsquo being fined extremely large amounts of money for damaging
skins (1806 15) Finally in 1808 when the inspection of skins in London was reorganised
the Butchers Company were assigned to appoint seven people to inspect all skins (Chitty
1824 353) This law also included the Curriers Company and the Cordwainers but given
the many references to butchers and the power given to them in this law it seems very
likely that butchers were the primary flayers of carcases
A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto
with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents published in 1824 also specifically
refers to Butchers as those who flay and sell skins (Chitty 1824 347) It refers to
lsquobutchers and others who flay carcasesrsquo as desposing of the raw or salted skins to
tanners who then sell them on to other workers of skinned-goods (1824 347) However
it is not required that the skins be tanned prior to making parchment and so perhaps it
is more likely that the parchment-makers purchased their skins from the butchers or
fellmongers
Chambers (1728) however describes the process of making parchment as being lsquobegun
by the skinner and ended by the parchment-makerrsquo (1728 351) Similarly the 1771
Encyclopaedia Britannica suggests that the process begins with skinners (Smellie 1771
25
456) This could refer to butchers but a number of historical sources make a distinction
between skinners and butchers (Bailey 1784 Campbell 1747 332 339 Kent 1798)
Ultimately it can only be determined that the initial stage of the process is started with
the skinning of the animal by someone other than the parchment-makers though in the
majority of cases this was done by butchers
In regards to who sold the skins to parchment-makers the process in London is fairly
well understood In 1842 Charles Knight elaborated on the processes that occurred in
London discussing who actually sold the skins after they had been flayed He states that
the skins were sold to the various manufacturers such as the wool-staplers
leather-dressers and parchment-makers by fellmongers in the area (Knight 1842 29)
These dealers of skins were found throughout England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries Baileyrsquos (1785) directory lists over 20 listed fellmongers across
England though it was likely there were a great deal more 1
A decade later Poole wrote that the skins of sheep were lsquocarried loose from the
abattoirs and slaughter-houses to the tanneries either loose or in casks without
heading for the purpose of being tanned into leather which is used in various ways as
covers for books parchment harness ampcrsquo (1852 275) This description of the process
remains somewhat odd as parchment was not actually tanned during its manufacture
However Knight also describes these skins being transported through London stating
lsquoWho is there that has not at some time or other had his ears dinned and tormented in
the London streets by a cart rattling and rumbling over the rough stones and laden
with sheep-skinsrsquo (Knight 1842 26) Whether this occurred exclusively in London or
more widely across Englandrsquos towns and cities is difficult to determine However it does
offer another example of fellmongers plying their trade purchasing flayed skins and
selling them on the streets of London
1 It is also worth noting that a few of the fellmongers listed in Baileyrsquos 1784 directory are often listed as being both fellmongers and skinners
26
It appears that skinners and butchers almost exclusively flayed the skins and then sold
the skins either directly to tanners parchment-makers or to skin salesmen and
fellmongers who would then sell on the skins Unfortunately there is little in the
literature on the exact process It appears that many people could be involved in the
sale of parchment and skins with the materials passing through many places (and
presumably geographical locations) prior to reaching the stationer However the records
that do exist show that the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then
sold either directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell In
London in particular skins were purchased from slaughter-houses and then sold
throughout the city by skin salesmen
It also appears that in many instances fellmongers would also be parchment-makers
Despite laws preventing tanners from selling skins (see section 72) the laws did not
extend to parchment-makers The insurance policies shown in section 35 show the
secondary occupations of those listed Of the 17 individual parchment-makers listed
around 47 of them were listed as also being fellmongers This would have been of a
significant benefit to parchment-makers as they would then have access to the specific
skins required for the manufacture of high quality parchment Furthermore it would
have allowed for two sources of income a position not available to many others in the
various skin trades and perhaps necessary given the low incomes of many
parchment-makers
In conclusion the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then sold either
directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell There are also
many instances where the parchment-makers were both source the skins and use them
to manufacture parchment
27
33 How was Parchment Manufactured
lsquoGood parchment must be thin strong yet flexible and have a smooth surfacersquo
(Ryder 1991)
There are a number of historic texts on how parchment was manufactured although
there are discrepancies in some of the more precise details A particularly detailed
description of the process from the period under discussion can be found in Husbandry
and trade improvd being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle
coals hops wool ampc (Houghton 1728 325-328) which has been summarised below
As stated this is perhaps the most detailed outlining of the manufacturing process
during the eighteenth century However it is worth comparing these details with a
variety of other descriptions from various sources in order to highlight possible
variations in the process
The first step is rarely mentioned in primary texts besides an 1838 article in The
Saturday Magazine which states that the skins are first de-haired then smeared with
28
quick-lime on the flesh-side and then were lsquoFolded once in the direction of their length
laid in heaps and left to ferment for ten or fifteen dayslsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838
134) The initial step of allowing the skins to deteriorate before removing the wool is also
a standard step for modern parchment-makers and appears unavoidable both then and
now as a necessary step allowing for the wool to be removed more easily Hanging the
skins and scrapping the wool were the same as the standard process for tanning
leather They are are also steps taken in the manufacture of modern parchment
samples as well as being steps outlined in a variety of other historical texts (Yeomans
2006 33 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456)
One improvement in the manufacturing process that did occur was the lsquosplitting
processrsquo which involves splitting the skin and using only the flesh-side for parchment
(Plenderleith amp Werner 1971 45 Ryder 1991 31 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134)
though this was a change that appears to have occurred very early in this period In fact
parchments lacking follicle remains with lsquoan open mesh of coarse collagen fibres
suggesting the flesh side of a split skinrsquo have been found in samples as early as the
thirteenth century though becoming common from the sixteenth century onwards
(Ryder 1969 534-535)
Putting the skins in a lime pit washing them and then stretching the skin over a frame
were also clearly standard steps in making parchment and are confirmed elsewhere in
the literature (Reed 1991 26 Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1983 730-731 Hagadorn 2012 169 ) However
many washed skins on site while others appear to have cleaned skins in fresh running
water This appears true at least in 1619 when complaints are recorded about
parchment-makers washing skins in Northamptonshire rivers (Page 1930 26-30) This
may explain the evolution towards the increased usage of pits for cleaning skins There
is also an example of an individual named Mr Cogan who washed skins in running fresh
water in Bristol claiming that although slower this would sufficiently soften the skins
(Ballard 1882 70) Although seemingly not the norm at least in London this may have
been adopted by many in the English countryside though presumably not in major
cities due to the issue of severe pollution of local water supplies
29
There are only a small number of sources that detail how long the skins were required
to be in the pit (or pits) with the overall amount of time varying depending on the skins
used Watt (1906) describes having to leave greasy skins in a lime-pit for a week or even
ten days (Watt 1906 439) suggesting the period of time they were left in these pits
would have been variable depending the levels of grease in the skins Also modern
parchment-makers lime the skins for a far shorter period than three weeks and yet it
appears the manufacturing process despite mechanisation has remained very similar
The skins were limed numerous times and in different pits or the same pit with
different solutions and the process seems to have been clearly understood by writers
both then and now however the time taken liming the skins appeared to differ
significantly
The final steps in the process from stretching the skins to the pumice are described in a
number of other texts (see Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1969 532 Plenderleith and Werner 1971 45)
However the time it would have taken for the skins to dry was dependent on the
weather and the skins used
In conclusion the range of literature offers a very clear and detailed overview of the
history of the manufacturing process of parchment with the process remaining very
similar over time However the profession of parchment-maker was a difficult and
required a great deal of skill and training
30
34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker
Unfortunately there are very few primary sources that allude to the socio-economic
position of parchment-makers However it is also important to consider that perhaps
most parchment-makers were located outside of major cities (discussed section 43) and
so would have proven difficult for writers of the time to judge the scale and revenue of
the industry
Campbellrsquos lsquo The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades
Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and
Westminsterrsquo offers overviews of the sums given with apprenticeships the cost of setting
up as a Master and the working hours on a wide variety of professions in London
However even in a text as thorough as this even Campbell confesses to his inability to
determine the incomes of journeymen parchment-makers (Campbell 1747 321)
Campbell does however list some key figures that may prove useful (see Table 1) His
data shows the fees surrounding parchment-making as being some of the lowest of any
London-based skin-related profession This data combined with the quote from
Campbell (1747 321) appears to show the profession was one of little financial merit
with Campbell describing the profession as requiring lsquoneither strength nor ingenuity nor
is there much profit attending it and very little of it manufactured in town so little at
least that after the strictest enquiry I cannot find what wages is given a Journeymanrsquo
(Campbell 1747 321) However parchment-making was clearly a fairly highly-skilled
trade with prior apprenticeship training and an in-depth knowledge of the production
31
required to partake in the profession Campbell however was unlikely to have actually
known the parchment manufacturing process it being a widely protected trade secret
and so his opinion appears conjectural However Campbell does clearly show that
parchment-making at least within the city of London was a profession of relatively low
income
This conclusion is further supported by The Book of Rates which shows the excise licence
for parchment-makers cost as little as pound1 which was far lower than most professions
and again lower than related professions (Anon 1787 109) though this may be due to
the already high stamp duty set on parchment (discussed section 51) However any
aspiring oil leather dressers would have had to pay double the rate of a
parchment-maker and a tawer of leather would have paid five times this amount (1787
109) However the fact the government felt capable of issuing both licensing costs and
stamp duty indicates the market still made enough money firstly to survive the costs
but also that it made enough money to profitably enforce nationwide licences and tax
However when comparing the costs with similar professions of the time it seems safe
to conclude that for many parchment-makers the profits remained relatively small
The incomes shown in the Witherby data (see appendix 1) do however show some
parchment-makers were making huge sums of money by the end of the eighteenth
century Perhaps a huge spectrum existed for profit-making potential with small and
large parchment works coexisting however it may also suggest that the incomes of
parchment-makers increased significantly during the eighteenth century with a rise in
litigation and legislation However perhaps a more likely situation is that the already low
incomes of parchment-makers coupled with the intensive taxation and regulation of the
market may have forced smaller parchment works out of business Overall despite a
lack of data on this area it is possible to see either an increase in profits for the period
or a huge range in the levels of production of the various parchment firms
32
35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry
It is important to note that the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries were a time that
most writers consider to have seen the steady decline of the use of parchment and the
beginning of the dominance of the paper industry (Lyall 1989 11-29 Ryder 1991 26
Reed 1991 217) Though this is not necessarily a reflection of the socio-economic status
of parchment which as shown earlier was still widely used for a variety of purposes
most of which were documents of major significance However it is often remarked for
example that after the introduction of paper the quality of parchment declined and the
parchment industry fell into serious decline (Rogers 1887 601 M L Ryder 1964 Ryder
1991 Clarkson 1992) It is rarely disputed that a causal relationship exists here however
a widespread number of other factors appear to have been ignored after the finding of
such a lsquoneatrsquo correlation in the historical data This decline could also be the result of a
forced change in manufacturing methods a change in the quality of the source
materials used in its production government policies or due to a decline in demand for
specifically high-quality parchment and shift to a more homogenous product
Furthermore more recent research has shown that the quality of parchment appears to
have actually increased between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries followed by a
second sudden decline in quality around the turn of the eighteenth century (see
Appendix 2) indicating the introduction of paper and the subsequent decline of
parchment is not the whole story Certainly the introduction of paper could explain this
initial decline however answers still need to be found for this second fall in quality for if
parchment quality and the state of the industry is intrinsically linked there are clearly
other factors that contributed to the eventual collapse of this industry
A direct link is often drawn between the rise of the paper industry and the subsequent
decline of the parchment industry However as Trolander states lsquoactually what drove the
rise in paper initially was improving economic conditions in England during the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries which created demand for skilled religious and
state administrators who relied on paper as a medium for record keepingrsquo (Trolander
2014) Furthermore if accepted that there were consistently around 15 million living
sheep each year (as stated in Apostolides et al 2008 43) then it could have proven
cost-effective to have produced parchment during this period with the huge supply of
33
skins lowering the cost of this key source material Also although the rise of paper
would have naturally affected what some parchment-makers were producing many
began developing new uses for their parchment lsquoTo meet this sudden new challenge of
the printed book parchment-makers of the sixteenth century found an outlet for their
product by using it as a full binding material to cover the early paper editions an activity
which they themselves largely undertook and developedrsquo (Reed 1991 217) Parchment
was still heavily involved in the production of books and yet there still exists lsquoa chasm in
our knowledge of the origins of the skin materials used in the construction of booksrsquo
(Neate et al 2011) which is further evidence of the importance of this research Finally
the significant population increase between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Brownlee 1915 221-222 Wrigley and Schofield 1989 577 Wrigley 2011 170-171)
needs to be considered Provided that parchment maintained any remotely significant
usage during these centuries the demand for the product was likely to have increased
substantially Again understanding what parchment was used for during seventeenth to
nineteenth centuries is therefore very subsequential
Overall it is clear that traditional parchment products were in decline during a period
when the use of paper was increasing across England The term lsquotraditional parchment
productsrsquo being key here as it appears parchment was beginning to be used in different
ways in order to survive though the extent of what parchment was actually used for
remains mostly unknown This also brings into question the traditional view of the
parchment industry falling into decline as a direct result of the widespread introduction
of paper A review of the changing parchment quality transaction sizes and number of
parchment-makers would answer many of the questions surrounding this debate In
fact a review of these details would offer a far clearer picture of the widespread
introduction of paper across England as well offering more information for those
studying the changes occurring in the English book trade Furthermore the traditionally
held view of the widespread adoption of paper being the direct and final cause of the
decline of the industry should be questioned
34
36 The Price of Parchment
The price of parchment is a source of data rarely used by writers when discussing the
agricultural revolution despite its value in offering insights into an entire unstudied
industry the value of livestock and the various leather and skin trades However despite
the potential gains there exists two key issues with the data on parchment prices Firstly
that parchment prices from the eighteenth century are difficult to obtain and secondly
that parchment often came in a variety of quantities making comparisons of price over
time difficult For example some sales were of individual parchment skins some by the
dozen and others by rolls a legally defined term meaning twenty skins (The Saturday
Magazine 1838134) This being said there is a number of fairly comprehensive datasets
on parchment prices
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices
Rogerrsquos lists a significant number of parchment transactions before 1682 but none
thereafter (Rogers 1887 575-606) This perhaps reflects the decline of the parchment
trade and a belief that the later prices were not important enough to include or perhaps
that the industry moved away from production for universities from which Thorold
received most of his prices (Rogers 1887 v) Similarly it could be a result of prices were
no longer recorded in the same materials and sources as after a 1711 act (9 Ann c11)
parchment prices were being set by the government with the government also
becoming the almost sole buyer of parchment (discussed in section 51)
Figure 2 presents a graph of the parchment transactions in Rogerrsquos work with the values
converted into pence in order to better illustrate the changes over time and to allow for
simpler data comparisons Furthermore transactions of vellum have been removed as
well as two transactions for parchment rolls (though they can be found in Appendix 3)
35
36
The transactions collected show the price of parchment to have increased though at at
a fairly slow rate (see figure 2) There are a number of very high transaction values
perhaps being the sale of very high quality parchment for specialist products
Unfortunately with transactions as small as these significant variability can occur
However Rogers does state that there was a 114 increase in the price of parchment
between his collection of 1541 to 1582 parchment transactions and his 1583 to 1702
data (Rogers 1887 794) though did not publish these transaction values in any later
volumes
Ultimately the prices collected by Rogers show that the price of parchment could vary
quite significantly with some transactions showing a dozen skins selling for considerably
more than others though the price of parchment seems to have remained stagnant for
much of this period Even the 114 increase does not constitute a huge increase when 2
compared to other price rises of the time When adopting the same periods of
comparison to Clarkrsquos collection of prices (Clark and Lindert 2006) mutton increased by
14972 between 1541 to 1582 prices compared to the 1583 to 1702 prices Barley
increased by 10546 and oats by 9084 However if the price of parchment had failed
to increase by any significant amount by 1682 (as shown in figure 2) and then increased
by 114 by 1702 parchment must have had a very sudden increase in price
362 Gregory Clark Prices
These prices are from a spreadsheet compiled by the economic historian Gregory Clark
from the University of California a document later re-formatted and converted to metric
by Professor P Lindert (Clark and Lindert 2006) Unfortunately the original source of
parchment prices has not been listed with the only other instance of these prices being
presented by Professor Clark were in an unpublished conference paper titled lsquoTowards a
Global History of Prices and Wagesrsquo (Clark 2004) This collection of prices is however one
of the most comprehensive collections available and spans admittedly with some gaps
from 1274 to 1706 (see figure 3)
2 It is also worth considering that the variability of prices was perhaps an indication of the variability of parchment quality
37
38
Similar to the results of Rogerrsquos 1887 work the prices shown in Clarkrsquos work present a
long history of a slowly ascending price for parchment followed by a sudden price
increase by the end of the eighteenth century This sudden increase perhaps being an
increase in prices being set by parchment-makers as a result of the advent of new forms
of taxation on some parchment products However Hughes (1941) writes lsquothe contracts
have been made with only two or three great stationers or others entered into
partnership with them who engross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it
in their power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo with this
being true at least until 1711 (Hughes 1941 248) Unfortunately the prices end 1706 and
a review of the original source material could help to shed light on these dramatic price
changes and the sudden lack of parchment prices There is likely some connection
however with the High Treasury beginning to set prices in 1711 as well as becoming the
exclusive purchasers of parchment To conclude however the market appears fairly
stable with the prices only increasing slowly and furthermore appear to support the
prices collected in Rogerrsquos listed transactions
Even when comparing Clarkrsquos prices to the inflation in the prices of goods from the
period as well as the average wages of the period the increase in the price of
parchment appears fairly substantial (see Appendix 4) However when comparing the
percentage increase in the average value of Clarkrsquos 1541 to 1582 parchment prices with
the average value of his 1583 to 1702 prices in a similar method to Rogers the value of
the parchment actually decreases by 98 There is however a spike in the prices of
parchment in Clarkrsquos work similar to the Rogerrsquos price spike with Clarkrsquos appearing to
occur around 1683 with the following year seeing a 100 increase in the price of
parchment Both of these datasets seem to show the price of parchment as being
stagnant for hundreds of years before a quite sudden spike roughly around 1683-1684
This considerable stagnation in prices may indicate a decline in the demand for
parchment and in part a decline of the industry more broadly It may also however
show an ability by parchment-makers to dramatically lower prices through increasingly
efficient methods of production and drastically increasing supply or lowering quality
though this appears unlikely given manufacturing methods remained consistent for
39
several centuries The results of this section will be revisited in the conclusion to
understand these changes within the context of other changes occuring in the market
40
363 Witherby Publishing Group Data
This section will review the data from the Witherby Publishing Group (see appendix 1)
collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018) The records show a
number of transactions that occurred with four parchment-makers during the
eighteenth century with fairly significant sums of money being exchanged
The data appears to show that a very different type of parchment market had emerged
by the end of the eighteenth century with parchment-makers generating very significant
incomes Unfortunately there is no information on the quantities of the parchment
being sold but even if one grants a significant increase in the price of parchment the
four individuals listed are clearly making a considerable quantity of parchment This is in
stark contrast to the few dozens being sold in various parts of the county as shown in
Rogerrsquos 1887 work
Furthermore it indicates that the price of parchment must have increased for if the
price of parchment remained stagnant and the price of parchment skins remained
similar to earlier centuries these four individuals would be making incredibly vast
amounts of parchment For example the average price of a single sheet parchment
during the seventeenth century according to Rogers data (1887) was just under a
shilling If the value for parchment had remained similar until the later eighteenth
century Noah Crook for example a parchment-maker from the Witherby data would
have been manufacturing between 7000 to 10000 sheets of parchment a year
The Witherby data provides a clear indication that the price of parchment must have
increased during the eighteenth century Furthermore it shows a possible changing
market structure in the industry The four individuals from the Witherby data were
making very significant sums of money and producing very large quantities of
parchment and yet prior to the eighteenth century the transactions sizes appear to
have been far smaller and from a variety of parchment-makers Perhaps this marks the
rise of larger parchment works and a move away from smaller-scale parchment-makers
41
364 Conclusions
Overall the nature of the records on the prices of parchment is sporadic containing
fairly substantial gaps in information The general consensus across the datasets
however shows a fairly stagnant market until towards the end of the seventeenth
century when there appears to have been an increase in the price of parchment Even
when compared to the general inflation in the prices of goods from the period the
increase in the scale of parchment production at least per site appears fairly
substantial Unfortunately the prices available in the literature stops a few years prior to
new legislation being enacted whereby parchment prices were to be set by the High
Treasury
The setting of prices coupled with the implementation of various laws surrounding the
production of parchment that were being set throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries appear the likely culprits of the increasing prices as inferred from the Witherby
data Furthermore a nineteenth-century writer under the pseudonym lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo wrote that these laws surrounding the quality control of parchment
production and the flaying of skins was expected to reduce the price of goods but that
instead they caused a number of goods to increase in price (An Impartial Observer 1800
20)
42
37 Salt Prices
The price of salt would have been a major influencer on the development of the
parchment industry Without the application of salt to skins the majority would have
only lasted between two to three days before they would become unusable Each skin
at least in more modern skins requires roughly two cups of salt for every pound of hide
and each skin to be salted twice (Churchill 1983 20) This is a fairly considerable quantity
of salt
In 1643 a Board of Excise was created an issued an early tax on salt This tax appears
likely to account for the early rise seen above It was withdrawn 1660 but reinstated in
1693 (6 Wil amp Mar c7) This tax was then continued and in some particular cases were
increased in 1696 (7 amp 8 Wil c31) The tax was then extended again 1698 (Pulteney
1731 8 ) In 1702 the salt commission was founded which overlooked and enforced the 3
tax on salt This tax on home produced white salt was by this point several times its
market value and was twice the rate on imported foreign salt (The Salt Association
2018)
3 This law was passed under 9th and 10th years of King William however I have yet to find the exact chapter pertaining to this extension of the law for this period of time There are however many extensions made in the 9amp10 Wil c44 law and so perhaps it is this law to which Pulteney refers
43
In 1730 the commission was ceased and the salt tax ended (3 Geo II c20) and this
would explain the very sudden dip in the price of salt around this period shown in figure
4 Lord Carteret when speaking in the House of Lords stated that in regards to the
various taxes set up and the effects they had on the lsquomanufacturers and artificiersrsquo of the
country stated lsquono tax lay so heavy upon them as this tax upon saltrsquo (Parliament House
of Lords 1742 66) After the country was lsquofree from such a heavy burdenrsquo (Parliament
House of Lords 1742 67) the prices again rose to pre-taxation prices Then despite
protests the duties on salt were reinstated in 1732 (5 Geo II c6) this being the likely
cause of the return to high salt prices post-1732 In 1798 the salt commission was
abolished and in 1825 the tax on salt was removed though the price remained fairly
high during this period most likely as consequence of the Napoleonic Wars
The high prices for salt during this period likely restricted many parchment-makers to
sourcing skins locally with any skins sourced further than a days travel likely being in an
unusable state by the time it arrived
44
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers
This section will present 676 records of parchment-makers between 1600 and 1900
from a variety of record-sets including apprenticeships probate records baptisms
directories marriage records records on crimes militia lists data from the Witherby
Publishing Group an unpublished site report and a variety of references to
parchment-makers from various authors The records go beyond 1650 and 1850 scope
of this project in order to further assess the validity of pre-census materials assessing
whether the numbers prior are particularly low or show any clear record-keeping biases
41 Review of Sources
Overall it is the census data that provides the most significant proportion of the records
in the data collected (see appendix 5) However these records only cover the period
after 1851 Prior to this period probate records and baptism records constitute the
majority of the records employed in this study the latter being used in preference to
probate records where possible with baptism records being produced when the
parchment-makers were still alive and engaged in the trade
The majority of all these records have been sourced from the ancestry website
Findmypastcouk Websites of this nature constitute perhaps the most significant
participation in the digitisation of the historic record turning the process into a
financially viable business model As such many of these sites now almost exclusively
own access to the digitised forms of these records which although present the issue of
paywalls to research projects of this nature provide the opportunity to collect and
interpret huge datasets in a relatively short period of time Until the archives sector or
academic community finds a viable method to digitise these records and make them
more accessible to the general public and academic institutions use of ancestry
websites such as Findmypastcouk are almost unavoidable However as this project
hopes to show use of sites such as this present the incredible importance of lsquobridging
the digital gaprsquo as termed by The National Archives in their current national digitisation
project (The National Archives 2018)
45
The records collected of the eighteenth century are primarily made up of apprenticeship
and probate records (see Appendix 4) These two records types are consistently found
throughout the various periods Partly as a result of the various duties associated with
such documents but also due to the importance of inheritance land and the nature of
parchment-making as being a highly skilled profession However there is the issue of
geographical bias in these records One such example may be York which holds a very
significant number of apprenticeship records due in part to the City of York Freemen and
Apprentices records that span over eight centuries This may bring into question the very
significant number of records found here prior to the eighteenth century however with
the records being kept all the way up until 1930 the later lack of records does offer
further validity to the eventual decline of the northern parchment industry at least in
the Yorkshire region
The eighteenth century records offer a greater variety of records types This is mostly in
part to the new and improving forms of records being kept and issued This allowed for
the use of more baptism and marriage records as oppose to probate records with the
former offering greater historical validity having been recorded when the
parchment-maker listed would have still been alive Regardless these probate records
do offer some insights into the socio-economic position of parchment-makers during
the time period with a seeming trend appearing to show a growing number of wealthy
parchment-makers over time however a more detailed analysis of these documents is
required There is also an increase in directory records with the recording and
publishing of trade directories becoming an increasingly common undertaking during
the period However there is an significant lack of parchment-makers being listed in
these directories both national (see Appendix 6) and local (see Appendix 7) This
highlights two key points Firstly the lack of parchment-makers in major towns and
cities where most trade directories covered And secondly it further highlights how
lsquohiddenrsquo parchment-makes are in the historical record and the need for the use of
digitised local record sets
Finally the nineteenth century offers the largest number of records with 424 records
during this century alone The records collected do go beyond what is considered the
46
scope of this project (1650-1850) however this use of later higher volume of records
should highlight any errors with the data that immediately preceded it
42 The Scale of the Industry
Upon on first glance 676 parchment-makers listed over a 300 year period seems rather
few at least when considering that the 1841 census lists 5957 tanners and 6982
tanners operating during 1841 alone (A Vision of Britain 2018) Furthermore parchment
is still being used for a wide variety of products during this period (see section 31)
There are are a variety of possible reasons for this figure It may be a lack of
representation of parchment-makers in the historical record Already it has been shown
parchment-makers were rarely mentioned in various trade directories (see Appendix 6
and 7) This appears significantly in part due to parchment-makers operating outside of
major towns and cities This appears very likely given the various smells and pollutants
involved in parchment production as well as the need by many for a fresh water supply
meant many were restricted to operating outside of major cities Parchment-makers
were also required to send the finished products to inspectors on the outskirts of towns
and cities (see section 52) and so there may have been little benefit to actually
operating within larger towns and cities to pay higher rents and to then send the
product out of town for inspection then taxation in London and eventual sale by
stationers What forms of record-keeping existed during this period being even more
sparse in the English countryside The only major cities in which parchment-makers
were consistently found in the historical record namely Salisbury York and London we
find a significant number of records
Furthermore perhaps many did not list their occupation as a parchment-maker Unlike
butchers curriers and tanners it was legally permissible that parchment-makers
glove-makers and a number of other light leather producers could work other
professions such as tanning cutting or selling skins or manufacturing other leather
goods (see section 52) For example many parchment-makers listed in section 45 were
also fellmongers There was also strong connections between parchment-makers and
glove-makers Many were organized together in various guilds in many locations over
long periods of time For example York between at least 1144 and 1419 (Hoffman 2011
184 Saxl 1954 18) Salisbury between 1613 until at least 1757 (Haskins 1912 80 204
47
737) London (Saxl 1954 18-19) Norwich (Crouse 1768 175) Chester (Freemen of
Chester 1992 18) Warwick (Craig 1960 287) and Paris (Fitzsimmons 2010 13) are just
some places where parchment-makers and glove-makers had been organised together
Glove-makers would have had in most cases the necessary tools while also using
similar types of light skins primarily sheepskins Finally parchment manufacture was a
highly skilled occupation though many of the laws of the period allowed for those
without apprenticeships to work on parchment provided they were under the
supervision of trained parchment-makers Perhaps many people working on parchment
were listed as lsquolabourersrsquo or lsquoservantsrsquo and were not themselves listed as
lsquoparchment-makersrsquo in the historical record
However the number of parchment-makers collected in the data presented in section
43 appears to actually represent a fairly accurate overview of the number of
parchment-makers These numbers after all do not offer insight into any changes in the
scale of production in various parchment works The 1841 census for example only lists
297 parchment-makers over the age of twenty in all of Great Britain with only two
operating in Scotland (A Vision of Britain 2018) There is no huge increase from the data
collected and this census data Furthermore this number is fairly significant when
compared to the paper industry The 1841 census lists 933 paper-makers Paper now
produces the majority of materials for the book trade and as the primary writing
material However Trolander estimates only one third of paper was produced for these
purposes with the rest being produced for other products (Trolander 2014 27) It is
perhaps a surprise then that an industry producing a material for so many uses
producing across the country (2014 28) unlike the parchment trade only employed just
over twice the number of producers Especially considering the fairly laborious process
that was still involved in paper production during the period (see Campbell 1747
125-126)
The Witherby data (appendix 1) also shows parchment-makers of the period producing
very high volumes of parchment Furthermore the parchment industry employed a
fairly significant number of manufacturers in spite of the industry only operating out of
a relatively small number of production centres The various economic motivations for
larger parchment works particularly the contracts between the High Treasury and larger
firms shows that the scale of production increased (discussed in chapter 5) In other
48
words the number of listed trained parchment-makers may be relatively low in the
historic record however the levels of production at these firms may have increased
significantly
Overall the data shows that the parchment industry was remained an industry of
significant economic importance There remained a significantly large highly-skilled
workforce operating in England The scale of this industry further highlights the need for
this research and highlights a significant source of future data and historical
information
49
43 Map of Parchment-Makers
This section reviews the maps made on the database created All the maps are shown
below however an interactive map is also available online at
httpsdrivegooglecomopenid=1cYHpfVWXK77s8yffkx3q6gN4ho8j8Eu6ampusp=sharing
An overview of the data is also available in appendix 8 with a detailed tabled of the
specific towns and cities recorded in appendix 9 and the types of records used during
each period is located in appendix 4
50
51
52
431 Review of the Data
The maps highlight several key aspects of the data Firstly a lack of parchment-makers
in the far south-west and the north of England In particular it appears there were a
fairly significant number of parchment-makers operating in York until the end of the
seventeenth century though there was a very sudden decline in these numbers over
time This likely suggests a decline in what was once a fairly major centre of parchment
production perhaps unsurprising due to a once flourishing book trade (Palliser and
Selwyn 1972 207) and the once high number of those purchasing legal and religious
materials in the region (see Winters 2012) The subsequent decline of the parchment
industry was perhaps therefore related to the decline of the book trade industry that
had occurred in the region however there a number of other possibilities are discussed
in the second half of this project
Secondly the data shows a fairly consistent number of parchment-makers in the
Midlands The figures here are not significantly high however they remain relatively
constant during between 1601 and 1900 The parchment industry may have survived in
this region due to the number of developing urban centres however if population
density and demand for local parchment supplies were directly correlated it would be
expected that this trend would continue in the more northern regions It could be stated
that this is the result of bias within the documentary records however the trend
continues very clearly in the later census data of 1851 and 1861 Perhaps the most
significant early conclusion that can be made is that there is no correlation between
developing urban centres and centres of parchment production
The data instead shows some very clear centres of production in the south of England
primarily in the regions stretching from Somerset to Middlesex and between Middlesex
through to Cambridgeshire and Suffolk In fact there appear to have been some very
clear towns and cities that were centres for the production of parchment between 1650
and 1850 (see Appendix 9) The top ten locations with records of operating parchment
works account for just under 44 of all parchment records from all the data collected
The parchment-makers listed in Salisbury Sherborne Marlborough Malmesbury and
the neighbouring town of Charlton represent a significant proportion of the data with
115 of the parchment-makers for these five locations alone Salisbury in particularly was
53
consistently a city with relatively significant number parchment-makers and was famous
for its production of parchment at least during the nineteenth century (Aubrey and
Britton 1847 95) Malmesbury also had a history of parchment-making being an area
which around c1800 had very few industries of significance besides lsquothe manufacturing
of leather gloves parchment and glue (Moffatt 1805 162 167) Aubrey and Britton offer
a possible theory that this was the result of lsquostrong watersrsquo in the region well-suited for
the washing skins (1847 95)
Sawston Cambridgeshire and Bury St Edmunds also offer interesting results Sawston
for example shows very few records being found for parchment works in the region
until the nineteenth century after which the data suggests the development of relatively
large parchment industry emerged A similar trend exists with the town of Bury St
Edmunds with only one record appearing between 1601 and 1800 though with 20
records appearing in nineteenth century It appears something has occurred that has
either allowed for or supported the growth of two large centres of production during
the nineteenth century
The persistent number of records in Middlesex and Surrey (primarily Bermondsey and
Southwark) is however of little surprise The boroughs inside the City of London offered
significant benefits to parchment producers being able to source from local abattoirs
as well as providing access to a incredibly vast trade network both nationally and
overseas The city also had a significant local market being the one of the largest cities
in Europe with a large demand for legal documents particularly from the central
government However a significant tanning industry had long been associated with the
settlements just beyond the outer reaches of London Yeomans highlighted the
eighteenth and nineteenth century existence of a parchment industry in this area as well
as its two major periods of production (Yeomans 2006) These industrial suburbs were
outside the punitive guild taxes enforced in the city of London offering even greater
financial benefits to parchment-makers and other workers of skinned goods
Overall the data shows a number of very clear centres of parchment production over
the period as the nexus for a fairly significant parchment industry across the country as
a whole Despite the traditional belief that the parchment industry fell into significant
decline following the widespread adoption of paper (as discussed in section 34) it
54
appears a significant number of parchment-makers were still operating at least until the
late eighteenth century The majority being located in South West England the Fenlands
regions and London or at least in very close proximity to London
55
44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies
A key source of information on the locations of parchment-makers can be found in The
British Book Trades 1775-1787 which lists a number of insurance policies taken out by
parchment-makers with the Sun Fire Office and The Royal Exchange insurance companies
(Maxted 1992) These records are by no means extensive the records only cover twelve
years during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and they also only represent
two of the insurance companies during a time when at least six were operating in
London and eight in the provinces (Maxted 1992 vi) However these policies state
where the parchment-makers were located as well as offering a more detailed insight
into the value and size of the firms and any secondary occupations the individuals held
Interestingly they further validate a number of the centres of production presented in
section 33 with Salisbury Malmesbury and St Margarets (in Marlborough) all listed
Coventry (10 parchment-makers) and Leicester (7) are also listed these also being areas
with a slightly higher than average number of parchment-makers (see Appendix 8)
Perhaps more surprisingly is the number of parchment-makers listed with high value
insurance policies Particularly as although different for the Royal Exchange the Sun Fire
Office only insured against fire until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickson 1960
110) This means that five individuals (records 10 12 16 17 21) held fire insurance
policies of a very high value particularly when compared to a number of other
insurance policies of those in other professions (see Maxted 1992) The value of these
policies is a clear indicator of the size and value of some of the parchment works in
operation during this period as well as further highlighting a number of key centres of
production
56
57
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844
To further test the validity of the previous data collected from primary sources (section
43) below are figures published by HM Stationers Office (HMSO 1844 1-237) This data
shows there to have been relatively few parchment-makers operating throughout
England during the nineteenth century identifying 357 parchment-makers though only
302 of them being over the age of 20 likely due in part to the number of young
parchment-makers in training as apprentices This data supports the location of many of
the major centres of production across the south east below a line from the Wash to
the Bristol Channel It further shows the lack of any parchment manufacturing industries
in the North of England or the south West The spreadsheet containing this information
is available on the CD included in this project
-
58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws
Despite the often sporadic nature of many of the records of the seventeenth eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries there still remains a reservoir of information in records
pertaining to tax and law The history of parchment industry can be in part ascertained
from what is found in these records The significant events and changes that occured in
the parchment industry as well as many of the main economic pressures of the period
can be determined by a review of this information The period was marked by increasing
levels of government regulation of various industries and the parchment industry was
no exception Taxation in particular played a key role in driving market forces and with
the growing development of early capitalism and the improved trade and transport
networks all these areas will have played key roles in shaping the parchment industry
during this period
51 Parchment Taxation
The 1688 revolution had plunged the country into lsquofinancial commitments on a level
previously unimaginablersquo (Beckett 1985 287) and as such the period of 1650 to 1850
was subject to a plethora of new and extensive taxation laws in order to raise money for
the crown In 1694 the Bank of England was established and this can perhaps be seen
as the focal point from which after a wave of various money-making government acts
were created primarily centred around the implementation of temporary taxation laws
the majority of which were later extended or made permanent
However no review of the laws specifically pertaining to the taxation of parchment
exists As such a review of all laws pertaining to parchment has been conducted and an
overview of parchment taxation laws can found in appendix 10 with a table of acts in
appendix 11 This history of these laws must first be understood before reviewing the
effects they had on the market
The laws passed implementing duties on various parchment-based products similar to
many products and materials taxed during this period were very extensive There were
a number of laws passed during the seventeenth century with many legal documents
59
being subject to various stamp duties along with strict organisational changes only
allowing trained individuals to partake in certain skinned-based activities for example
tanning flaying and parchment-making However the most significant and extensive act
occurred in 1711 during the ninth year of Queen Annersquos reign (9 Ann c11) As stated in
appendix 10 all parchment would now be taxed and was required to be sent to London
for inspection and the issuing of duties Furthermore the movement of skins the
network of the parchment trade and the market value of parchment was now all
essentially under the total control of the government
This is hugely significant in the development of the parchment industry Any
parchment-maker situated in or around London was now at a great advantage After
this act stationers would now purchase parchment (set at a fee fixed by the High
Treasury) and have the parchment issued with the necessary duties in London and then
distribute the parchment across England sending the parchment to one of the many
stationer offices set up across the country With the distribution network of parchment
almost exclusively owned and run by the government and with the market value set far
lower the survival of a parchment work could only be achieved with an increased
market share reduced production costs and a steady demand for parchment from a
local government-run stationer The reduction in production costs being of particular
significance and a standard only achieved with an increased scale of production a local
supply of high quality skins (likely purchased in relatively high quantities) the improving
efficiency of the manufacturing processes (though combined with a likely reduction in
parchment quality) and minimal land rents and local tax rates
Stationers were also certainly capable of stockpiling parchment supplies further
increasing government control of the market The industry was therefore likely subject
to great fluctuations in the levels of demand with the now almost exclusive purchaser of
parchment (the government) offering beneficial treatment to larger parchment works
The government could control how much it purchased and at what price and
consequently at least from the parchment-makers perspective the market was likely to
have been incredibly volatile with huge barriers to entry
Over the next century the laws covering the taxation of parchment became increasingly
extensive (see appendix 10) The result of these increasing duties and various attempts
60
to improve their implementation would have placed further strain on the smaller
parchment works and further incentivising the development of southern-based larger
parchment works capable of increased economies of scale and of providing a steady
supply to government stationers
However the actual success of these laws must be questioned The persistent re-issuing
of old duties the development of new duties stamps and regulations as well as the
continuous attempts to strengthen the governments market control brings into
question the success of previous laws Conversely with the necessity that all parchment
be stamped and the continued implementation of new stamps and increasingly difficult
to bypass regulations any black market would likely have declined significantly over
time
Furthermore it must also be considered that the extent of these laws and the incredible
amount of government investment may
instead indicate the success of these laws
By the early nineteenth century the
amount of money being made from stamp
duties on various products made almost
exclusively from parchment was
considerable (see figure 13) and with the
government controlling the value and
production of parchment very large sums
of money were clearly made The fact that
these laws were continuously enforced and
reissued over the course of a century
under the separate rule of four separate
monarchs may be a testament to the
success of profit made by the government
and the continuous attempts to access
further profits in already lucrative market
though at the likely expense of the success
of the industry itself The highly regulated
and difficult conditions were only
61
completely abolished in 1815 likely as a result of widespread social unrest of the period
and the various petitions made by many of the various members of the workers and
traders of skinned goods (see appendix 12) and not due to any failing in regards to the
funds raised for the government budget
62
52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment
lsquoThe examiners have attained the faculty of discovering the most trifling and frivolous reasons
for inflicting punishment for unavoidable offences insomuch that the said fines are now
nearly doubledrsquo
(An Impartial Observer 1800 23)
From the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century the implementation of a
series of increasingly intrusive laws surrounding the flaying of animal skins is apparent
A detailed overview of these laws had been conducted and is available in appendix 12
as well as a table outlining the specific laws available in appendix 13
The act of 1603 was the first act regulating the quality of skins and various skin-based
products and remained the only major defining regulatory act for over a century (1 Jac
c22) The law was likely a response to the decline of the guilds as well as the
significantly declining overall quality of parchment that had occurred in the previous
century (see Appendix 1) The steady improvement of parchment over the seventeenth
century and the lack of any newly issued laws regulating parchment manufacture
appear a testament to the success of this law
However the later eighteenth century manufacturing regulatory acts appear a response
to the 1711 law (9 Ann c11) the act essentially granting control of the movement price
distributors and tax rates of parchment giving government almost complete control of
the market The implementation of these laws was likely to enforce the maintaining of
high quality parchment despite a reduction in the market value of parchment overall
Essentially the government put parchment-makers in the position of being legally
required to produce high quality parchment but for a far lower price However the
persistent failure of the laws success with the decline of parchment quality during the
eighteenth century (see Appendix 1 Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70
Clarkson 1992 5) may be the likely cause of the reissuing and intensification of the
various regulatory measures
The repeated implementation of similar laws also seems to show the persistent failures
of the laws preceding them or at least that this was the belief of the governments of
the time These laws were likely to have deeply affected the parchment market as
63
growing government regulation of the various professions involving the manufacture of
goods from animal skins grew exponentially during these two centuries setting strict
manufacturing guidelines and limitations as well as the implementation of widespread
fines This period in general saw an ever-increasing level of intervention by government
in various industries and markets the various laws surrounding the flaying of skins were
therefore part of a larger regulation of standards and markets by government
Unfortunately even in spite of the incredible magnitude of the changes that occurred
over the following century it was clear the changes were not sufficient to see any
significant improvement or even maintaining of parchment quality (see Appendix 1) In
1806 a book was published by lsquoAn Impartial Observerrsquo titled The Flaying Act Considered
As Without Benefiting the Public most Severely Oppressing the Butchers of London
(1806) This text widely criticised the 1803 law (43 Geo III c127) introducing the new
fines and inspections to London stating all parchment must be taken to Leadenhall
Market for inspection if manufacture within a 15 mile radius of the site The Act also
instituted a fine of 2s 6d for anyone in possession of neglected or damaged skins with
an extra half penny for every damaged skin Below is a quote from lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo on the subject of these fines
lsquoNothing stronger proves the inattention of the industrious butcher to what was passing
parliament than the very great disproportion of fines this act enforces for it will hardly be
credited that sheep and lamb-skins which (independent of wool) are on a fair average
worth only seven-pence halfpenny from the butcher to the purchaser are liable to a fine of
three-pence which with the salesmanrsquos charge and inspectors fee amounts to four-pence
farthing while the severity of the examiners has been extended to censure nearly one-third of
all brought before themrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 15)
The laws had clearly made the production of leather and parchment very risky affairs
due to the incredibly severe fines The author of this text continues to discuss the failure
of the law to understand the parchment-making process They describe the operation of
converting sheep skins to parchment as lsquoa very delicate operationrsquo and one that causes
lsquofrequent cuts and gashesrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 19) This being considered as
well as the fact that inspectors were paid for every skin found to have been damaged
(Chitty 1824 351) it appears very likely these laws would have resulted in a great
64
number of (often unwarranted) fines The law incentivised officers to consistently find
cuts and blemishes on skins in an industry where cuts and blemishes were almost
inevitable Defects in the skins were not always immediately visible depending on the
physico-chemical treatment that had been applied in the vat however in many cases the
defects could only be recognised later when the material was actually put to use
(Minard 2011 150) The smaller parchment works of the period particularly those
without large contracts with stationers must have struggled significantly during this
period If only a small number of skins were considered damaged the parchment works
would receive very significant fines and the possible seizure of much of their stock
It is also worthy of note that the lsquoImpartial Observerrsquo also refers to many of the flayers
outside of London as being often untrained and consequently being the primary source
of damaged skins (An Impartial Observer 1806 5-6) This may indicate the high level of
specialisation in London and the failure of early laws to ensure high quality flayed skins
outside of London However it may also have simply proven pragmatic to state this as
the author may be attempting to have the 1803 law retracted while hoping to continue
profiting from the highly intrusive laws affecting the rest of England
By the time these laws were eventually repealed (after a significant number of petitions
from various groups) the effect on the parchment industry must have been substantial
Even if laws preceding the 1800 act (39 amp 40 Geo III c67) which implemented the
creation of inspection points be set up outside each city had been widely ineffective the
effect on the industry between 1800 and 1815 at a minimum must have been very
significant A huge number of smaller parchment works must have collapsed or been
forced to merge with other firms The widespread fines and inspections and the
incentivisation of inspectors to find damaged skins would have put further strain on the
market with only the larger firms capable of creating a more homogenous product and
able to afford the inevitable fines capable of surviving
53 Who is enforcing these laws
The 1603 act (1 Jac I c22) states that all leather goods within three miles of London
must be inspected and sealed before they can legally be sold Eight individuals were
therefore appointed to inspect and tax skins and hides these individuals were
65
designated the role ofrsquo lsquosearcher and sealerrsquo and these individuals were changed each
year They would each record all sales of leather hides and skins as well as recording
the name of the buyer and seller the price of the leather and any issues regarding the
quality of the products Any individual selling products sold that had not been lsquosearched
and sealedrsquo would have their goods confiscated In the event of goods being seized the
company of cordwainers the company of curriers and the company of tanners would
each elect two individuals with no connection to the accused who would examine the
goods and determine whether the goods were lsquosufficient and serviceablersquo Strangely
however the law does not discuss the maintaining of these laws beyond the three mile
radius of London set out in the act suggesting those outside of London were perhaps
beyond the scope of any government regulation of product quality If true there would
have been a fairly significant incentive to produce parchment outside of the city of
London
Then in 1694 the Treasury established a number of offices (see appendix 14) and hired a
number of commissioners to distribute stamped parchment throughout the country in
order to maintain this new tax they were what Hughes calls lsquoretailers of stamped paperrsquo
(Hughes 1941 247) It is fortunate that it appears the first list of these distributors was
recorded (see Appendix 15) According to the Calendar of Treasury Books there were
thirty-six distributors of stamped parchment and paper across England and Wales
spread across almost every county However it appears there may have been a number
of stampers an even smaller number of officers and only a single inspector of
parchment (see Shaw 1935 636-648) As a result of this system it appears the Treasury
would sign contracts with certain parchment-makers to insure the steady supply of
parchment throughout England (Hughes 1941 248-252) The contracts were made with
only two or three great stationers and others who entered into partnership with these
stationers who lsquoengross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it in their
power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo (Hughes 1941
248) These contracts greatly benefited the stationers however claiming an allowance of
six percent of each stamped paper or parchment batch sold while many of these
distributors lsquotransgress muchrsquo in charging higher prices than was permitted (1941 252)
It appears to have been a grossly inefficient system and one fraught with corruption
though one that greatly encouraged the reduction of parchment production costs
66
Each county had an office with a commissioner of stamps and these commissioners
were reported to have stamped all the parchment and paper legally used in England at
this time as well as to have made a record of such activities An investigation into these
individuals and the volumes of parchment they stamped in their respective counties
would offer further evidence of key centres of parchment production and usage in
England though as of yet it has not been possible to locate these documents Also for
most of this period it seems all parchment was required to be inspected at least once a
day for quality and tax purposes (Leadbetter 1755 339 Ashworth 2003 246) and so
perhaps even more data exists The nature of these laws also highlights the high
volumes of parchment still used across England a point further supported by the fact
that as late as 1714-1715 parchment was still generating huge sums of money from
stamp duties (see Shaw and Slingsby 1957 385)
The 1710 act (9 Ann c11) offers greater clarification on this issue This law states that
officers were appointed to weigh the skins and issue the necessary duties as well as
mark the hides skins and parchment to denote the charging of a duty The act does not
however specify if these officers are inspecting the quality of the skins though a later
text indicates this to be the case In 1778 a text titled Instructions for Officers of the Duties
on Hides in the Country details how the excise officers at this time were instructed to
inspect the skins (Great Britain Commissioners of Excise 1778) It was instructed that
the excise officers must lsquoinsert in an entry-book which is to be kept at the Excise Office
copies of all the entries made by tanners tawers ampcrsquo (1778 5) and furthermore that
they must weigh and mark the skins (1778 7) However it appears these officers were
also required to investigate the quality of the skins lsquoWhen you discover that any Tanner
Tawer or Oil-dresser ampc has diminished shaved or impaired his skins contrary to law
between the time of taking them out of the materials and weighing them or has
neglected to keep his hides or skins that not been duly markedrsquo officers must in such
cases lsquogive notices therof as soon as possible to your Collector or Supervisor that the
offenders may be prosecuted as the law directsrsquo (1778 7-8)
Unfortunately it cannot be said with complete certainty if these officers were inspecting
the skins quality prior to this however it appears to have been a long history of those
taxing the parchment to also inspect it going back to the lsquosearchers and sealersrsquo of
67
London Furthermore as early as 1671 the English government had created offices for
excise officers places where officers who would examine and stamp skins would be
based (Hughes 1941 247) A later text even details how the excise officers of the early
nineteenth century would inspect skins quality and then stamp the skins with either an
lsquoSrsquo marking them as acceptable skins or lsquoDrsquo for damaged skins (Hughes 1941 351)
Overall then those in charge of distributing the duties on these goods were also
inspecting the materials and goods for quality This being the case a great number of
skins and parchment goods would have been inspected in London due to the number
of goods that were required to be transported there for tax purposes (see section 61) as
well as the large market for parchment in the city
However the 1800 act (39-40 Geo III c66) saw to the creation of a number of places
outside of major towns and cities specifically for the examination and inspection of
skins It was written that these assigned locations will not exceed three miles nor be less
than two miles from each city or town to which they are assigned (Chitty 1824 348) The
inspections of London also changed slightly in 1808 when it was determined that the
inspectors would be named by the Butcherrsquos Company the Currierrsquos Company and the
Cordwainers (Chitty 1824 353) who would each appoint seven individuals Ultimately
however this did not last long with the various regulations and inspectors being
removed from English law during the nineteenth century This act marks the last
attempt by the government to control the development of the parchment industry until
the repeal of the various acts between 1808 and 1815
54 Effects on Parchment Quality
There is a general consensus that parchment between the seventeenth and eighteenth
century was of far lower quality than parchment of the medieval period (Rogers 1887
601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70 Clarkson 1992 5) Current research by Sarah
Fiddyment at the University of York offers further clarity on parchment quality
(Appendix 1) This research involves reviewing a large number of parchment samples to
assess changes in quality over time based on the development of a Parchment Quality
Index (PQI) measuring the levels of damage that occurred to parchment during the
manufacturing process This research shows two very clear period of decline in the
quality of parchment
68
The first sudden decline begins around the fifteenth century and has many possible
causes though Fiddyment has presented a clear correlation with the changing
proportion of parchment to paper used in the market based on the data presented by
Lyall et al (1989 11-29) The sudden influx of paper led to the steady dismantling of the
infrastructure of the parchment-making industry and would in part explain this sudden
decline However the detrimental effects of the plague must also be considered
Parchment-making was a highly skilled profession with knowledge of the various
processes having been well-kept secrets within the profession and the dramatic
population decline in the mid-fourteenth century likely saw the loss of much of the
inherited knowledge It may have taken many generations before this knowledge was a
disseminated across England once more
However the cause of the second sudden decline between c1710 and c1830 remains
something of an historical anomaly (see appendix 1) There are a number of possible
causes for example the continued competition with paper though it appears unlikely
to have caused such a sudden decline so late The effects of the influx of the new
breeds which were generally far less suited to the production of high quality parchment
presents another plausible theory However as stated earlier the majority of the major
parchment works in the country were primarily located in regions where the older more
suitable breeds remained Furthermore the decline appears to occur before the new
breeds such as those of Ellman and Bakewell had made any noticeable impact on
English agriculture Finally there is the possibility of European wars causing the decline
in quality France in particular was a significant producer of parchment (Massey 1763
58) and a major exporter of parchment to England for a number of centuries (see
Gullick 1991 154-156 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Chambers 1728 351 ) However
there is no evidence French parchment was of significantly better quality than English
parchment and England was still importing lsquovast quantitiesrsquo of parchment around 1728
If the higher quality parchment of previous centuries had been that of French origin
then it would be expected the quality would have risen significantly again by 1728
(Chambers 1728 351)
However the most plausible primary cause of this sudden decline was the 1711 Act (9
Ann I c11) as well as many of the laws that followed it Firstly the yearly setting of
69
prices by the High Treasury was likely very detrimental to the quality of parchment In
order to set the price of a product a universal measurement needed to be established
Prices could have been set to a certain quantity of parchment for example one piece of
parchment which was set to a duty of 6 d in this Act Similarly it could be set to the
weight of parchment This being possible as all inspectors were required to weigh
parchment before denoting a duty but they would also record the value of the
parchment after weighing (9 Ann I c11) Each method fails to take into consideration
the quality of the parchment a subjective characteristic one not mentioned in any law
during the period
The results over time would be little incentive to produce high-quality parchment as
parchment-makers would receive the same price for a low quality piece of parchment as
they would from a high quality product Furthermore being unable to improve profits
with increased prices firms could now only do so with an increased market share and
reduced production costs Over time competition over a reduction in production costs
was likely more significant than any competition over parchment quality
Furthermore the strict regulations set on the production of parchment would have
great discouraged the production of higher quality parchment The risk associated with
finely flayed skins as well as over-liming skins the removal of wool the scraping of skins
and removal of fat deposits would be so high as any damaged skins would result in high
fines and the seizure of parchment and skins that it seems likely to have greatly
discouraged the production of high quality parchment The quality of parchment only
increases (see Appendix 1) after the repeal of the variety of acts pertaining to the setting
of prices and the extensive regulations surrounding the production of parchment that
occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century (see section 34) This difficult period
was likely best navigated by larger parchment works capable of producing large
quantities of a more standardised quality of parchment that though perhaps not of
great quality met the strict criteria set out in these acts while reducing production costs
55 Conclusions
Overall the various laws on taxing parchment clearly played a key role in the
development of the industry With all parchment moving through London one might
70
expect the industry to be larger in the south given the huge price implications for
transporting parchment from the more northern regions Secondly clear deals were
being struck between the Treasury and stationers and between stationers and
parchment-makers in order to make large amounts of parchment more cost-effectively
(at least in theory) Larger manufacturers and larger trade routes meant increased
economies of scale but perhaps more importantly allowed for a more efficient method
for taxation The whole system appears to have greatly incentivised the development of
larger parchment works declining parchment quality and a geographical shift to the
southern regions These developments are likely to have forced the small-scale
parchment works to either develop a partnership with larger parchment works in order
to be a part of the huge deals that existed at the time or to stop manufacturing
altogether Also the percentage based charges set on each bulk of parchment sold the
economies of scale related to industry and the steadily developing systems for
processing and distributing large amounts of parchment will have greatly shaped the
parchment industry between 1711 and 1815
71
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds
61 Sourcing Sheepskins
lsquoThese skins are difficult to describe in general terms for they differ enormously in size fat
content general quality of the fibre network and the types of epidermal structures they
elaborate depending on a multitude of biological factors of which breed age environment
diet and conditions of rearing are the most obviousrsquo
(Reed 1972 41)
The skins most ideal for the manufacture of parchment had specific characteristics that
made them better suited for the manufacturing process The quality of the skins could
be affected by a variety of possible factors Therefore it must be determined which
skins were best for the production of parchment and which breeds of sheep under
which agricultural system would be best suited to producing skins used in the
manufacture of parchment Furthermore having established the significant financial
benefits of sourcing skins locally as well as the high risks involved with using low quality
skins due to possible damages to the final product establishing which breeds were best
suited to parchment-makers is vital to a study of this nature
611 Fat Content
lsquothe surface should be firm free from grease of good even colour and as smooth as possiblersquo
(Reed 1972 125)
The fat content of an animal drastically affects the quality of the skin for its use in
manufacturing parchment During the manufacturing process parchment-makers
remove the fat hypodermic layer of the skin in order to make a smooth surface free
from grease Failure to remove the grease from the skins results in the discolouration of
the final product (Reed 1972 21-24 Saxl 1954 6) as well as the possibility of marked
ridges on the parchment (Reed 1972 132) Removal of all fragments of grease is a
difficult and time-consuming task (Reed 1972 132) particularly before the
mechanisation of the parchment manufacturing process (Saxl 1954 31-32) Significantly
72
fatter sheep would have caused even great difficulties as in many cases the fat cells
could infiltrate the connective tissue residing in the dermal layer of skin which would
have proven an even greater challenge to parchment-makers (Reed 1972 30) Reed also
stated that fat can cause weakness at the epidermal junction causing the dermal and
epidermal layers of the skin to split (1972 43) However this appears to be of most
concern in skins sourced from older sheep though one might presume that skins
originating from fast-maturing sheep may suffer from this defect at an earlier age given
the lsquorelatively unstablersquo collagen development in some fast-maturing breeds (Henrickson
et al 1984 168) The removal of grease if not completed after the initial exposure to the
lime pits many craftsmen would use gesso quicklime powdered bones or chalk (see
Reed 1972 148-149) though the most common solution was the application of
additional treatments of lime (Yeomans 2006 33) Overall the more grease that had to
be removed the longer it would take to make parchment and the process would be
more costly The increased workload may also have increased the likelihood of the
damaging of skins a particularly significant issue given the various laws surrounding
skin and parchment quality between 1650 and 1850
The fat content of sheep between the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries was likely to
have varied significantly and determining which breeds produced usable skins and
which did not is a difficult task Even today both the overall fat content and the
distribution of fat in sheep appears to be very variable (see Palop 2016 7) It also
appears very likely that parchment-makers were unable to avoid using fatter breeds of
sheep over time as many of the breeds in England and Wales grew in size during this
period due to changes in breeding practices and husbandry (Davis and Beckett 1999
Henderson 2016 25-31) Ryderrsquos work may also support this as the eighteenth century
parchment samples he reviewed were of a greater thickness (1991 31) and studies have
shown a correlation between skin thickness and diet Sheep fed on a diet of lower
nutritional value can see a reduction in their skin thickness over time while sheep
intensively fed larger diets will keep thicker skins (Williams and Thornberry 1992 140) It
can be concluded that the skins of fattier faster-maturing breeds were likely to have
been spurned by parchment-makers in favour of smaller breeds with lower deposits of
grease
73
612 The Age of Sheep
Another key factor in determining the quality of a sheeprsquos skin is the age of the animal
Younger animals tend to have higher quality skins for parchment-making due to their
finer grained surface (Reed 1972 35-36) Older animals however despite being larger
and providing more skin per animal tend to have inferior fibre networks and increased
chances of skin defects and irregularities (Reed 1975 35-36) They are also more likely to
have far greater deposits of fat due to longer lives of eating and depending on the
breed and farming system very little exercise They are also more likely to have greater
deposits of fat spread throughout their entire bodies including their skin causing great
difficulty to parchment-makers With greater age also comes a greater propensity for a
variety of pathological conditions and connective tissue disorders as well as damage to
the skin from mites insects and physical trauma (Reed 1972 35-37)
Even when considering the issues connected with older sheep the harvesting of lamb
skins is a far more costly enterprise Lambs produce far less usable material for
parchment-makers and yet require very similar levels of skill time and production costs
as full-grown sheep
Another key area in regards to the effects of ageing on sheepskins is the difference
between the older native breeds of England and the so-called lsquonew breedsrsquo which
reached maturity far quicker A clear example being that of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester
sheep a breed that matured in only two years and had a far greater propensity to fatten
(Youatt and Weld 1837 25-26) In these faster-maturing improved breeds the dermal
collagen grows far more quickly than in the skins of the native breeds This rapid growth
of collagen results in the collagen becoming lsquorelatively unstablersquo and therefore the
lsquoleather obtained from intensively fed animals had a lower breaking point strength than
those obtained from regularly fed animalsrsquo (Henrickson et al 1984 168) Similarly it has
been argued that the lsquoincreased growth rate must be accompanied by increased
collagen degradation or reduced collagen synthesisrsquo and lsquothis is true whether the
increase results from nutrition or from selection for growth ratesrsquo (Lawrence et al 2012
44)
Unfortunately given the wide variety of breeds from the resulting cross-breeding from
the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries it is difficult to determine which breed exactly
74
presented a significant problem However it can be concluded that the skins of
fast-maturing intensively-fed breeds were overall more delicate than those of the more
lsquonaturallyrsquo raised sheep and therefore it seems likely that parchment-makers would have
avoided sourcing their skins from sheep farmed intensively for their mutton
613 Diet and Environment
lsquoa larger carcass inevitably meant longer heavier and coarser woolrsquo
(Wykes 2004 51)
Diet clearly affects the quality of skin with over-feeding resulting in issues of collagen
development and a weak fibre network as well as higher levels of grease (Henrickson et
al 1984 168 Reed 1972 37) However there are a variety of agricultural systems with
different foodstuff and feeding methods which Reed (1972) reviewed to assess the
impact of diet on the skin quality (Reed 1972 36-42)
Firstly Reed concluded that stall-fed sheep typically have looser thinner hides
compared to sheep that roam pastures for their food This is partly due to the lack of
exercise a common issue with the larger sheep as in the words of the
nineteenth-century land survey John Middleton lsquoanimals that are intended to be
fattened with the most speed the least food and the greatest profit are or ought to be
kept still and as free from exercise as possiblersquo (Middleton 1807 436) It is also due to
the diet of stall-fed sheep These animals would have experienced lsquoartificial feedingrsquo for
example barley oil-cake potatoes and food-waste and this diet as Reed states results
in skins that are often softer and more spongy in character (1972 37)
Reed goes on to write that the woolled downland sheep generally had large skins
lsquouniform in texturersquo though with large deposits of grease (1972 41) This was in stark
contrast to the mountain and hill-reared sheep which typically produce stronger
higher quality skins (1972 37) They also have thinner skins with a tighter dermal
network with a finer grain and far less grease (1972 41) The hilly and mountainous
districts have great tracts of uncultivated lands which provided rough grazing for a
number of sheep (Fussell 1964 49) The mountain and hill-reared breeds found in these
areas often had slower rates of maturity (relative to the improved breeds) and they
75
generally had increased levels of exercise as they roam for their food (1972 42) These
factors help to create a tighter dermal network and consequently stronger thinner
skins more ideal for making parchment
The environment and diet of sheep plays an integral part in developing high quality
skins and as Reed describes the more lsquonaturalrsquo the conditions in which the sheep are
raised the better (1972 37) We can therefore conclude that the parchment-makers
using the skins of the naturally fed roaming sheep (typically hill-reared) would be
producing the highest quality parchment and given the increased strength of the skins
(resulting in fewer defects) and the reduced levels of grease would be producing
parchment faster and with fewer damages to the material and with less wastage
76
614 Wool Sheep
lsquoBreeding for mutton however and breeding for wool are distinct and different objects and will in some measure depend on situation for those soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of mutton and on the other hand those soils which
fatten most in equal proportion deteriorate the woolrsquo
(Rudge 1807 306)
Between 1650 and 1850 there were a great variety of sheep
breeds with a varying range in the quality of their fibre
networks and types of epidermal structures At either end of
this spectrum existed the two extremes of wool breeds
Firstly the woolled sheep with epidermal growths of fine
soft and curly wool (Reed 1972 41) The latter breeds were
the lsquohair typersquo (often referred to as heath sheep) which had
coarse thick and tough fibres (1972 41)
The woolled type of sheep produced the worst skins for
parchment-makers Sheep with a high number of follicles
particularly those with a high ratio of secondary to primary
follicles such as the Merino sheep produced skins that were
loose in texture of a poor quality to parchment-makers The
extensive glandular structures would prevent the dense
packing of the connective tissue fibre networks (1972 41)
Furthermore the persistent shearing of sheep has an effect on
sheepskin thickness (Lyne 1961 152 Wodzicka 1958
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska 1960 197) an issue mostly affecting
sheep bred primarily for their wool Overall the better the
sheep for producing finer wool the worse it would be for
manufacturing parchment
The latter breed the lsquohair typersquo on the other hand had thick
fibres and fewer follicles therefore producing a far more firm fibre network (Reed 1972
41) and therefore better skins for parchment (see figure 14)
77
There were of course a greater variety of sheep breeds than those purely bred for wool
and the purely hair-type of sheep There were also medium-woolled sheep producing
fewer follicles with a lower ratio of secondary to primary hair follicles (see figure 14)
These sheep were primarily the downland sheep bred for the production of mutton The
larger carcass resulting in longer heavier and coarser wool (Wykes 2004 51) the skins
were generally thick and fairly uniform in texture (Reed 1972 42) though unfortunately
still proving difficult for parchment-makers due to their high deposits of grease Overall
the ideal breed for parchment-makers was one that had not succumbed to either
extreme of specialisation for either wool or mutton production The hill-reared sheep of
Britain therefore developed favour amongst many producers of light leathers (eg
gloves) and presumably therefore parchment-makers These sheep produced thinner
skins with tighter dermal networks (Reed 1972 41) and were therefore of the highest
quality for parchment-makers
Overall however there was a huge variety of sheep breeds but the studies into fibre
and follicle networks show that sheep with tighter and firmer fibre networks were best
for making parchment These were generally less woolly sheep with lower grease
deposits ones not subject to extreme specialisation unimproved sheep with the fatter
improved breeds promoted by Bakewell and others for either intensive mutton
production having skins that were too greasy and the wool-producing sheep having
skins that are too loose in texture
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used
Ryder (1960) reviewed the diameter of fibres and follicles in a variety of parchment
samples ranging from twelfth to the nineteenth century The results found that most of
the fine-wool samples came from the medieval period while most of the medium-wool
samples came from the sixteenth century onward and finally the coarsest samples
appear to have been from the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) This work also
shows that throughout these centuries there were still attempts to use lsquohair sheeprsquo This
is similar to Hedwig Saxlrsquos results (1954) which reviewed the development of sheep
breeding and a variety of samples and concluded that there was a progression from
medieval times which saw sheep with very few hair follicles to more modern
78
sheepskins which showed a great number of crowded hair follicles The results of this
paper similar to results of Ryderrsquos work suggest that sheep were being bred to produce
more wool over time or that producers of parchment were being more selective over
the skins they used
It is also worthy of note that according to Ryderrsquos work hair sheep were used in all
centuries including the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) However when discussing
the hair-bearing sheep an eighteenth century writer stated that lsquothe pure breeds of this
sort are scarcely anywhere to be found among manufacturing nationsrsquo (Anderson 1797
320) However Anderson also states that sheep such as these have often not been
separately categorised and have lsquoalmost entirely escaped the notice of naturalists and
othersrsquo (Anderson 1797 320) It appears likely then that many of these sheep were still
being used in the English agricultural system though were often overlooked by the
agricultural writers of the time who were more concerned with the breed capable of
producing high levels of mutton or wool Anderson even goes on to write that lsquothere is a
much greater proportion of the hair-bearing race among the breeds of sheep in the
southern parts of the islandrsquo and that a Mr Lisle had heard of these sheep under the
name lsquorowety-woolrsquo (Anderson 1797 330) The word lsquorowetyrsquo means a poor area of land
either an area recently harvested andor having been left unploughed for some time
(see Lisle 1757 157 Fussell 1966 39 Bath amp West of Eng Agr Soc 1792 85) These
sheep were therefore likely found in lands of high levels of lsquowastersquo with little attention
paid to the quality of the breeds being farmed
In general however despite clear benefits of using the skins of coarse woolled sheep
during the eighteenth century many parchment-makers were either becoming less
concerned with parchment quality or in most cases did not have a supply of the more
sheepskins from coarse-woolled breeds
615 Conclusion
It appears the best sheepskins for the manufacture of high quality parchment come
from sheep that have not been intensively farmed to produce quantities of mutton or
wool The most suitable sheep are most likely the hair-type of sheep as they have
tighter dermal networks Similarly sheepskins from smaller hardy sheep ones that
79
roam for their food and mature at the slower rate to many of the improved breeds of
the period would have been greatly advantageous to parchment-makers The areas of
England which did not follow the route of intensive sheep farming and did not employ
the improvements of farmers such as Barkwell and Ellman seem likely to prove best
sheepskins for making parchment These sheepskins would have also been subject to
fewer possible damages a hugely advantageous factor during a period of intensive
manufacturing standards and high fines
80
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds
lsquoThe different races of sheep in England are variously distinguished for uncommon size goodness of flesh and plenty of fineness of woolrsquo
(Aikin 1795 19)
This section of the research will attempt to outline the rural landscape between 1650
and 1850 looking primarily at the location of various sheep breeds throughout England
as well the iconic features of these breeds It will highlight whether there was any link
between the geographic distribution of breeds and the location of parchment works A
link that seems possible particularly given the wide variety of breeds and their effects
on the manufacturing quality (discussed in section 61) Furthermore the ability to
purchase skins from great distances was greatly limited by the high costs of salting skins
(see section 37) but also due to the high transport costs of the period that acted as a
lsquomajor constraint on economic activityrsquo (Gerhold 2014 1)
This section should also highlight when and where the new breeds like those promoted
by Ellman and Bakewell were used in the agricultural system the timing of
stockbreeding also being an issue of great consequence that is still relatively poorly
understood Perhaps unsurprisingly as the sheep farming industry during this period
has been widely overlooked by many economists historians and archaeologists As a
result this section constitutes a much-required review of sheep breed locations based
on various tours reports and works of agriculturalists though primarily the results of
this work are based on the reports produced by the Board of Agriculture
It is important to consider that the majority of the historical reports were published
around the turn of the nineteenth century This was an important period in sheep
farming coming at the end of nearly thirty years of determined efforts to lsquoimproversquo the
national agricultural base including the improvement of sheep breeds on a national
scale (Ryder 1983 487)
This chapter will now establish which regions of England were subject to any major
changes in sheep farming or wider agricultural objectives Combined with the
81
conclusions of section 61 this section will determine which regions had access to
supplies of high quality skins
621 The DownlandsSouth
lsquoFrom this central core long fingers of chalkland stretch out north-eastwards through the
Marlborough and Berkshire Downs and on into the Chilterns while south-westwards the
chalk downs extend across Cranborne Chase into Dorset reaching the English channel coast
between St Aldhelmsrsquos and Abbotsburyrsquo
(Thirsk 2000 27)
The chalk downlands have had a long history of agriculture and an absence of
large-scale industry (Thirsk 2000 29) For most of the period under examination this
region was under lsquosheep and corn husbandryrsquo whereby a system of grain production
was sustained by maintaining large sheep flocks that were fed on the unenclosed
downlands or waste by day and folded by night on the arable lands to enrich the thin
chalkland with their dung (2000 30) This system was continued even after the
introduction of new systems and crops in other counties as the soil of the chalk
lowlands was often too shallow to support the introduction of legumes Furthermore
many of these regions were particularly late enclosed Much of the high downland in
Berkshire Wiltshire Dorset and Sussex remained entirely open and unenclosed at the
end of the eighteenth century (2000 43) A particularly interesting factor as enclosures
are often seen as a necessary prerequisite for the instigating of new selective breeding
techniques and the adoption of the larger coarser-wooled breeds (Ryder 1991 455
Ryder 1964 70)
This system dominated these regions until the production of new artificial fertilisers in
the nineteenth century (Overton 1996 193) The livestock practices in these counties
were therefore sustaining the hardier breeds capable of travelling great distances in
order to fertilise the land supporting the popular lsquosheep and cornrsquo system of the region
Thirsk offers the following overview of this system and the subsequent breeds
lsquoHere sheep were specially selected not for their propensity to yield mutton or wool but for
their folding qualities Over the centuries prolonged selection have given rise to the distinctive
Wiltshire and Hampshire breeds and so a Berkshire strain known as the Berkshire Knott
82
These animals were large lanky and hardy producing a thin but fine fleece and a small
quantity of sweet mutton Their great advantage was that they were able to range the Downs
all day and had a propensity drop their dung and urine at night when penned in the fold
They require little water taking most of what they needed from the grass they grazed as this
too was an important advantage on the bare open Downs were where streams and wells
were few and far betweenrsquo
(Thirsk 1984 329)
This lsquosheep and cornrsquo system was particularly prevalent in Wiltshire Dorset the
Hampshire downs and Berkshire Wiltshire in particular had a lsquovast quantity of sheeprsquo
(Davis 1813 137) with Defoe estimating around 2-3 million prior to 1724 which though
perhaps an inflated figure highlights the prevalence of sheep in the region (Cited in
Fussell and Goodman 1930 146) There was an abundance of one particular breed a
small native breed lsquoof middling size and moderately fine woolrsquo (Aikin 1795 282) widely
used to fertilise the land during the period (Davis 1813 137) In 1813 Davis offered a
concise overview of some of the key issues pertaining to the sheep in the region
describing lsquothe peculiar aptitude of the soil and climate to sheep the singular use of
sheep-folding on arable land naturally light and loose the necessity of making sheep the
carriers of dung in situations where the distance from home and the steepness of the
hills almost preclude the possibility of carrying it by any other modersquo (Davis 1813 137)
As a result much of this land was limited to lsquorough pasturersquo until the later introduction of
later fertilising agents (Aikin 1795 332) making sheep a necessity in many areas and
making the improvement of the carcass not the primary objective for the region (Davis
1813 139) In fact the use of livestock to fertilise the land was commonplace across
much of the Wiltshire in particular (Aikin 1795 281 Cobbett 1912 40) with much of the
land not being enclosed until after c1750 Attempts were made to cross the New
Leicester with the widespread black-faced hill sheep of the period with a disastrous loss
of hardiness (Ryder 1983 487) Instead the smallness of an animal was a major
recommendation lsquoin a country where summer food is scarce and winter food raised
with difficultyrsquo (Davis 1813 147) These lands also had small enclosed fields and the
livestock were often left to graze with the minimum of attendance (Thirsk 1984 339)
Despite attempts to increase the size of the downland Wiltshire breed the new strain
possessed many serious shortcomings resulting it its eventual degeneration (Copus
83
1989 40)
Berkshire was home to a lsquopure breedrsquo sheep that had survived for hundreds of years
called the Berkshire Nott The longwool Berkshire Nott was bred throughout the county
for much of the seventeenth century (Trow-Smith 1951 161) and despite the
considerable changes the breed went through (Mavor 1813 381) it remained a common
breed in the region (see Mavor 1813 387-390) as it was well-suited to the sheep and
corn system due to its ability to travel long distances to fertilise the land (1813 382)
However the Berkshire Agricultural Society also supported the breed by disapproving of
crossing breeding until at least 1813 though it was stated that crossing was still fairly
common (Mavor 1813 387-390)
The breed was well-adapted to the chalk downlands according to writers of the time
however it had a poor quality fleece and produced relatively small quantities of mutton
(1813 381) Despite its previous success Mavor writes that around the turn of the
nineteenth century much of the livestock on the downs had been widely replaced by the
Southdown breed (Mavor 1813 381) this being either a reflection of an improvement in
the Southdown breed or a change of agricultural system on the lower downs Attempts
were made to introduce the new Leicester breed to the region though these sheep
lsquomade but little progressed being confined to a few select flocks onlyrsquo (Mavor 1813 391)
The Berkshire Nott survived in the Chiltern Hills even into the nineteenth century
(Ryder 1964 17) due to the continued reliance on lsquosheep and cornrsquo husbandry
The large Dorset and Mendip breeds were closely associated with the lowlands of
Dorset which under the right circumstances were known to produce very good mutton
(Youatt 1810 84) The Dorset breed was described as lsquotall and light of body somewhat
resembling the camel in shape and proportionlsquo and was only subject to improvement
towards the end of the eighteenth century (Anderson 1778 168) Nevertheless It was
known for producing a lsquorelatively finer woolrsquo (Ryder 1983 488) though this wool was
clearly not so fine to attain a high value at market compared to many of the other
breeds of the period (see table 3)
84
The chalk lands of Hampshire also required the use of hardy sheep to sustain the
sheep-corn system (Copus 1989 39) with breeds conditioned for the wet and cold
conditions of the woodland clays (Vancouver 1810 360) Despite the later increase in
popularity of the Southdown sheep in the region over the old Hampshire breed (Aikin
1795 286) there were still a great number of locations in the region where the older
breeds remained Attempts were made during the century to cross the Hampshire with
the old black-faced Berkshire and later with the Southdown though the latter did not
occur until around the mid-nineteenth century (Ryder 1964 11)
85
These chalk downlands also extended through Sussex Despite this region primarily
producing sheep for wool produce breeding sheep of lsquovery competitive excellencersquo
(Young 1808 296-297) many flocks were still used on the chalky hills primarily to
manure the land (1808 348) The sheep on chalk-hills were primarily fed on wheat
(1808 143) as the turnip was not a viable option There was a great variety of sheep in
the county however the main breed to occupy the chalk downlands was the Southdown
(Young 1808 300)
Finally Thirsk describes the chalk downland farming of Kent Despite the county being
primarily a region producing sheep for their mutton (Aikin 1795 222) the North and
South Downs of Kent practiced other agricultural systems due to the hilly nature and
chalk soils of the regions Instead of the large Romney-Marsh breed widely adopted in
the Kent lowlands the Southdown breed was farmed in the hilly chalk regions of the
county (Boys 1805 175) On first appearance this appears slightly odd as the
Southdown breed often disliked in similar regions due to its inability to walk great
distances (Billingsley 1798 243) however they were still relatively hardy animals and
perhaps the narrow nature of the North and South Downs meant these animals were
not required to walk quite as far to the fold as many of the breeds discussed above
However the more common use of this animal may in part explain why so few
parchment-makers were located in Kent until the nineteenth century when Canterbury
became a major centre of production (see section 43)
However it is important to consider that these clear systems did not last forever the
high prices set on arable crops during the Napoleonic Wars led to the establishment of
new farmsteads and the further spread of enclosures over the regions (Thirsk 2000 44)
and enclosures were used to convert land previously unsuitable for profitable arable
farming The availability of the kinds of sheep discussed in section 61 were very likely to
have declined quite dramatically during the Napoleonic Wars However for the majority
of the period these downland regions had an abundance of hardy sheep and failed to
adopt the new breeds of Ellman and Bakewell on any significant scale As a result many
of the breeds in this region would be have been particularly ideal for the production of
parchment based on the requirements set out in section 61
86
622 The Wolds
Thirsk defines the wold regions as hilly with relatively lightly spread woodland though
that the variety between the English wolds can be quite significant
The Yorkshire wolds in the East Riding were formerly known for two distinctive breeds in
this region the Holderness and the Wold breed both small hardy animals (Strickland
1812 231) However farmers in this region began crossing with the New Leicester breed
very early with the principal objective of the lsquospeedy fatteningrsquo of lsquogreat numberrsquo of
sheep (1812 51-52) Strickland writes lsquo great expense and pains are bestowed by many
in their endeavours to concentrate every good quality observed in the species in one
breed in order to bring this useful animal to a state of perfectionrsquo (1812 52) Clearly the
aim of this region was to specialise in the breeding of the largest sheep
Secondly the Lincolnshire Wolds which were particularly well known as a grazing
country producing animals of great size and weight (Aikin 1795 130) perhaps most
notably the widespread adoption of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester breed (Young 1799 365)
The New Leicester having been described as lsquoan indolent animalrsquo one lsquoindisposed to
actionrsquo and requiring pasture where it can collect its food with little exercise (Duncumb
1805 122-123) It was also said to have been subject to some peculiar disorders and as
such required much care and attention in the management (Duncumb 1805 122-123)
They were incredibly large animals (see Marshall 1793 229-232) capable of being
folded at less than a year old and which lsquowhen highly finished they appear as a solid
lump of fleshrsquo (Marshall 1793 229 233) It was certainly not an animal likely to produce
the skin necessary for high quality parchment
Finally the Cotswolds which Aikin described at the end of the eighteenth century as lsquoa
long tract of high ground for the most part bleak and bare yet affording in many places
a short fine grass for the feed of sheep and at present principally devoted to the
growth of cornrsquo (1795 163) Despite the use of turnips not being of first importance in
farming improvements in the neighbouring Wiltshire Somerset and to a lesser extent
Gloucester they were widely employed across the Cotswolds (Crittal 1959 43-64)
Turnips likely being used as a winter fodder that supported the growth of the heavier
stocking of livestock Mixed farming had generally been the standard however livestock
87
became increasingly important between 1640 and 1750 with experiments in the use of
Bakewellrsquos breeds occurring as early as the first half of eighteenth century (Thirsk 1984
320-321)
Overall the various wold landscapes appear to have introduced the newer breeds of
Bakewell and Ellman relatively early-on and farmers in these regions were widely
adopting the newly specialized forms of livestock management stocking a great number
of larger breeds for the purposes of producing mutton
623 Lowland Vales
The Lowland Vales are prominent across the centre of the country occupying large
parts of the counties of Buckinghamshire Bedfordshire Oxfordshire Leicestershire
Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire as well as more patches in
Hertfordshire Essex East Anglia Central Yorkshire and through parts of the Berkshire
vale (Thirsk 2000 78) The pastures of the vales were primarily based on the production
of mutton as well as the production of second-grade wool (2000 91) supported by the
widespread introduction of the turnip though in most counties in the Midlands the soil
was better adapted to the farming of cattle (Marshall 1793 217) Enclosures had spread
across many of these regions far earlier than many of the other parts of England
(Roberts et al 2016 129) with a renewed burst of enclosures between 1755 and 1780
(Thirsk 2000 91) In many of the grazing districts the larger farms had been divided up
with enclosed lands offering greater control over breeding practices As such it was the
New Leicester and Southdown breeds that were lsquocentral to the improvement which
swept across Lowland England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(Walton 1983 175-176) However the Midlands was still breeding a number of sheep
Marshall describes as lsquothe small and hardy mountaineersrsquo a short-wooled breed kept
on the commons and fields of the region
Buckinghamshire had high quality soil that supported large quantities of crops with only
little manure (Aikin 1795 323) as well as the production of fat lambs for the London
market (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) The fattening of lambs for London markets
appears to have been an objective shared by many counties in close proximity to
London
88
Leicestershire had quantities of rich grazing land (Aikin 1795 135) with the eastern and
south-eastern regions breeding a great number of cattle to very large sizes while the
northern grazing tracts supported great numbers of sheep (1795 135-136) The
principal sheep breeds of the county were the Old and New Leicester breeds (Pitt 1809
245) and these Leicestershire breeds were lsquovery large in size without horns and clothed
with thick long flakes of soft wool particularly fit for the worsted manufacturersrsquo (Aikin
1795 136) Lincolnshire also bred a large number of New Leicester sheep as well as the 4
long wooled large Lincoln breed (Young 1799 365) It is of little surprise that Lincoln and
Leicester exported large quantities of wool (Aikin 1795 66) Nottinghamshire was also
an area with widespread enclosures with turnip husbandry being widely adopted in the
enclosed regions (Lowe 1794 11) and consequently the enclosed areas began to see
the adoption of the Lincolnshire and New Leicestershire breeds (1794 33) However the
sheep kept on fallow lands were lsquoa poor breedrsquo described as a mixture of the forest and
Lincolnshire pasture sheep (1794 11) a breed which may have perhaps proven viable
for parchment However these breeds were by no means widespread The New
Leicester was also found in Warwickshire principally a feeding and dairy county (Aikin
1795 151) with great attention paid by farmers to improve the wool and mutton of their
sheep Many breeders were said to have purchased the lsquofinest Leicestershire ramsrsquo at
lsquothe most extravagant pricesrsquo to cross with their best shaped ewes (Murray 1815 161)
Hertfordshire which Thirsk describes as having lsquopatchesrsquo of these Lowland Vales though
primarily an arable county (Young 1804 194-195) The primary breeds were the
Wiltshire and the Southdown breeds the former a possible contender for sourcing
parchment materials though these too were not found in any great numbers Essex also
only had lsquofew breeding flocksrsquo (Young 1807 308) and generally fattened lambs for spring
and ewes for sale at the end of summer (Young 1807 308) Oxfordshire also primarily an
arable county (Davis 1794 7) with the fertile lowlands in particular having long
produced wheat and malt for London market (Havinden 1961 73) The northern tip of
Oxfordshire however had extremely fertile soil (Young 1813 5) with cattle and sheep
important to the region (Havinden 1961 74) with a large profitable local breed (Page
4 The establishment of the New Leicester in this county attesting to the regions success
in sheep farming
89
1907 279-292)
Overall these regions were quite varied though in the majority of cases many of these
regions were not farming a significant number of sheep Furthermore in most cases the
breeds found here were often the newer larger Leicestershire breed However many
farmers in many counties were still opposing the introduction of these improved breeds
for example Warwickshire Northamptonshire Rutlandshire and Leicestershire were all
counties with graziers opposing the new breeds (Marshall 1793 224)
624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture
Although conceding that there is no single agreed term to define the agricultural
systems of this region Thirsk more broadly defines these areas as lsquowood pasturesrsquo and
lsquopastoral lowlandsrsquo providing a somewhat clearer idea of the regions The region
primarily stretches from parts of Cheshire to Dorset Typically these areas were widely
enclosed with enclosures continuing throughout the sixteenth seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries as a result of agreements rather than as a result of parliamentary
acts (Thirsk 2000 117)
The primary product of Cheshire during the eighteenth century was dairy while lsquoless
attention is paid to sheep in this than in most countiesrsquo (Holland 1813 286-287) Only a
few farmers in the region had the Leicester flocks and paid some attention to their
breeds while there were also some Southdown sheep lsquoin the hands of a few gentlemenrsquo
(Holland 1813 287) An eighteenth century writer described three fourths of the land
being dedicated to pasture with the grass of the region used in part to feed horses but
in most cases fed to milking cows with little attention paid to fattening cows (Aikin 1795
92) Shropshire too had few breeding flocks though the sheep that were kept were said
to have varied from the small Welsh breeds to the far larger Leicestershire breeds of
Leicestershire (Plymley 1803 259) A great number of experiments occurred in this
region with almost all farmers of different districts having tried almost all the improved
breeds (1803 260-261) However in general the low parts of the county were primarily
used to feed cattle used widely for production of cheese while the hilly tracts were for
the breeding of sheep producing a fine wool (Aikin 1795 98-99) The Old Shropshire
sheep were prevalent a very hardy animal that Plymley claimed did not require food
from farmers during the winter nor did they generally drink or require any attention
90
from the shepard (Plymley 1803 260)
Staffordshire was also lsquonot a great feeding countyrsquo (Pitt 1817 69) though the beast was
horned cattle and the primary product of the county was milk (1817 66) However of
the sheep kept in the region the main breeds lsquodeserving of particular attention were the
native Cannock-heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds breeds from Leicestershire and the
Southdown breedrsquo (1817 70-71) The native breeds were under certain management
well disposed to fatten and lsquoproduced mutton equal to that from any other breedrsquo (1817
71) and produced a fine wool (Pitt 1817 71 Pitt 1796 136) while the breeds bred for
wool were lsquorefined and improved in a high degree upon principles introduced by the late
Mr Bakewell of Dishley (Pitt 1817 71) The region did however continue to breed the
older smaller black-faced horned varieties many of which had died out in most
counties by this time (Russell 2007 173-174 Plot 1686 109) and possibly these
un-improved breeds were well-suited to parchment (Russell 2007 174)
Herefordshire was similar in many respects with wool a primary export of the county
with the sheep of the region generally small lsquoaffording a fine silky wool in quality
approaching the Spanishrsquo (Aikin 1795 105) This county had previously employed the
farming of sheep to collect lsquofood from situations where no other animal was capable of
subsistingrsquo but Duncomb suggests that by the end of the eighteenth century lsquoan
opposite system has been adopted and many thousand acres of the best tillage ground
have been converted into pasture of sheeprsquo (Duncumb 1805 122-123) This allowed for
the adoption of breeds such as the New Leicester however many of the breeds already
bred in this region produced a finer wool and in greater quantities (1805 123)
Worcestershirersquos primary products were lsquocorn cattle fine wool hops cyder and perryrsquo
(Aikin 1795 157) with the sheep of the region being described as being lsquoof no particular
breedrsquo except the sheep on the commons and wasteland which were breeds of the
same origin as the Staffordshire Cannock Heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds (Pitt 1810
216) The north and east of the country were described as primarily farming flocks of the
Leicester and Cotswold sorts though widely crossed with the New Leicester breeds (Pitt
1810 217) However the wastelands and hills of the south were generally stocked with
Cotswold sheep (1810 217-218) The northern regions bred sheep generally ideal for the
butcher (Pitt 1805 217)
91
The majority of the land of Warwickshire was also committed to the breeding of
improved breeds as the following concise summary offered in the Board of Agriculture
report states lsquoThe great attention that has been paid by many eminent breeders in
Warwickshire to improve the wool and mutton of this animal by selecting the finest
Leicestershire rams and paying the most extravagant prices for them only for a season
to cross with from a selection of the best shaped ewes in the country has now produced
a breed of sheep equal if not superior to most counties in Englandrsquo (Murray 1815 161)
There were large numbers of the New Leicester and Wiltshire sheep in this region
though also with a number of the Southdown Merino and Welsh breeds on the
commons (Murray 1815 161) Ultimately the county was not producing breeds of sheep
most ideal for parchment in any great number however the breeds here were varied
and with small Welsh breeds creating a possible supply for local smaller parchment
works
Gloucester was almost exclusively home to what Marshall describes as lsquomountain
sheeprsquo however the county swept them away during the summer 1782 (Marshall 1789
208) Following this summer the county developed a wide-range of the improved breeds
by the end of the eighteenth century There appears to be very differing methods for
breeding sheep in the county (see Rudge 1807 307-312) though with only two clear
objectives either producing large quantities of fine wool or significant weights of
mutton As a result the Cotswold breed an animal primarily bred for its mutton and the
principal breed of the county was widely crossed with the Southdowns in an attempt to
improve the fineness of wool (Rudge 1807 305) The pure Cotswold breed had however
become lsquoscarcersquo by the end of the eighteenth century with the introduction of the new
Leicester being used to improve the breed to create a finer (though also shorter) wool
and a more compact and fatty carcase (1807 306)
A number of woodland lowland areas in Wiltshire Dorset and Somerset all followed the
same paths as many of the counties listed above and were widely enclosed The result
being the introduction of a number of improved breeds However these regions were
small due to the type of agriculture commons in these counties For example much of
south Wiltshire avoided enclosure with the lsquopeculiar shape of many of the manorsrsquo and
the lsquogeneral application of the landrsquo made enclosures impractical (Davis 1813 44-45) In
92
Somerset too there was great resistance to enclosure in the hilly regions The issue of
enclosure was so significant in this county in fact that the Board of Agriculture report
dedicates thirty pages to attempting to disprove the perceived disadvantages of the
local population (Billingsley 1798 48-78) an issue not so intensely discussed in the
majority of the other reports There was also a widespread aversion to improved
breeds the key belief being that the lsquodeficiency in the fat of the inside would so disgrace
their sheep in the eye of the butcher that they would have lost their old customersrsquo
(Billingsley 1798 243) Despite Billingsley describing the aversions to the the improved
breeds as lsquofallaciousrsquo he later discusses the instance of a Mr Lowman crossing sheep
with the Leicester breed and the significant issue of the new breeds being unable to
walk far to the fold finally concluding that rsquoif they cannot walk a mile to the fold they will
never gain much ground in this countryrsquo (1794 255) This might explain why so many of
the hilly regions of county did not adopt the new improved breeds (see Billingsley 1798
76)
Finally the county of Dorset shared many of the same characteristics listed above The
region was said to have sheep very similar to those in Somerset (Stevenson 1812 393)
though primarily for the purpose of selling lambs to the London market (Stevenson
1812 393 Aikin 1795 297) The differing agricultural system of Dorset to many of the
neighbouring counties the system of pastoral farming likely allowed for the later
improvement to the breeds that occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century
(Stevenson 1812 393) Overall however Dorset may have produced a number of viable
sheep for parchment with the local breed being described as lsquotall and light in bodyrsquo as
later as 1778 (Anderson 1778 168) as well as the late introduction of the turnip being a
testament of the regions refusal to adopt new farming methods (Stevenson 1812 251)
By the end of the eighteenth century the majority of these regions were not producing
viable sheep for parchment production besides a few of the more southern counties It
appears much of the woodland regions described by Thirsk was enclosed and quickly
began to adopt the improved breeds of the time
625 Fenlands
Thirsk describes lsquotrue fenlandsrsquo as existing widely across England the most extensive of
93
which being the mosses of Lancashire and Cumbria and the Eastern Fenlands of
Cambridgeshire and south Lincolnshire (Thirsk 2000 167) describing the regions as
having lsquocountless drainsrsquo and lsquowatercourses criss-crossingrsquo wide-scale cooperation
amongst farmers in the regions
Westmorland and Northumberland appear to have shared the same breeds of sheep
with Bailey and Culley (1797 126) and Walls (1901 141) listing the same three major
breeds of the region None of them particularly fat or woolly (Pigot 1834 144) Firstly
the Cheviot breed a short woolled lsquohardy and valuable mountain sheeprsquo bred in the
north-west of the county (Pigot 1834 144) Secondly the heath sheep otherwise
referred to as the hair-type of sheep (Ryder 1983 496) A lsquopure breedrsquo sheep typically of
a smaller size and as described in the earlier section (section 61) as an ideal breed of
sheep for manufacturing parchment Walls even claimed that the heath breed was
actually the most common breed in Westmorland (Walls 1901 141) Finally the Lincoln
and New Leicester breeds though these were primarily found in the enclosed grazing
lands and did not represent a significant proportion of the sheep population in these
counties Similarly most of the Cumberland farmland was populated by a significant
number of sheep in the hilly regions (Aikin 1795 38 73 Pigot 1995 15) many of which
were said to travel great distances often unsupervised for long periods of time (Pigot
1995 16) However the Cumberland downlands primarily bred cows certainly to a larger
degree than Westmorland and Northumberland
The primary breed of sheep in the flat fenlands of south Lincolnshire and
Cambridgeshire region was a cross between the Leicester and the Lincoln breed (Gooch
1811 272 Young 1799 365) Cambridgeshire in particular although mostly farming the
Leicester and Lincoln cross breed had a very significant range of breeds including
Norfolks West-country Cambridgeshire Berkshire Hertfordshire South Down Lincoln
and Leicester (1811 272) Despite a clear propensity for breeding larger breeds
Cambridgeshire still bred some smaller hardier breeds for some time and remained
one of the few regions to farm sheep with coarse wool over fine wool (Ryder 1964 77)
This region therefore may have still bred sheep ideal for parchment production
however there were still a significant number of the newer larger breeds in this region
These fenlands then seem to have produced a number of viable breeds though in a
94
greater quantity in the more northern regions while eastern fens instead produced a
wider variety of sheep of a wide variety of weights and wool weights (see Gooch 1811
273) particularly around the southern tracts of Lincolnshire (Aikin 1795 189) and the
northern region of Cambridgeshire (Aikin 1795 205) Overall the variability of farming
objectives in these regions make a definitive conclusion difficult however most of the
locations appear certainly capable of supplying local parchment-makers with a relatively
significant number of viable skins However the systems adopted here were certainly
not as beneficial to local parchment-makers as the regions adopting the lsquosheep and cornrsquo
system a system far more likely to incentivise the growth of a far more lucrative
parchment industry
626 Moorlands
This section will cover the uplands of the Pennines the North York Moors as well as the
uplands of Exmoor Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor These regions have varying
agricultural outputs with some at this time being entirely uncultivated covered in peat
or tall inedible grasses (Thirsk 2000 188) while others were accessible regions or
reasonable agricultural outputs
The northern tip of the Pennines stretches through west Durham a region of peaty soils
accompanied with lsquoyellow orchrey clay or white sand both of them certain indications of
unproductivenessrsquo (Bailey 1810 10) The south of Durham however bred a significant
number of sheep and was formerly famed for having the largest breed of sheep in the
kingdom (Bailey 1810 248) though these were being overtaken by the New Leicester
which were slowly being introduced to the region (1810 248)
The west- and north-ridings of Yorkshire both farmed sheep of possible significance The
North Riding being home to the lsquoold stock of the northern part of the Vale of York and of
Clevelandrsquo sheep that were lsquovery large coarse boned slow feeders and the wool dry
and harshrsquo (Tuke 1794 64) While the West Riding of Yorkshire bred a large quantity of
Scotch sheep (Rennie 1799 186) However though these sheep were perhaps viable
options for parchment production both the regions were subject to widespread breed
improvement along the principles of Robert Bakewell (Tuke 1794 64 Rennie 1799 186)
The native breed of Devon was the Exmoor (Vancouver 1808 338) while Cornwall was
95
home to the Exmoor the Dartmoor and many other breeds while the pure Cornish
sheep had become very rare by the beginning of the nineteenth century (Worgan 1811
148) Despite the surviving native breeds farmers in both Devon and Cornwall had
attempted to introduce a wide breadth of different breeds as well as attempting to cross
the local sheep with the new breeds such as the New Leicester by the first decade of the
nineteenth century (Vancouver 1808 341 Worgan 1811 148) Cornwall in particular was
said to be breeding lsquoflocks of sheep as any count either as to form weight of fleece
hardiness of constitution aptitude to fatten quickly at an early age or flavour of
muttonrsquo (Worgan 1811 148) Devon despite the many attempts at crossing with the
New Leicester breed still appeared have a number of native breeds though many were
still bred for their wool growing properties (Vancouver 1808 342) and the Exmoor its
native breed was a longwool breed of fairly considerable size Overall there is again a
possibility that there were some breeds in this area were viable options for
parchment-makers but ultimately the objectives of many of the farmers in the two
counties were in stark contrast to what was required
The moorlands in general were not areas of any significant agricultural output and
unlikely to support any great parchment industry Even the counties in which Moorland
farming took place generally adopted agricultural objectives in contrast to farming
sheep most viable for parchment production
627 Londonrsquos Hinterland
The final section deals with a region not defined in most agricultural histories however
most of the counties surrounding London appear to share a similar agricultural output
in the production of lambs of the London market The defining feature of many of these
counties being their proximity to London rather than any shared agrarian
characteristics Many of the farmers located nearer to London primarily farmed sheep
to sell lambs into London included Sussex (Davis 1813 140 Pitt 1810 216-217 Young
1808 297) Buckinghamshire (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) Essex (Young 1807 308)
and a number of the farmers of Middlesex (Middleton 1813 434) as well as the farmers
of Surrey breeding Dorsetshire sheep (Stevenson 1809 536) which were a very popular
breed amongst farmers producing lambs for the London market
The sale of lambs was likely a difficult and expensive occupation requiring the transport
96
and sale of a very delicate and relatively expensive commodity The counties therefore
in close proximity to London were at a great advantage Another reason for the large
lambing market in this region was also perhaps the inability of the region to compete in
the specialised breeding of sheep for mutton and wool with the Midland and northern
regions due to topographical restraints
628 Conclusion
Andrew Copus stated that sheep had three major uses within in the English agricultural
system the production of mutton and tallow the production of wool and the
fertilisation of arable land (1989 36) Having reviewed the agricultural regimes of the key
regions and the types of sheep preferred it has become clear that those using sheep
for the fertilisation of arable land were the most suited to providing skins for parchment
making These regions appear to be predominantly in the lsquosheep and corn regionsrsquo with
particular emphasis on the south-west of England and some of the fenland farming
regions Also as Copus states lsquoany attempt to provide fattening fare would have been
incompatible with the other objective of the sheep-corn farmer of that time maximizing
cereal outputrsquo (Copus 1989 39) with the poor soils heavily reliant on the use of sheep to
produce satisfactory crops (Cook and Williamson 1999 185) This being important as the
main area for high cereal production appears to have been the south-west (1989 39)
likely due to the history of the specialisation of this market but seemingly also due to
the soil quality in the region The systems in these heavy clay areas relied heavily on the
use of sheep for fertilising arable land while the objectives in the region appear to be in
contrast to the supporting of larger breeds An article in the Farmerrsquos Magazine offers a
short summary of the fodder grown in these heavy clay regions
lsquoClover vetches and cabbages are the only crops which can be raised as food for
sheep or cattle on the latter and cabbages cannot be eaten off by sheep on such land
There is more expence in the production and consumption of the crops on wet clay
land than on a dry friable soil and therefore the expence of improving such land is
greater The crops must be carted to be consumed in the yard by stock and the dung
carted again into the field besides the injury done to the land in wet weather by
carting off the corps is great Vetches and clover may however be folded by sheep in
97
the summer months on clay soilsrsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838 188)
The Midlands and more northern regions (though excluding most of Cumberland
Northumberland and Westmorland) were generally better suited to the specialised
breeding of sheep for either mutton and wool production This was due in part to the
prevalence of enclosures which gave greater control to the selective breeding practices
of landowners though also due in part to the topography of the regions For example
the diets and levels of exercise of the sheep could greatly affect the quality of the wool
(see section 634) Lisle writes that clover-grasses cause sheep to develop coarser-wool
while lsquothe better the hayrsquo the finer the wool Lisle particularly recommends the
hill-county hay (Lisle 1757 358) Furthermore the growing of legumes according to Lisle
in his book Observations on Husbandry and particularly the cultivation of the turnip
resulted in better conditions allowing shearing to take place earlier than normal (cited
in Ryder 1983 485) The soil in any region would greatly dictate the type of breeding
that could take place for example in the Board of Agriculture report on Gloucester
there is a concise description of the severe limitations of certain soils
lsquoThose soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of
mutton and on the other hand those soils which fatten most in equal proportion
deteriorate the wool it being a fact ascertained by experience that wherever fine woolled
sheep have been introduced on more luxuriant soils than they were bred or accustomed to
the wool has increased in quantity but become coarser in qualityrsquo (Rudge 1807 306)
The primarily mutton producing regions emerged in areas of enclosures where it was
possible to grow large quantities of winter fodder which allowed for intensive
year-round feeding Also the ability to separate their sheep across a lot of land (Young
1796 489) and keep the level of exercise in these animals to a minimum with small
enclosed fields and artificial feeding
As stated in an 1838 article in The Farmerrsquos Magazine
lsquoThe quantity of food produced by turnips and by two years of clover and vetches will enable
the farmer to keep and fatten a large quantity of sheep on the ground which will by their
trampling and by the manure left on it give to this kind of soil the best preparation for the
succeeding crops of cornrsquo (The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 188)
98
In conclusion the objectives of the farmers in the south-west (excluding the West
County) the eastern fenland and most northern regions of England for many years
hindered the adoption of the newer breeds which were spreading across England
under the banner of lsquoimprovementrsquo Breeds in these regions were crossed with other
sheep though appear to have remained hardier animals not being bred primarily for
either wool or mutton However the introduction of many artificial fertilisers in the later
nineteenth century (Cook and Williamson 1999 193) and the more economically
preferable position of mutton and wool over cereal following the levelling of prices in
the 1820s (Copus 1989 44) may have resulted in some farmers changing systems
Overall though for the majority of the period under discussion the agricultural systems
in these regions appear to have been breeding sheep better suited for parchment
production and until at least the first half of the nineteenth century the south-western
and fenland counties were likely to have produced the most viable sheepskins for
parchment-makers
This is greatly significant as parchment-makers with a high supply of local viable skins
were at a great advantage As discussed parchment-makers for much of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries could not compete over price (see section 51) and were held
accountable to incredibly strict manufacturing standards standards particularly difficult
to attain with the use of fatty or weak skins The parchment works with a local supply of
quality skins were therefore likely producing a higher quality product at a lower cost and
therefore able to bargain for the lucrative contracts offered by the High Treasury during
the period Furthermore the likelihood of parchment works being able to transport
skins from distant locations is questionable given the increasing prices for salt the strict
laws controlling the movement of skins and parchment and the high transport costs of
the period As a result it is unsurprising that the regions with a higher supply of high
quality skins are in the majority of cases the locations with a higher number of
parchment works (see section 43)
99
Chapter 7 Conclusions
71 Conclusion
This work has provided the first systematic studies of the post-medieval parchment
industry shedding light on a previously unknown industry It has highlighted that it was
not only of significant size but survived the influx of paper during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries producing high volumes of parchment up until at least 1850 This
work also includes the first major collection and review of a significant number of both
historical and modern literature on the post-medieval parchment industry tying
together hundreds of years of information and presenting a plethora of historical texts
on which to develop future research
Overall the parchment industry went through very significant changes between 1650
and 1850 The industry appears to have developed from a large collection of small firms
operating across England with parchment-makers of relatively low income or turnover
engaging in small-scale production and transactions Between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries the increasing regulation increasing taxation and a drastically
increasing population resulted in the control of production being shifted to a smaller
number of larger firms These firms primarily aimed to compete through a reduction in
production costs and the manufacture of a more homogenous product resulting in the
slow decline in parchment quality over time The results of this research also highlight
that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming nation
clinging onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and where
older hardier breeds survived
Finally the work has highlighted the extent and significance of government intervention
on a number of skin-based industries during this period The collection and
interpretation of a number of parchment taxation laws and of laws on the regulation of
manufacturing standards has also been the first of its kind The results of this particular
analysis offer a primary cause of the sudden decline in parchment quality during the
eighteenth century as well as the eventual decline of the parchment industry requiring
100
the reconsideration of the traditional view of the widespread introduction of paper
being the sole cause
This project has answered all the questions set out in its aims and objectives though
has also highlighted the importance of future research on this previously unstudied
industry Furthermore it has provided the first detailed overview of post-medieval
parchment production and determined the key factors influencing its development
while also presented a number of key indicators that can be researched to enrich our
current understanding of the post-medieval period Overall the results accrued have
widespread applications and this project has shown that there exists a plethora of
literature and historical data capable providing a basis for further investigation
72 Discussion
This work highlights some key issues in any models used for post-medieval hDNA
studies that find any relationship between when parchment was dated and when it was
produced Furthermore it highlights the issues of determining the manufacturing origin
of parchment from any stamp duties or stationers marks with parchment often being
moved great distances for tax purposes before being distributed across England by a
series of stationers offices Thankfully this work does present some clear centres of
parchment production as well as a more widespread geographical shift of parchment
firms to the south of England over time Any post-medieval parchment samples
analysed in any hDNA study are in most cases likely representative of the regions last
to adopt agricultural changes associated with an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo Any future
hDNA studies on the period between 1650 and 1850 must now consider these results
Such studies are unlikely to represent any agricultural changes in the north of England
or in most cases any regions adopting the intensive production of mutton or fine wool
However any hDNA research that finds a shift in the types of animals being farmed can
now more confidently state when the period of agricultural improvement had spread
across the majority of England for the regions from which skins were collected for
parchment production were primarily the regions that were late to adopt these
changes
The results of this research are not only significant to hDNA studies but also contribute
to the debate of agricultural improvement particularly in regards to determining the
101
timing of the adoption of new sheep breeds and stockbreeding techniques though also
the chronology and geography of agricultural improvements more generally Firstly if
there was a lsquosuddenrsquo agricultural revolution that occurred between 1650 and 1850 it did
not result in any sudden or major changes to the parchment industry The changes that
did occur primarily in regards to livestock improvement occurred over a 200 year
period and were variable depending on geographical location and the agricultural
objectives within that region These results strongly suggest that no such sudden change
occurred particularly as mutton was a more important resource than beef during this
period (Kerridge 1967 303 Mathias 1969 65) and with any sudden improvement likely
to have strongly affected this particularly important market Furthermore the results
indicate that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming
nation it clung onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and
where older hardier breeds survived As a result this research can offer further
clarification on the development and geographical movement of agricultural
improvement between 1650 and 1850 with an emphasis on the changes in sheep
farming another industry often overlooked in modern literature
Furthermore from the results of this research it is also now understood that the decline
of parchment quality that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century was primarily
due to legal changes and the subsequent changing market processes rather than as a
direct result of the introduction of new breeds of sheep This should contribute to the
current work of Sarah Fiddyment but also to studies on parchment quality more
broadly It also highlights the danger of drawing a causal relationship between
agricultural improvement and any industries decline during this period with growing
government intervention also being a hugely significant though often overlooked factor
likely affecting the development of a number of industries
In regards to the size of the industry and the growing scale of production future
research on the specific large scale producers of parchment would be greatly beneficial
In many of the parchment centres of production clear family-led parchment firms
appear to own and run a number of parchment works for example the Crook family
with Noah Crook Thomas Crook John Crook Snr and John Crook Jnr all operating
different parchment works in Wiltshire during the eighteenth century A more detailed
review of the sources used in this project combined with a review of local resources of
102
Wiltshire would offer greater detail on the development of the scale of production of
parchment during this period but also the development of a monopolistic market
structure in certain regions This work should constitute a firm basis on which future
investigations can be conducted
Overall the significance of this research should drastically affect the interpretations of
any hDNA studies on the post-medieval period Any changes found in the hDNA data
during this period can now be interpreted within the historical context Correlations can
now also be drawn between the data and the various historical changes that occurred
during this period This work has also contributed to a number of debates and currently
held theories on the period while also highlighting the importance for further study in
this area and demonstrating the value of digitised local records
103
Appendices
104
Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data Collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018)
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Noah Crook Abingdon 1795 Twice a month pound30 pound386 Orders placed about 15 months in advance Paid in advance
1796 Twice a month pound26 pound265
1797 Twice a month pound30 pound164
1798 Once a month pound40 pound225
1799 Once a month pound40 pound96
1803 Once a month pound40 pound140
1804 Once a month pound40 pound597
1805 Once a month pound40 pound94
pound2038
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Crook Marlborough 1795 Three times per month pound26 - Orders placed about lt1 months in advance Paid in advance Incomplete years Last two years
1796 Three times per month pound30 pound674
1797 Three times per month pound26 -
1799 Four times per year -
1800 Four times per year pound637
1802 Four times per year pound206
pound1517
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Rake Salisbury 1796 Once a month pound30 pound120 Incomplete years 1797 Once a month pound30 pound169
1798 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound65
1801 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound58
1802 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound85
1803 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound221
1804 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound247
pound966
105
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Samuel Bishop Bristol 1798 Twicethree times per year pound21 Only a few purchases across the year but multiple years Specialist certain type of parchment
1799 Twicethree times per year pound47
1801 Twicethree times per year pound39
1804 Twicethree times per year pound41
1805 Twicethree times per year pound34
1806 Twicethree times per year pound21
pound205
Stamped Parchment Sold - (LMA) Witherbys 4682E01001 (page 21-22) 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806
J nd 794 769 995 827 874 799 859 932
F nd 782 1047 936 929 1047 1034 851 1092
M nd 855 727 1030 1179 814 1098 1002 1106
A nd 903 1000 941 1028 1005 910 946 1279
M nd 972 1312 1230 1012 1100 1001 1147 1263
J nd 1036 879 1236 1151 1139 1077 1128 1117
J nd 780 1251 1182 1069 1031 867 1061 1058
A nd 763 789 676 779 810 761 906 920
S nd 711 849 549 660 722 913 667 686
O 933 996 904 928 972 933 1054 977 nd
N 813 1283 896 950 1136 914 821 1040 nd
D 1119 788 1033 851 822 928 704 1056 nd
Total 2865 10663 11456 11504 11564 11317 11039 11640 9453
106
Appendix 2 Parchment Quality Source Fiddyment 2018
107
Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions Source Rogers 1887 575-606
Mendham 1585 4 Parchment Skins 7 Worksop 1588 Skin Parchment 6 Eton 1589 2 Rolls Parchment 18 Oxford 1590 Skin Parchment 6 Gawthorp 1592 2 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1592 2 Skins Parchment 6frac12 Oxford 1593 Sheet Parchment 8 Oxford 1594 5 Skins Parchment 8frac12 Gawthorp 1595 1 Skin Parchment 7- Oxford 1595 Parchment Skin 9- Oxford 1599 9 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1601 16 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1602 8 do Parchment 7 Oxford 1603 8 Skins Parchment 8
Eton 1604 4 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1605 3 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1607 2 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1608 2 Skins Parchment 6 Cambridge 1609 1 Skin Parchment 8 Oxford 1610 4 Skins Parchment 4frac12- Chatham 1624 Parchment 5 doz 6 Oxford 1629 Parchment 8 doz 6- Oxford 1632 Parchment 15 doz 6- Winchester 1644 4 Skins 7- 3 Bridles 14 Winchester 1645 4 Skins 6
Oxford 1646 10 Sheets Parchment 32 12 Skins 7 Winchester 1648 8 Skins 6 Oxford 1649 78 Skins 12
Eton 1651 6 Skins 8 Winchester 1656 Parchment 3 doz 9- Winchester 1657 Parchment 4 doz 9- Winchester 1658 Parchment 1 doz 9- Winchester 1660 16 Parchment 10 Winchester 1661 2 Rolls 12- Winchester 1663 8 Parchment 1- Winchester 1665 Parchment 2 Doz 9- Winchester 1667 Parchment 1 Doz 9- Winchester 1668 16 Skins 9- Winchester 1672 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1673 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1677 7 Parchments 50 Cambridge 1682 20 Sheets 13-
108
Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages
109
Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected
1601-1901 Record Type No
DeathWill 145
Baptism 129
Directory 27
Marriage 71
Apprenticeship 49
Reference 13
Census 242
Total 676
110
Appendix 6 National Directories
111
Appendix 7 Local Directories
112
Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data
County 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 1851-1900 All Periods
Bedfordshire 0 0 1 1 1 0 3
Berkshire 0 0 0 0 9 7 16
Buckinghamshire 1 1 7 5 3 9 26
Cambridgeshire 2 0 0 1 31 21 55
Devonshire 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
Dorset 11 8 0 0 4 0 23
East Riding of Yorkshire 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
Gloucestershire 3 0 1 3 0 11 18
Hampshire 0 0 1 3 8 20 32
Hertfordshire 0 0 0 3 5 4 12
Kent 0 1 0 1 1 12 15
Lancashire 0 0 0 0 5 0 5
Leicestershire 0 1 1 3 5 1 11
Lincolnshire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Middlesex 1 2 1 1 10 26 41
Norfolk 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
North Riding of Yorkshire 30 6 0 1 0 0 37
Northamptonshire 2 0 3 4 4 30 43
Nottinghamshire 0 1 0 0 0 5 6
Oxfordshire 0 1 0 2 2 9 14
Rutland 0 0 0 1 0 4 5
Shropshire 1 0 1 0 1 0 3
Somerset 2 5 2 7 12 3 31
Staffordshire 0 1 1 0 4 0 6
Suffolk 1 0 0 0 14 6 21
Sussex 0 0 0 0 0 5 5
Surrey 0 1 8 5 20 42 76
Warwickshire 1 1 2 5 2 0 11
Wiltshire 16 37 18 12 36 16 135
Worcestershire 0 2 0 3 4 10 19
Total 73 68 50 61 182 242 676
113
Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location
Location No Location No
Abingdon England 5 Lambeth England 20
Andover England 1 Leicester England 7
Ayleburton England 1 Leicestershire England 1
Aylesbury England 3 Lenton England 5
Barrowden England 5 Lichfield England 1
Barton St David England 1 Lingfield England 4
Basingstoke England 2 Little Weldon England 7
Bassingbourn England 1 Liverpool England 5
Bath England 4 Longparish Hampshire England 1
Bedford England 2 Lyncombe England 1
Bedminster England 3 Malmesbury England 10
Bengeworth England 5 Marlborough England 29
Bere Regis England 1 Marylebone England 1
Bermondsey England 48 Middlesex England 4
Beverley England 3 Milton Abbas England 1
Bexley Kent England 1 Motcombe England 0
Bottisham England 1 Newington England 2
Bristol England 7 Newport Pagnell England 1
Brokenborough England 2 North Cerney England 1
Buckingham England 5 North Petherton England 6
Buriton England 1 Northampton England 6
Burnham England 1 Northleach England 2
Bury St Edmunds England 21 Norwich England 1
Butleigh England 1 Nottingham England 1
Camberwell England 14 Oborne England 2
Canterbury England 13 Olney England 1
Castle Cary England 2 Oswestry England 1
Caversham England 6 Oundle England 1
Charlton Wiltshire England 6 Powick England 1
Cheltenham England 2 Preshute England 1
Chepping Wycombe England 1 Princes Risborough England 5
Chichester England 1 Ravenstone England 1
Chippenham England 3 Reading England 8
Clifton Gloucestershire England 1 Rotherhithe England 2
114
Compton Dando England 1 Saint Margaret Leicestershire England 2
Corfe Mullen England 1 Salisbury England 56
Coventry England 10 Sawston England 51
Crowle England 1 Shepton Beauchamp England 0
Darlaston England 1 Sherborne England 14
Deptford England 1 Sherston England 6
Devon England 0 Southwark England 12
Dorchester England 1 St Margarets Wiltshire England 1
Dorset England 4 Steyning England 3
Ealing England 1 Stockbridge England 9
Earls Barton England 8 Stourbridge England 2
Eastham England 1 Tewkesbury England 1
Ely England 1 Thame England 1
Emneth England 1 Tring England 5
Emsworth England 1 Trowbridge England 1
Evesham England 11 Walcot England 1
Exeter England 1 Walworth England 1
Finsbury England 1 Wantage England 3
Fugglestone England 1 Warminster England 4
Gloucester England 8 Weldon England 1
Great Doddington England 2 Wells England 1
Gretton England 10 West Wycombe England 1
Harrold England 1 Westbourne England 1
Havant England 11 Westport St Mary England 4
Heston England 1 Wheatley England 0
High Wycombe England 4 Whitington England 1
Highworth Wiltshire England 1 Wilby England 2
Hillingdon England 2 Winchester England 6
Hitchin England 7 Wisbech England 1
Holloway England 1 Witney England 5
Ipswich England 0 Wooburn England 1
Irthlingborough England 6 Wycombe England 3
Kennington England 3 Yeovil England 3
Kingswinford England 4 York England 37
Kintbury England 2 London 11
Knowle England 1 Total 676
115
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws
The first major relevant actor pertaining to the parchment industry occurred in 1603 (1
Jam c22) regulating the manufacturing process and the organisation of the industry
The first significant act between 1650 and 1850 however occurred in the aftermath of
the Great Fire of London after which Charles II introduced a variety of taxes in order to
raise funds for the rebuilding of London One of these laws enforced the taxation of lsquoany
charter or grantrsquo with the rate of 40 s for one skin of parchment and 20 s for every
additional skin (22 amp 23 Cha II c9) The act covered a number of other uses including
inter alia grants of lands or leases conveyances surrender or release documents writs
of covenant original writs or bills and pleas The vast number of documents taxed were
those typically used in court This came into force in 1671 and was instituted for the
period of 9 years and although only applied to a relatively small number of uses all
parchment that was to be used for any of these purposes had to be transported to the
head tax office at Lincolnrsquos Inn London to be stamped (see Glasse 1794 452)
These laws surrounding the taxation of parchment were more firmly established in 1711
(9 AnnI c11) The new act ensured the extension of many of the previous duties while
also setting higher rates on a number of other specific parchment-based documents
Most significantly however this act stated that all parchment would now be taxed and
therefore all parchment must be transported to London for stamping this included any
parchment or vellum imported into Great Britain For every dozen parchment sold there
was a duty of 6 d while the fee stood at 1 s for vellum The act went further however
stating that all parchment works were now to be inspected regularly by appointed
officers who were permitted to enter the place of work of any parchment-maker while
refusal to allow entry would result in a fine of pound10 Finally these acts set out that at least
once a year the Lord High Treasurer or the commissioners of the Treasury would set
the prices at which stamped vellum parchment and paper would be sold (an issue
discussed further in section 72 and section 82) with officers instated to weigh skins
and hides determine the duty that was to be paid and mark the products that been
charged appropriately
A 1712 act (10 Ann I c19) enacted further duties on parchment and vellum as well as
applying a number of duties to Scotland In 1712 (11 Ann I c26) and 1713 (12 Ann I c9)
116
further duties were set on parchment (with varying prices depending on the intended
use of the parchment) with indentures pardons appeals to high court or documents
granting any office or employment in Great Britain above the value of pound50 a few of the
major documents now taxed The extension and increasing of duties would be a
common feature of the market over the next century
In 1716 George I made the tax of 6 d on every dozen parchment a perpetual tax rather
than a temporary one (3 GeoI c7) Two years later another act was passed that set out
clear regulations to ensure the more efficient collection of the duties set on parchment
(5 GeoI c2) In 1725 additional stamps duties were put in place for the period of 16
years (12 Geo I c30) though these too were continued by a later act (9 Geo II c32)
Finally these duties were also made perpetual though not until 1749 (24 Geo II c12) By
1755 the standard duty for a dozen pieces of parchment was 1 s 6 s as taken from a table
given to officers of the period (see (Leadbetter 1755 134) Under George II and later
under George III there was a seemingly ever-growing number of parchment stamp
duties (see appendix 5)
In 1757 a 1 s duty was set on leases bonds and deeds (30 Geo II c19) In 1759 further
parchment documents used in court would have a duty of at least 6 s while laws copies
of laws writs and their copies depositions and pleas were just some of the documents
covered by new stamp duties (32 Geo II c35) In 1765 a number of other duties were
passed that now pertained to parchment used in the British colonies (5 Geo III c12) In
fact new duties were being continually introduced and many others were changed in
price over the following years For example in 1776 (16 Geo III c34) a new duty of 1 s
and 6 d was set on all parchment manufactured in Great Britain This act follows an
plethora of a number of new duties and fines with acts passed in 1777 (17 Geo III c50)
1779 (19 Geo III c66) 1780 (20 Geo III c28) 1782 (22 Geo III c33) 1783 (23 Geo III c7)
1791 (31 Geo c21 c25) 1794 (34 Geo III c14 c32) 1795 (35 Geo III c30) 1796 (36
Geo III c136) 1800 (39 amp 40 G III c67) 1801 (40 Geo III c86) and 1803 (41 Geo III c86)
Over time the duties increased to cover a increasing variety of parchment products
while various new attempts were made to improve the efficiency of the tax collection
methods In 1804 for example the greatest number of new acts were passed to
117
improve the efficiency of the various stamp duties This law made numerous attempts
to consolidate and simplify the process
Over the next few years however many of the laws surrounding parchment were
repealed The stamp duties set out in the 1804 (44 Geo III c98) 1805 (45 Geo III FINISH)
and 1806 (46 Geo III c43) laws were mostly all repealed in 1808 (48 Geo III c149) There
were still many exceptions however with newspapers almanacks pamphlets and
medicine forms and licences for those selling alcohol just some still in effect However
the majority of the documents that remained heavily taxed appear to be documents
more likely to have been made from paper with many of the parchment documents
(mostly documents used in courts) were no longer subject to stamp duty Finally in
1815 all the duties set out in 1808 (48 Geo c149) as well as the those that remained
from the the 1804 act (44 Geo III c98) and those instated in the 1810 act (50 Geo III
c35) were repealed These laws marked the end of over a century of widespread
government intervention in the parchment industry
118
Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws
Year Law Title Law Reference
1671 An act for laying impositions on proceedings at law 22 amp 23 ChaII c9
1694 An act for granting to their Majesties several duties upon vellum parchment and paper for four years towards carrying on the war against France
5 amp 6 WampM c21
1696 An Act for granting to His Majesty several Duties upon Paper Vellum and Parchment to encourage the bringing of Plate and hammered Money into the Mints to be coined
8 amp 9 WampM c 7
1697 An act for making good the deficiencies of several funds there-in mentioned and for enlarging the capital stock of the bank of England and for raising the publick credit
8 amp 9 Wil III c20
1698 An act for granting to his Majesty his heirs and successors further duties upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
9 amp 10 WilIII 25
1702 An act for making good deficiencies and for preserving the publick credit 1 Ann I c13
1702 An Act for preventing Frauds in her Majestyrsquos Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper 1 Ann I c22
1705 An act for laying further duties on low wine and for preventing the damage to her Majestyrsquos revenue by importation of foreign cut wholebone and for making some provisions as to the stamp duties and the duties on births burials and marriages and the salt duties
4 Ann I c12
1706 An act for continuing the duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction and the duties payable by harkwers pedlars and petty chapmen and part of the duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and the late duties on sweetsfor the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven and other uses therein expressed
5 Ann c19
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Ann I c11
1711 An Act for licencing and regulating hackney coaches and chairs and for charging certain new duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and on cards and dice and on the exportation of rock salt for Ireland
9 Ann I c23
1712 An act for laying several duties upon sope and paper made in Great Britain or imported into the same and upon chequered and striped linens imported and upon certain silks callicoes linens and stuffs printed painted or stained and upon several kinds of stampt vellum parchment and paperhellip and for better securing her Majestyrsquos duties to arise in the office for the stampt duties by licences for marriages and otherwise and for relief of persons who have not claimed their lottery tickets in due time
10 Ann I c19
1712 An act for laying additional duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment and new duties on starch coffee tea drugs gilt and silver wire and policies of insurance to secure a yearly fund for satisfaction of orders to the contributors of a further sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds towards her Majestyrsquos supplyhellip
10 Ann I c26
119
1713 An act for laying additional duties on soap and paper and upon certain linens silks callicoes and stuffs and upon starch exported coals and upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
11 Ann I c9
1716 An act for redeeming the yearly fund of the South-Sea companyhellipand for making the said new yearly fund and annuities to be hereafter redeemable in the time and manner thereby prescribed (National Debt Act)
3 Geo I c7
1718 For continuing the duties on malt mum cyder and perry for the service of the year 1719 and for enlarging the time for entring at the exchequer such assignments of reversionary annuities as are therein mentioned and for better securing the duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment
5 Geo I c2
1725 For the relief of th suitors of the high court of chancery 12 Geo I c33
1735 For continuing for the purposes therin mentioned the additional duties uon stamped vellum parchment and paper laid an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the First
9 Geo II c32
1750 An act for making good a deficiency upon the revenue of the office of keeper or clerk of the Hanaper and for preventing any future deficiency therein to answer the publick services provided for out of the same and for augmenting the income of the office of master or keeper of the rolls
24 Geo II c25
1756 An act for granting to his majesty a duty upon licences for retailing beer ale and other excisaable liqours for establishing a method for granting such licences in Scotland and for allowing such licences to be granted at a petty session in England in a certain cafe therein mentioned
29 Geo II c12
1757 For granting to his Majesty several rates and duties upon indentures leases bonds and other deeds and upon news papers advertisements and almanaks and upon licences for retailing winehellip
30 Geo II c19
1759 An act for augmenting the salaries of the puisne judges in the court of Kingrsquos Bench the judges in the court of Common Pleas the barons of the cois in the court of Exchequer at Westminster the judges in the courts of session and Exchequer in Scotland and justices of Chester and the great sessions for the counties in Wales
32 Geo II c35
1776 An act for granting to his Majesty several duties on coaches and other carriages therein mentioned and several rates and duties upon indentures leases bods and other deeds and upon cards dice and news papers and for raising the sum of two millions by annuities and a lottery to be attended with annuities
16 Geo III c34
1777 An act for granting to his Majesty certain duties on licences to be taken out by all persons acting as auctioneers and certain rates and duties on all lands houses goods and other things sold by auction and upon industries leases bonds deeds and other instruments
17 Geo III c50
1779 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for better securing the stamp-duties upon indentures leases deeds and other instruments
19 Geo III c66
1780 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on advertisements and certain duties on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions or the custom of any province or place
20 Geo III c28
1782 An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand
22 Geo III c33
120
1783 An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts
23 Geo III c49
1783 An act to explain and amend an act made in the last session of parliament intiruled An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts and for indemnifying all persons who have written or signed any bill of exchange promissory or other note or any receipt not stamped according to law
23 Geo III c7
1783 An Act for granting to his Majesty several additional new Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper and also for repealing certain Exemption from Stamp Duties
23 Geo III c58
1789 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional stamp duties on probates of wills letters of administration and on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions
29 Geo III c51
1790 An act for repealing the duties upon licences for retailing wine and sweets and upon licences for retailing distilled spirituous liqours and for granting other duties in lieu therof
30 Geo III c38
1791 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional duty on certificates issued with respect to the killing of game
31 Geo III c21
1794 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on indentures of clerkships to solicitors and attornies in any of the courts in England therein mentioned
34 Geo III c14
1794 An act for enabling the commissioners of the stamp duties to stamp bills of exchange and notes in certain cases
34 Geo III c32
1795 An act for granting to his majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for repealing a certain exception as far as relates to bonds given as security for the payment of one hundred pounds or under contained in an act of the twenty-third year of hsi present Majestyrsquos reign
35 Geo III c30
1795 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on sea insurances 35 Geo III c63
1796 An Act for the more effectually securing Duties on Indentures Leases Bonds and other Deeds
37 Geo III c19
1797 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional stamp duty on deeds 37 Geo III c111
1796 An Act to enable the Commissioners of Stamp Duties to Stamp Duties to stamp Deeds and other Instruments Bills of Exchange Promissory and other Notes in Cases therein mentioned
37 Geo III c136
1798 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on bills of exchange and promissory notes for small sums of money
c 107
1799 An act for altering the period of making up the annual account of the duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper
39 Geo III c92
1800 An act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland 39 amp 40 Geo III c67
121
1801 An act for granting to his Majesty additional Stamp Duties on cards and dice on Probates and Wills on certain Indentures Leases Bonds or other deeds
41 Geo III c86
1803 An act for granting to his majesty several duties therin mentioned to be levied by the commissioners for managing stamp-duties in Ireland
43 Geo III c127
1804 An Act to repeal the several Duties under the Commissioners for managing the Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper in Great Britain and to grant new and additional Duties in lieu thereof
44 Geo III c98
1805 An Act for granting to His Majesty additional Stamp Duties in Great Britain on certain Legacies and also the several Duties granted by the Act passed in the Forty-sixth Year of His Majestys Reign intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to Appraisers in Great Britain
45 Geo III c28
1806 An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to appraisers in Great Britain
46 Geo III c43
1806 An act to repeal the several duties under the care of the commissioners for managing the duties pon stamped vellum parchment and paper in Ireland and to grant new and additional duties in lieu thereof and to amend the laws relating to the stamp-duties in ireland
46 Geo III c64
1808 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Law Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments andthe Duties on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in great Britain and for granting new Duties in lieu thereof
48 Geo III c149
1810 Act act for altering the Mode of collecting the Duty on Insurances against Loss by Fire upon property in His majestyrsquos Islands and Possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere beyond the Seas and for exempting certain Bonds and Receipts from Stamp Duty for giving Relief in certain cases of Stamps spoiled or misused and for explaining Part of an Act passed in the Forty eighth Year of His Majestyrsquos Reign for granting Stamp Duties in Great Britain
50 Geo III c35
1815 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Laws Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments and the Duties on Fire Insurances and on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in Great Britain and for granting other Duties in lieu therof
55 Geo III c184
122
Appendix 12 Flaying Laws
The first act passed during the seventeenth century (Jac 1 c22) stated that earlier
statues had been passed on the topic of the flaying of animal skins but that lsquothe laws
and statutes formerly established and made for the true and just tanning currying and
working of leather have not taken that good effect which was expectedrsquo and had failed
to address the lsquodeceits and abusesrsquo that were lsquocommonly practised by the tanners
curriers and workers of leatherrsquo (see Britain and Pickering 1763 106) The act then
reiterated that no butcher or any other person could damage the skin of any ox bull
steer or cow though interestingly it does not state that the same laws apply to skins
more specifically to the skins of sheep Strangely however the law later defines leather 5
as any tanned skin of ox steer bull cow calf deer and fallow goats and sheep so
presumably the law did cover tanned sheep-skins It also states that anyone selling
sheep skins that did not adhere to this law should be fined 3s 4d This particular Act is
quite difficult to interpret so much so that a later act (14 Cha II c7) offers clarification as
to what animal skins were actually covered as well as clarifying that the law pertained to
all of Great Britain and not just England It certainly brings into question the efficiency of
this tax system provided that there were clear misinterpretations (or explorations) of the
law by some for nearly sixty years
The law also began to create legally protected professions For example only a trained
tanner with a tan-house could tan any hide after the passing of this law while no tanner
could cut the leather The law also set out clear instructions on how leather should be
manufactured stored and dried It was no longer permitted that any individual could be
both a butcher and a tanner and tanners were also not allowed to occupy any other
trade that involved the cutting or working of leather It was now illegal to work the jobs
of other professions simultaneously and furthermore to work any of the professions
pertaining to the working of skins Also the law reiterated the 1563 law stating
individuals must either gain an apprenticeship or must be hired as a servant of an
individual in that profession There were clear attempts by the government to create
separate legally protected professions in the hope of improving specialisation and
5 Interestingly it is also stated that no butcher shall kill to sell any calf under five weeks old or they will be fined six shillings and eight pence This then prohibits the use of very young calves in the production of vellum and brings into question the early use of the skins of very young calves were used for the production of vellum However this law was repealed in 1685 in another act (22 amp 23 Car II c19)
123
consequently the efficiency of a number of industries The law does not however list
parchment-makershellip ADD
This law also extended to the manufacturing process of all goods in the various
skin-based industries while extensive fines were also implemented For example there
was a fine of 3 s 4 d for any putrefied or rotten skin put up for sale (1819 1040) The law
also extended to ensuring high-quality wears and to reduce wastage Any attempt to
transport leather that was cut or unwrought for sale was now illegal Curriers would also
be fined if they attempted to sell leather that had not been sufficiently tanned No
leather could be sold that had not been lsquosearched and sealedrsquo in other words inspected
and taxed (further clarification in section 63) No tan fats before liming and skins must
not be left in lime pits for too long Skins must not be left to dry in frost nor in direct
sunlight Finally the fine for the sale of a dozen sheep skins that did not meet these high
standards was six shillings and eight pence This appears a particularly troubling issue as
many of the standards set were subject to the opinions of inspectors inspectors with a
monetary incentive to find as many damaged skins as possible The consequential
finding of a high volume of lsquodamagedrsquo skins would then be likely to further support the
need for further regulation
The 1662 Act (14 Cha 2 c7) was the next major law bringing about stricter laws
surrounding the exportation of skins and leather From 1662 no tanned hide or
untanned hide of any ox steer bull cow or calf was allowed to be exported out of the
country as well as a number of limitations regarding to the transport of hides within
Great Britain The law does however state that sheep-skins not dressed with wool may
be transported this was in keeping with the law stating that the exportation of wool was
also illegal at this time (see 14 Cha I c 18) The law also further details the punishment
of tanners who cut and raked the hides impairing them shall have their hides seized
The 1688 law(1 WampM c33) more clearly states what the previous statutes cover every
hide skin or piece of tanned leather shaved or liquored of whatever colour with any
liquoring or dressing Clearly then even if poorly enforced for some time the laws
pertaining to the flaying of skins the strict manufacturing processes and the
requirement of searches and seals all applied to the parchment manufacturing process
at least after 1689 Interestingly this law also states that individuals may now sell
124
leather hides or skins by weight This would allow for individuals to sell more
homogenised products with less emphasis on quality
The 1710 act (9 Ann I c11) was extensive although pertaining primarily to the taxation
of hides and skins it enacted even further laws and punishment surrounding the
manufacture and sale of skins and parchment Setting out clear punishments for those
lsquodefrauding the crownrsquo and most importantly further punishments were created for the
damaging of skins It is also the first law to specifically refer to the manufacture of
parchment The law also creates and clarifies a significant number of limitations and
instructions on the manufacturing process for a number of skin-goods For example
who may cut the skins how they were cut how the skins were dried when and if skins
could be transported and who shall inspect these skins It states that officers would now
inspect skins and various tanned products to review their quality This law seems to
highlight the failure of the previous laws as the laws of 1603 (1 Jac I c22) and 1689 (1
WampM c33) were also extensive and yet it was deemed necessary to enact further laws
and punishments as well as offering further clarification of the previous laws For
example it was considered necessary to clarify that previous laws had also extended to
Scotland in the 1784 act (24 Geo II c19)
As late as 1800 attempts were still being made by the crown to limit the number of
damaged skins (39-40 Geo III c66) This is a clear indicator of the failures of previous
laws as well as indicating the still widespread problem of damaged materials at least in
the opinion of government new lsquoproper and convenient placesrsquo were set up for the
examination and inspection of all raw hides for each city (Chitty 1824 348) This perhaps
indicates the lack of appropriate inspections outside of the city of London The act also
sets out new fines for the improper flaying of skins even greater than those preceding
them (Britain 1811 390-391) These fines were so high that only a year later a new law
was passed (41 Geo III c53) reducing the amount perpetrators were fined (Minard
2011 154) In 1803 (43 Geo III c 106) it was also deemed necessary to apply these more
thorough inspections to London a troubling sign considering the issues clearly still
pertained to London despite the significant size of the tanning industry and the
high-quality works expected to accompany an industry of that size
The 1808 law pertaining to London exclusively saw the reduction of these fines (Minard
125
2011 154) with the fine now being no more than 3 s though no less than 2frac12 d (Chitty
1824 353) This law also saw the reorganisation of the inspectors in London and the
requirement that all sheep and lamb skins be inspected either at the Woodsclose
Market the Borough Market or Whitechapel Market (Britain 1824 353) The timing of
these changes again shows the failure of the laws the preceded them and marks the
the beginning of the end for the intensive regulation of this market by the government
That same year a petition was put forward titled A Petition of Several Tanners of London
and its vicinity was presented (House of Commons 1808 120) attempting to repeal a
number of the regulations enforced on the various skin-working professions A few
weeks later on the 17th March the committee created to consider the petition decided
the acts ought to be repealed (1808 183) and on the 28th of March a bill was presented
(1808 218) In the same year a similar petition was put forward by Scottish tanners
(1808 271) and yet another by lsquocurriers and other dealers in tanned leatherrsquo (1808 286)
The previous laws had clearly been a failure and caused major issues across Great
Britain On the 20th of May 1808 a bill was passed to repeal some of the acts that
implemented strict requirements for those working with animals skins
The inspections remained however with inspections on the flaying of skins still
undertaken by the government though in 1824 this too was abolished The 1824 act (5
Geo IV c57) repealed the 1800 (39 amp 40 Geo III c66) the 1801 act (41 Geo III c53) the
1803 local act (43 Geo III ccvi) and the 1808 act (43 Geo III clxxi) (Williams 1824 90-91)
This 1824 act marks the end of two centuries of intensive government regulation
126
127
Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws
Year Act Name Legal Abbreviation
1485 An act shewing the duties of a corwainer tanner or currier 1 Hen VII c5
1563 Statute of Artificiers (An act containing divers orders for artificiers labours servants of husbandry and apprentices)
5 Eliz I c 4
1603 An Act concerning tanners curriers shoe-makers and other artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather
1 Jac I c22
1662 An act to restrain the exportation of leather and raw hides out of the realm of England
14 Cha 2 c7
1689 An act for explaining part of an act made in the first year of King James the First concerning tanned leather
1 WampM c33
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Anne c11
1784 An act for encouraging the manufacture of leather by lowering the duty payable upon the importation of oak bark when the price of such bark shall exceed a certain rate for a limited time and for extending several acts of parliament relative to the manufacture of leather to that of Great Britain called Scotland
24 Geo III c19
1800 Use of Horse Hides etc Act 39-40 Geo III c66
1801 An act to explain and amend an act passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of the reign of his present Majesty intituled An act to repeal so much of an act passed in the second year of King James the First as prohibits the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and for better preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
41 Geo III c53
1803 To extend the provisions of two acts passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth and in the forty-first years of the reign of his present Majesty relating to the use of horse-hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw-hides and skins in the flaying thereof to and to alter and amend as to the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark and liberties therof and all places within fifteen miles of the Royal Exchange of the said city of London
43 Geo III ccvi (local act)
1808 For repealing an act made in the 43rd year of his present majesty for extending the provisions of two formers acts relating to the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
48 Geo III clxxi (local act)
1808 An Act for repealing an Act passed in the First Year of king james the First intitled An Act concerning Tanners Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather and also for repealing and amending certain Parts of several other Acts of Parliament relating thereto
48 Geo III c60
1824 An Act to repeal Four Acts of his late Majesty relating to the Use of Horse Hides in making Boots and Shoes and for better preventing the damaging of Raw Hides and Skins in the flaying thereof
5 Geo IV c57
128
Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 Source Shaw 1935 671-672 (Originally sourced from Calendar of Treasury Books 1694)
The like of persons to be distributors of the [stamped] parchment and paper in all the counties of England and Wales and to be collectors of the duty thereby arising as follows
Berkshire John Paise of Reading
Beds Francis Brace
Bucks Charles Herle
Cambridgeshire William Percivall
Cheshire Richard Backwell and Robert Foulks
Cornwall Thomas Horwell
Cumberland Robert Jackson
Derbyshire Peter Gery
Devonshire Benj Robins
Dorsetshire Jos Watson and Peter Clinton
Durham William Roper
Essex William Wright and Francis Blythe
Gloucestershire Walter Marshall Edward Bulstrode and Thomas Wale
Hampshire Thomas Shory and Paul Burwood
Herts Francis Isaacson of Barnet
Herefordshire Thomas Mathews
Hunts John Mason
Kent Thomas Raworth of Dover and Thomas Cason of Maidstone
Lancs William Townsen of Lancaster and mdash Dodd of Preston
Leicestershire and Rutland John Cradock
Lincolnshire Edward Cowly
Monmouthshire Walter Marshall
Norfolk Edward Barnes and Henry Marriott
Northants Edward Butler
Northumberland Cha Sanderson and Samuell Wilson
Notts John Bury
Oxfordshire William Busby and John Langston
Shropshire William Leake
Somerset Humphry Burton of Tiverton and mdash Babb of Taunton
Stafford Geo Nevell and John Dunster
Suffolk Robert Warren
Surrey John Balchen
Sussex John Dee Richard Holmes John Newton of Lewes and Samuel Bruer of Battle
129
Warwickshire Jer Withers
Westmorland John Procter
Wilts Robert Cutler of Sarum
Worcestershire William Collins
Yorks Geo Maynard for the West Riding John Hall for the North Riding William Lyster for the East Ridinng
Town of Hull Jos Claver
Denbighshire John Lloyd
Anglesey Montgomery Merioneth and Carnarvon Samuel Howson and Richard Wright
Flintshire Robert Foulks
Carmarthenshire Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire John Evans
Glamorganshire Edward Thomas
Radnorshire Cha Jones
Brecknockshiremdash Davys
130
Bibliography
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Anderson J 1797 Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Dublin Messrs P Wogan P Byrne and J Moore
An Impartial Observer 1806 XXXIX and XL Geo III c 66 The Flaying Act considered as without benefiting the Public most severely oppressing the Butchers of London By an Impartial Observer 30 June 1800 London E Thomas
Anon 1787 The Book of Rates Dundee Printed for George Milln
Aubrey J Britton J 1847 The natural history of Wiltshire Wiltshire Topographical Society Salisbury
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Ashworth WJ 2003 Customs and Excise Trade Production and Consumption in England 1640-1845 Oxford Oxford University Press
Bailey J 1810 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Durham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London R Phillips
Bailey J amp Culley G 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Northumberland With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement by J Bailey and G Culley London Sol Printed by S Hodgson and sold by M Robinson and G Nicol
Bailey W 1784 Baileyrsquos British Directory First Edition London Printed by J Andrews
Ballard E 1882 Report in Respect of the Inquiry as to Effluvium Nuisances Arising in Connexion with Various Manufacturing and Other Branches of Industry London HM Stationery Office
Bath and West of England Agricultural Society 1792 Letters and papers on agriculture planting ampc [electronic resource] Selected from the correspondence of the Bath and west of England Society for the encouragement of agriculture arts manufactures and commerce Vol IV The second edition Bath Printed by order of the Society by R Cruttwell and sold by C Dilly Poultry London and by the booksellers of Bath Bristol Salisbury Gloucester Exeter ampc ampc
Beckett JV 1985 Land Tax or Excise the levying of taxation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England The English historical review C(CCCXCV) pp285ndash308
Bicchieri M et al 2008 Inside the parchment Proceedings of Art pp25ndash30
Billing M 1855 Directory amp Gazetteer of Worcestershire 1855 Birmingham M Billing Steam-Press Offices
131
Billingsley J 1798 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Somerset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Bath R Cruttwell
Brownlee J (1915) The history of the birth and death rates in England and Wales taken as a whole from 1570 to the present time Public Health 29 pp211-222
Blanch J 1774 The art of tanning and currying leather with an account of all the different processes made use of in Europe and Asia for dying leather red and yellow London Printed for J Nourse
Blom P 2005 Enlightening the world Encyclopeacutedie the book that changed the course of history London Macmillan Publishers
Boys J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London B McMillan
Bower MA et al 2010 The potential for extraction and exploitation of DNA from parchment a review of the opportunities and hurdles Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 33(1) pp1ndash11
Burger J Hummel S amp Herrmann B 2000 Palaeogenetics and cultural heritage Species determination and STR-genotyping from ancient DNA in art and artefacts Thermochimica acta 365(1) pp141ndash146
Campana MG et al 2010 A flock of sheep goats and cattle ancient DNA analysis reveals complexities of historical parchment manufacture Journal of archaeological science 37(6) pp1317ndash1325
Campbell R 1747 The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and Westminster London T Gardner
Chambers E 1728 Cyclopedia - Volume 1 London Printed for James and John Knapton John Darby Daniel Midwinter Arthur Bettersworth John Senex Robert Gosling John Pemberton William and John Innys John Osborn and Tho Longman Charles Rivington john Hooke Ranew Robinson Francis Clay Aaron Ward Edward Symon Daniel Browne Andrew Johnston and Thomas Osborn
Chitty J 1824 A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents London A Strahan
Churchill JE 1983 The Complete Book of Tanning Skins and Furs London Stackpole Books
Clark G 2004 Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous Living Costs of the Rich versus the Poor in England 1209--1869 In Conference paperldquoTowards a Global History of Prices and Wagesrdquo Utrecht Available at httpswwwresearchgatenetprofileGregory_Clarkpublication246687497_Lifestyles_of_the_Rich_and_Famous_Living_Costs_of_the_Rich_versus_the_Poor_in_England_1209-1869links546e62200cf2b5fc176075b5pdf
Clark G 2007 The long march of history Farm wages population and economic growth England 1209ndash1869 The Economic History Review 60(1) pp97ndash135
Clark G amp Lindert P 2006 England_1209-1914_Clarkxlsx Global Price and Income History Group Available at httpgpihucdavisedufilesEngland_1209-1914_(Clark)xls [Accessed September 9 2018]
Clarke M 2001 The analysis of medieval European manuscripts Studies in Conservation 46(2) pp3ndash17
Clarkson C 1992 REDISCOVERING PARCHMENT THE NATURE OF THE BEAST Paper Conservator 16(1) pp5ndash26
Cobbett W 1912 Rural Rides in Surrey Kent and Other Counties London A Cobbett
132
Collins M J Fiddyment S Webb C OConnor T P Bradley D Teasdale M Doherty S Curtis A Vnoucek J Hall 2015 Reading the leaves sheep parchment as a 1000 year genetic resource Advances in Animal Biosciences p63
Cook HF amp Williamson T 1999 Water Management in the English Landscape Field Marsh and Meadow Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press
Copus AK 1989 Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in Southern England 1750ndash1900 The Agricultural history review 37(1) pp36ndash51
Craig H 1960 English religious drama of the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford Clarendon Press
Crittal E 1959 Wiltshire Volume 4 Other Industries In A History of the County of Wiltshire Volume 4 London British History Online pp 43ndash64 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchwiltsvol4 [Accessed July 29 2018]
Crouse J 1768 The History of the City and County of Norwich From the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time London Printed John Crouse and sold by M Booth
DrsquoAgata R et al 2007 The use of atmospheric pressure laser desorption mass spectrometry for the study of iron-gall ink Applied Physics A Materials Science amp Processing 89(1) pp91ndash95
Davis JM amp Beckett JV 1999 Animal husbandry and agricultural improvement the archaeological evidence from animal bones and teeth Rural history economy society culture 10(1) pp1ndash17
Davis T 1813 General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Dickson PGM 1960 The Sun Insurance Office 1710-1960 Oxford Oxford University Press
Doherty Sean 2018 The proteomic and isotopic analysis of parchment and their application to post-medieval sheep husbandry in Britain PhD Thesis University of York
Duncumb J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Hereford Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Fitzsimmons MP 2010 From Artisan to Worker Guilds the French State and the Organization of Labor 1776ndash1821 New York Cambridge University Press
Freemen of Chester 1992 Chester Freemen and Guilds Information and History Booklet Chester Chester City Record Office
Fussell GE 1966 The English Dairy Farmer 1500-1900 London Frank Cass amp Co
Fussell GE 1964 THE GRASSES AND GRASSLAND CULTIVATION OF BRITAIN I Before 1700 Grass and Forage Science 19(1) pp49ndash54
Fussell GE amp Goodman C 1930 Eighteenth Century Estimates of British Sheep and Wool Production Agricultural history 4(4) pp131ndash151
Gerhold D 2005 Carriers and coachmasters trade and travel before the turnpikes Oxford Phillimore
Glasse S 1794 The Magistratersquos Assistant Or A Summary of Those Laws which Immediately Respect the Conduct of a Justice of the Peace Continued to the End of the Session--1793 Gloucester Printed by R Raikes
Gooch W 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge London Sherwood Neely and Jones
133
Great BritainCommissioners of Excise 1778 Instructions for officers of the duties on hides in the country London
Gullick M 1991 From parchmenter to scribe some observations on the manufacture and preparation of medieval parchment based upon a review of the literary evidence In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 145ndash157
Hagadorn A 2012 Parchment making in eighteenth-century France historical practices and the written record Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 35(2) pp165ndash188
Haskins CH 1912 The ancient trade guilds and companies of Salisbury Kindle Salisbury Bennett Brothers
Havinden MA 1961 The Rural Economy of Oxfordshire 1580-1730 B Litt thesis Oxford University
Henderson S 2016 A Revolution in Sheeprsquos Clothing BA University of York
Henrickson RL Ranganayaki MD amp Asghar A 1984 Age species breed sex and nutrition effect on hide collagen Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 20(3) pp159ndash172
Her Majestyrsquos Stationery Office 1844 Reports from Commissioners Seventeen Volumes 13 London English Government Available at httpsmarketandroidcomdetailsid=book-jmoSAAAAYAAJ
Hoffman T 2011 Guilds and Related Organisations in Great Britain and Ireland a bibliography - Part 1 Unpublished Available at httpwwwbbkacuklibrarydownloadsguilds-part-1pdf [Accessed 28102018]
Holland H 1813 General view of the agriculture of Cheshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Houghton J 1728 Husbandry and trade improvrsquod being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle coals hops wool ampc With a complete catalogue of the several sorts of earths With many other useful particulars communicated by several eminent members of the Royal Society to the collector John Houghton The second edition London Printed for Woodman and Lyon
Hughes E 1941 The English Stamp Duties 1664-1764 The English Historical Review 56 (222) pp234ndash264
Hunt amp Co 1849 Hunt amp Corsquos Directory of Gloucester amp Bristol London BW Gardiner
Ibbetson J 1845 Ibbetsonrsquos Directory of the Borough of Bradford etc Bradford Printed and Published by J Ibbetson
Kent H 1798 Kentrsquos directory for the year 1798 containing an alphabetical list of the names and places of abode of the directors of companies persons in public business merchants of London and Westminster and Southwark etc 66th edn London Richard amp Henry Causton
Kellyrsquos Directories Ltd 1936 Kellyrsquos directory of stationers printers publishers booksellers papermakers amp c of England Scotland and Wales 18th edn 1936 London Kellyrsquos Directories
Kerridge E 2013 The Agricultural Revolution London Routledge
Kite M amp Thomson R 2006 The Manufacture of Leather Conservation of Leather and Related Materials London Elsevier Science amp Technology Ltd
Knight C 1842 London London Published by Charles Knight
Lawrence T Fowler V amp Novakofski J 2012 Growth of Farm Animals 3rd edition London CABI
Leadbetter C 1755 The royal gauger or Gauging made perfectly easy as it is actually practised by the officers of His Majestyrsquos revenue of excise London Printed for E Wicksteed
134
Lisle E 1757 Observations in Husbandry London J Hughs
Lowe R 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Nottingham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London C MacRae
Lyall RJ 1989 Materials The Paper Revolution In J Griffiths et al eds Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375--1475 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 11ndash29
Lyne AG 1961 The Postnatal Development of Wool Follicles Shedding and Skin Thickness in Inbred Merino and Southdown-Merino Crossbred Sheep Australian Journal of Biological Sciences 14(1) pp141ndash156
Marshall M 1789 The rural economy of Gloucestershire including its dairy together with the dairy management of North Wiltshire and the management of orchards and fruit liquor in Herefordshire Glocester Printed by R Raikes for G Nicol Pall-Mall London
Massey W 1763 The Origin and Progress of Letters An Essay in Two Parts London J Johnson
Mathias P 1969 The first industrial nation The economic history of Britain 1700-1914 London Metheun and Co
Mavor WF 1813 General view of the agriculture of Berkshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Mazoyer M and Roudart L (2006) A History of World Agriculture from the neolithic age to the current crisis London Earthscan
Maxted I 1992 British Book Trades 1775-1787 An Index to Insurance Policies (Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History) London JMaxted
Minard P 2011 Micro-Economics of Quality and Social Construction of the Market Disputes Among the London Leather Trades in the Eighteenth-Century Historische Sozialforschung = Historical social research Zentrum fur Historische Sozialforschung Koln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften Bonn 36(4) pp150ndash168
Moffatt JM 1805 The History of the Town of Malmesbury and of Its Ancient Abbey Together with Memoirs of Eminent Natives to which is Added an Appendix Tetbury JG Goodwyn
Murray A 1815 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Warwick with Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London B McMillan
Narayan S amp Rathore A 1964 Skin follicles and wool characteristics of seven breeds of Rajasthan sheep Research Studies-University of Udaipur 2
Neate S Howell D Ovenden R Pollard AM 2011 The Technological Study of Books and Manuscripts as Artefacts Research Questions and Analytical Solutions Oxford Archaeopress
Overton M 1996 Re-Establishing the English Agricultural Revolution The Agricultural history review 44(1) pp1ndash20
Page W 1930 A History of the County of Northampton In The borough of Northampton Trades London British History Online pp 26ndash30 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchnorthantsvol3pp26-30 [Accessed 30102018]
Page W 1907 Agriculture In A History of the County of Oxfordshire London British History Online pp 279ndash292 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchoxonvol2pp279-292 [Accesse 30102018]
Palop R 2016 Sheepskin and Cattle Hide Degreasing PhD University of Barcelona Available at
135
httpwwwcromogeniacomimagesnoticiasAF_LIBRO_DESENGRASE_english_bajapdf
Palliser DM amp Selwyn DG 1972 The Stock of a York Stationer 1538 The Library s5-XXVII(3) pp207ndash219
ParliamentHouse of Lords 1742 The history and proceedings of the House of Lords from the Restoration in 1660 to the present time London Ebenezer Tumberland
Parson WM amp White WM 1830 Directory of Leeds York and the Clothing District of Yorkshire Northowram Ovenden From Weaver to Web Northowram Calderdale Libraries Northgate Halifax West Yorkshire England
Pendred J 1785 The London and Country Printers Booksellers and Stationers Vade Mecum Moorfields J Pendred
Pigot 1995 National commercial directory Norwich Michael Winton
Pigot 1834 National commercial directory of the merchants bankers professional gentlemen manufacturers and traders in the counties of Chester Cumberland Durham Lancaster Northumberland Westmorland and York etc London Pigot
Pigot J 1825 Pigot and Corsquos New Commercial Directory of Scotland for 1825-1826Together with the most extensive Directory of London Manchester J Pigot and Co
Pitt W 1796 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Stafford With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G Nicol and sold
Pitt W 1809 A general view of the agriculture of the county of Leicester with observations on the means of its improvement London R Phillips
Pitt W 1817 A Topographical History of Staffordshire Including Its Agriculture Mines and Manufactures Memoirs of Eminent Natives Statistical Tables and Every Species of Information Connected with the Local History of the County With a Succinct Account of the Rise and Progress of the Staffordshire Potteries J Smith
Plenderleith HJ amp Werner A 1971 Papyrus Parchment and Paper In The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art Treatment Repair and Restoration Oxford Oxford University Press pp 44ndash73
Plot R 1686 The Natural History of Staffordshire Oxford Printed at the Theater
Plymley J 1803 General View of the Agriculture of Shropshire with Observations Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole B 1852 Statistics of British commerce Being a compendium of the productions manufactures imports and exports of the United Kingdom London WH Smith amp Son Simpkin Marshall amp Co
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Priest SJ amp Parkinson R 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Buckinghamshire Drawn Up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Reed R 1972 Ancient Skins Parchments and Leathers New York Seminar Press
Reed R 1991 Some thoughts on Parchment for Bookbinding In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 217ndash220
136
Reed R 1975 The nature and making of parchment Leeds Elmete Press
Rennie G Brown R amp Shirreff J 1799 General View of the Agriculture of the West Riding of Yorkshire Surveyed by Messrs Rennie Brown amp Shirreff 1793 With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement and Additional Information Since Received Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement Edinburgh G Nicol
Roberts C David Roberts F amp Bisson D 2016 A History of England Volume 1 Prehistory to 1714 London Routledge
Rogers JET 1887 A History of Agriculture and Prices in England From the Year After the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the Commencement of the Continental War (1793) Oxford Clarendon Press
Rudge T 1981 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Gloucester London R Phillips
Russell N 2007 Like Engendrsquoring Like Heredity and Animal Breeding in Early Modern England Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Ryder M 1981 A survey of European primitive breeds of sheep Annales de genetique et de selection animale 13(4) pp381ndash418
Ryder ML 1963 A survey of the gross structural features of protein fibres Fibre Structure pp534ndash566
Ryder ML 1958 Follicle arrangement in skin from wild sheep primitive domestic sheep and in parchment Nature 182(4638) pp781ndash783
Ryder ML 1960 Follicle remains in some British parchments Nature 187(4732) pp130ndash132
Ryder ML 1969 Remains derived from skin Science in Archaeology 43 pp539ndash554
Ryder ML 1983 Sheep and man London Gerald Duckworth amp Co Ltd
Ryder ML 1991 The biology and history of parchment In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thurbecke pp 25ndash33
Ryder ML 1964a The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain The Agricultural history review 12(1) pp1ndash12
Ryder ML 1964b The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain (Continued) The Agricultural history review 12(2) pp65ndash82
Saxl H 1954 An investigation of the qualities the methods of manufacture and the preservation of historic parchment and vellum with a view to identifying the animal species used PhD University of Leeds
Sellet F 1993 Chaicircne opeacuteratoire the concept and its applications Lithic technology 18(1-2) pp106ndash112
Shaw W 1935 Entry Book June 1964 1-10 In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 10 1693-1696 London British History Online pp 636ndash648 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol10pp440-449 [Accessed 30102018]
Shaw W amp Slingsby FH 1957 Declared Accounts Stamp Duties In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 29 1714-1715 British History Online pp 381ndash398 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol29 [Accessed 30102018]
Sibly E 1808 Magazine of Natural History Comprehending the Whole Science of Animals Plants and Minerals Divided Into Distinct Parts the Characters Separately Described and Systematically Arranged London Chimpante and Withrow
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137
httplibrarythehumanjourneynet890 [Accessed 13082017]
Sketchley J 1775 Sketchleyrsquos Bristol Directory Bristol James Sketchley
Slater I amp Pigot 1857 Slaterrsquos - late Pigot amp cos - Royal national commercial directory and topography of the counties of Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire Rutlandshire amp Yorkshire the towns of Hull Leeds Nottingham and Sheffield embellished with beautiful maps of Lincolnshire Nottingham amp Yorkshire etc Manchester Isaac Slater
Slater amp Pigot 1852 Slaterrsquos Royal National Commercial Directory and Topography of Scotland etc 1852 Aberdeenshire Isaac Slater
Smellie W 1771 Encyclopaeligdia Britannica [electronic resource] or a dictionary of arts and sciences compiled upon a new plan Illustrated with one hundred and sixty copperplates By a Society of gentlemen in Scotland In three volumes Edinburgh printed for A Bell and C Macfarquhar and sold by Colin Macfarquhar
Smith F 2009 Smithrsquos Directory of Halifax Bradford Oldfield and Horsfall
Stevenson W 1812 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Dorset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G and W Nicol
Stevenson W 1809 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Surrey London J Phillips
Stinson T 2011 Counting Sheep Potential Applications of DNA Analysis to the Study of Medieval Parchment Production In F Franz C Fritze amp G Vogeler eds Kodikologie und Palaumlographie im digitalen Zeitalter 2 - Codicology and Palaeography in the Digital Age 2 Norderstedt Books on Demand (BoD) pp 191ndash207
Stinson TL 2009 Knowledge of the flesh using DNA analysis to unlock bibliographical secrets of medieval parchment Papers Bibliographical Society of America 103(4) pp435ndash453
Strickland HE 1812 A general view of the agriculture of the East-Riding of Yorkshire published by order of the Board of Agriculture author
Teasdale MD et al 2015 Paging through history parchment as a reservoir of ancient DNA for next generation sequencing Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B Biological sciences 370(1660) p20130379
The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 The Rotation of Crops The Farmerrsquos Magazine 8 p188
The House of Commons 1808 The Journals of the House of Commons Volume 63 London Printed by Order of the House of Commons
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The Saturday Magazine 1838 The Saturday Magazine 12-13(402) pp129ndash136
Thirsk J 1984 The Agrarian History of England and Wales Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Thirsk J 2000 The English Rural Landscape USA Oxford University Press
Thomas S 1983 Leathermaking in the Middle Ages In Leather Manufacture through the Ages Proceedings of the 27th East Midlands Industrial Archaeology Conference (27) EMIAC 27 pp 1ndash10
138
Trolander P 2014 Literary Sociability in Early Modern England The Epistolary Record London Rowman amp Littlefield
Trow-Smith R 1951 English husbandry From the earliest times to the present day London Faber and Faber
Tuke J 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the North Riding of Yorkshire With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London W Bulmer and Company
Vancouver C 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Hampshire Including the Isle of Wight London R Phillips
Walls GF 1901 Westmorland Agriculture 1800-1900 London Book on Demand
Walton JR 1983 The diffusion of improved sheep breeds in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Oxfordshire Journal of historical geography 9(2) pp175ndash195
Watt A 1906 The Art of Leather Manufacture Being A Practical Handbook in Which the Operations of Tanning Currying and Leather Dressing Are Fully Described London Kessinger Publishing
Williams TW 1824 A Compendious Abstract of the Public General Acts passed in 6 Geo IV London Printed for GWightman
Williams AJ amp Thornberry KJ 1992 THE SKIN THICKNESS OF MEDIUM WOOL MERINO SHEEP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WOOL PRODUCTION Proceedings of the Australian Society of Animal Production 19 pp138ndash141
Williams amp Co 1844 Williams amp Co Directory of York Printed by Edward Baines amp sons York
Winters J 2012 THE ENGLISH PROVINCIAL BOOK TRADE BOOKSELLER STOCK-LISTS C 1520-1640 PhD University of St Andrews
Wodzicka M 1958 Studies on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin of sheep ImdashDevelopment techniques New Zealand Journal of Agricultural Research 1(4) pp582ndash591
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska M 1960 Effect of cold on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin in sheep In Proc Aust Soc Anim Prod pp 195ndash198
Worgan GB 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall London G and W Nicol
Wrigley E (2011) The Early English Censuses Oxford Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press
Wrigley E and Schofield R (1981) The Population History of England 1541-1871 Cambridge Mass Harvard Univ Press
Wykes DL 2004 Robert Bakewell (1725-1795) of Dishley Farmer and Livestock Improver The Agricultural history review 52(1) pp38ndash55
Yeomans LM 2006 A zooarchaeological and historical study of the animal product based industries operating in London during the post-medieval period PhD University of London Available at httpwwwacademiaedudownload30464459Yeomans_phdpdf
Youatt W 1810 A Treatise on the Choice Buying and General Management of Live Stock Comprising Delineations and Description of the Principal Breeds London B Crosby and Company
Youatt W amp Weld MC 1837 Sheep Their Breeds Management and Diseases London Baldwin and Cradock
Young A 1799 Experiments on the Winter and Summer support of sheep Annals of Agriculture and other
139
Useful Arts 34 pp414ndash425
Young A 1807 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary of the Board In Two Volumes Vol 2 London RPhillips
Young A 1804 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk London G and W Nicol
Young A 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary to the Board London B Macmillan
Young A 1808 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex London R Phillips
Young A 1813 General view of the agriculture of Oxfordshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
140
List of Figures
Figure 1 Depiction of the Research Process 14
Figure 2 Thorold Rogers Parchment Prices 1858-1683 36
Figure 3 Gregory Clark Parchment Prices 1274-1706 38
Figure 4 Salt Prices 1500-1850 43
Figure 5 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1900 50
Figure 6 Map of Parchment-Makers 1601-1650 51
Figure 7 Map of Parchment-Makers 1651-1700 51
Figure 8 Map of Parchment-Makers 1701-1750 52
Figure 9 Map of Parchment-Makers 1751-1800 52
Figure 10 Map of Parchment-Makers 1801-1850 52
Figure 11 Map of Parchment-Makers 1851-1900 52
Figure 12 Parliamentary Papers 1844 58
Figure 13 Net Produce of Stamp Duties 1807 61
Figure 14 Fibre Groupings - Dead Sea Scrolls 77
7
Acknowledgements I would like thank my thesis advisor Dr Jonathan Finch of the Archaeology Department at
the University of York for all his help and support throughout this project I would also
like to thank Matthew Collins Sean Doherty Sarah Fiddyment and Matthew Teasdale for
including me in their conversations on their research surrounding the lsquohidden history of
parchmentrsquo
I would also like to express my gratitude to my family for proof-reading my project and
apologise for the many hours they will never get back and for the wealth of sheep and
parchment knowledge they will carry around with them for years to come
8
Declaration I declare that this thesis is a presentation of original work and I am the sole author This work has not previously been presented for an award at this or any other University All sources are acknowledged as References
9
Chapter 1 Introduction
11 Aims
lsquoThe assumption has been made that parchment was made in the region of the place in which
the document was written However certainly as early as the seventeen-nineties it was clear
that the parchment had not necessarily been made locally a parchment of that fate from
Hereford bore the name of a London stationerrsquo
(Ryder 1963 541)
The aim of this project is to develop the first detailed overview of the post-medieval
English parchment industry This particular industry is one routinely overlooked by
historians and archaeologists and this work constitutes the only in-depth investigation
of the parchment industry of this period However not only is there ample evidence on
which to create a detailed outline of the size location and processes of this industry but
that this research will greatly contribute to our understanding of the past from both the
new data it will provide on this time period as well as potentially contributing new
material to the debates surrounding the agricultural revolution and the neglected area
of stockbreeding but also by providing essential historical context for groundbreaking
new studies on historical DNA (hDNA) found in parchment
However being that this is the first detailed review of this industry there is very little
academic literature to highlight the key components of the industry as well as the key
factors shaping the industry As a result this project is divided into two sections Firstly
the piecing together of the history of the industry assessing the size and structure of
the industry and the various processes that occurred during production Having
established the outline and processes of the industry and any changes over time the
second section will explore the driving factors shaping the development on the industry
Put simply the results of the first section should raise important new questions that
need to be asked of the historical record and section two will attempt to answer these
questions taking the study beyond the industry itself to address questions from
broader research agendas
10
A review of the key changes in this industry particularly those concerning the price of
materials the objectives of manufacturers and the fluctuations in the progress and
efficiency should prove significant in further developing our understanding of the
post-medieval agricultural change and the wider-economy more generally Furthermore
this research will help us to understand when paper became the primary lsquohardwarersquo for
recording information It will also offer new data to interpret the chronology and
geography of the agricultural revolution through the hitherto neglected area of livestock
improvement All the areas discussed above are topics that will be reviewed in this
project and from which a good understanding of the location and processes of the
parchment industry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century will be developed
Perhaps however as stated earlier the most consequential aspect of this research will
support the advancement of these scientific techniques currently deployed in the field
of archaeology to be applied in the study of the post-medieval period The research of
hDNA analysis appears the most quintessential use for this research though it is by no
means limited to this area alone The recent investigative fervour surrounding the
scientific study of parchment through the analysis of hDNA as well as chemical and
spectrographic analysis (discussed further in section 25 of the literature review) should
benefit from research of this nature greatly supporting its application on the
post-medieval period
11
12 The Research Question
What was the structure size and geography of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 and what light can the results throw onto wider research goals in a variety of
disciplines including hDNA studies historical archaeology and agricultural history
relating to the chronology and geography of agricultural improvement
13 Objectives
To complete a literature review of both materials written recently and those written
during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries The sources reviewed can then be used
to conduct a detailed overview of the structure of the parchment industry looking
primarily at the parchment manufacturing process the uses for parchment the
socio-economic status of the industry and the overall condition of the industry during
these centuries This will involve reviewing a variety of external factors such as changes
in law taxation the price of various agricultural products the paper industry and
transport
Once completed a more detailed analysis of the data can be undertaken reviewing
correlations in the data and assessing which factors were most significant in shaping the
development of the parchment industry In order to conduct such an analysis a detailed
review of the agricultural landscape between 1650 and 1850 must be completed
primarily investigating the location of various sheep breeds and the various agricultural
systems to which they most suited Any information on the geography of the parchment
manufacturing industry and the identification of any centres of production will not only
offer further information on this previously unstudied industry but more specifically
provide greater validity to post-medieval hDNA studies by offering further clarity on the
origin of parchment samples Furthermore this work will assess the key factors in the
changing industry and their effects on parchment quality over time
Finally a review of the impact of this research Reviewing if this new information
contributes to current debates surrounding agricultural improvement more specifically
12
the timing and significance of an agricultural revolution as well as how it affects the
results and methodologies of future hDNA studies
13
Figure 1 shows the research process that will be adopted This process should allow for
detailed analysis of the location of the industry while also allowing for the review a
significant number of external factors shaping the industry This form of research allows
for the more successful adoption of the chaicircne opeacuteratoire method (see section 15) and
should also provide a solid bedrock of information on a variety of topics on a subject
otherwise untouched in the historical and archaeological literature
14
14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire
lsquoWithout fertilizer no harvests without livestock no fertilizer which has such an immediate impact without seeded pastures no livestock finally without the elimination of fallowing no
or very few seeded pastures all is linked in agriculture its system must be totalrsquo
Instruction to the National Convention 1794 (Cited in Mazoyer and Roudart 2006 313)
Much of the data surrounding the production of parchment is intrinsically linked to
other areas of study There is likely a number of inter-relationships between a variety of
processes within the parchment industry and the broader agricultural economy For
example the price of sheep mutton and wool would have shaped the market and must
be understood to be able to understand the dynamics of the parchment industry
Furthermore issues such as changes in agricultural systems cultural changes legal
changes foreign policy changes would all have been entangled in the shaping and
development of the industry There are likely very clear links between many features of
the parchment industry and the wider English economy many not listed here though
the nature of these relationships is not always immediately obvious
By using the methodological tool of chaicircne opeacuteratoire it is possible in many cases to
unravel the logical sequences that caused and affected certain changes In other words
the correlations found between various linked markets can be analysed and used to
make logical conclusions as to what happened Perhaps the clearest description of this
process can be found in Frederic Selletrsquos 1993 paper Chaine Operatoire The Concept and
its Applications which states this method lsquoaims to describe and understand all cultural
transformations that a specific raw material had to go throughlsquo (Sellet 1993 106)
Knowing the importance and manufacturing processes of certain materials allows
inferences to be made as to the certain practices that were occurring as well as to
understand the logical steps taken to achieve these outcomes and to then map and
understand various industries and agricultural practices
15
Chapter 2 Literature Review
21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
The post-medieval parchment industry has remained lsquohiddenrsquo in the both the historical
and archaeological record The primary resources are often sources that briefly touch
upon the parchment trade though the parchment industry was not usually their
primary concern Such documents included encyclopaedias essays on livestock farmers
letters tours of England texts on the subject of the leather trade and legal documents
to name a few examples Although these indirect sources are relatively numerous there
is a dire need of recording comparing and contrasting as well as a detailed analysis
testing their validity Unfortunately validity has proved to be a significant issue with the
key components of the industry often being closely guarded secrets amongst
parchment-makers In 1775 Lalande highlighted this issue when writing his
Encyclopaedia stating lsquoanyone writing an article on the mechanical arts will learn after
having for some time gone from workshop to workshop with cash in his handrsquo that they
will often be paying for lsquothe most preposterous misinformationrsquo (Cited in Blom 2005
47)
This project constitutes the first detailed investigation into the parchment industry
during this period and so almost all information pertaining to the industry will prove
important and therefore a significant amount of information has been collected The
following chapters will therefore include a comprehensive review of all the major
processes and influences of the parchment industry hopefully creating the foundation
for future studies in this area
Firstly in regards to how parchment is made there are a number of texts from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which describe the process (see Ballard 1882
65-66 Houghton 1728 326 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456
Chambers 1728 351 Saxl 1954 94 Blanch 1774 42-43) However these descriptions
require thorough analysis particularly as none of the authors referenced above were
actually parchment-makers themselves The work of Chambers (1728) and Smellie
16
(1771) are encyclopaedias and perhaps therefore were less likely to have been
particularly thorough investigative pieces on the parchment trade similar issues of
validity remain with the Saturday Magazine article (The Saturday Magazine 1838) Ballard
(1882) and Blanchrsquos (1774) works are descriptions of the leather trade only briefly
reviewing the parchment industry though these texts share strikingly similar
descriptions of the manufacturing process Finally Houghtonrsquos work is perhaps the most
useful Written in 1694 though not published until 1728 it was written after an interview
with a parchment-maker reciting the production process in great detail These few
primary sources often share material details but they provide a vital historical platform
from which to build a fairly thorough understanding of the process and whether it
changed over the centuries
Just as there are few contemporary descriptions of the production processes so there
are also only a few texts describing the industry on a macro-scale Those that do exist
appear to only describe the process of the materials through the industrial system For
example Houghton (1728) and an article in The Saturday Magazine (1838) describe
parchment-makers purchasing their skins directly from butchers (Houghton 1728 326
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134) However there are various different descriptions of
the process For example Chambers and Smellie described the process as being started
by the skinner and finished by the parchment-maker (Chambers 1728 351 Smellie
1771 456) while a later text describes the skins as being purchased directly from the
abattoirs or slaughter-houses (Poole 1852 275) and Knight who describes the London
industry wrote about a lsquoskin-salesmanrsquo who acted as an agent between the sellers and
the fellmongers (Knight 1842 26) who then sold to the parchment-makers Finally
Hagadorn states that from the sixteenth century onwards English parchment-makers
purchased their skins from fellmongers (Hagadorn 2012 169) though it should be noted
that he draws this conclusion by referencing two texts neither of which supply
compelling evidence but instead simply outline the jobs of fellmongers (see Kite and
Thomas 2006 72 Thomas 1983 6) However Hagadorn does show evidence of Parisian
parchment-makers purchasing their skins locally (2012 170) which could perhaps
reflect the English model The directories and insurance records of the Sun Office and
Royal Exchange insurance groups two of the larger insurance groups that emerged
around the turn of the eighteenth century may also offer some insights into the roles of
17
parchment-makers during this period Overall the literature differs greatly on the
process of the exchange of materials and whether there are differences over time
geographical regions or simply authors who are mistaken as to how the process occurs
is not clear The primary sources therefore provide a conflicting picture of how the
industry functioned at least on a macro-scale again highlighting the need for greater
research in this area
A number of primary sources do provide some indication as to the scale and location of
the industry For example Chambers describes parchment as making a lsquovery
considerable article in the French commercersquo with large quantities being sent to
lsquoEngland Flanders Holland Spain and Portugalrsquo in the late 1720s (Chambers 1728 351)
a claim supported in The Saturday Magazine (1838 134) Despite this little is known
about the exact quantities or where they were transported to within England Also in
regards to where it was being made in England it is clear that large quantities were
being made in Bermondsey London (Knight 1842 18 Pendred 1785 33 37 Yeomans
2006 134) This area had a long history of tanning and with Knightrsquos detailed 1842
description of the parchment industry in the area (Knight 1842) it is possible to say with
confidence that this was a major centre for parchment production
Unfortunately however this appears the majority of the literature on the topic The
historical information on the post-medieval parchment industry is incredibly
fragmented with only a small number of texts referring to the industry and often only
in a few pages Of the more detailed summaries that do exist many describe different
systems with the majority of them have never been subject to any academic scrutiny
However a full review and analysis of these texts should begin to offer outlines of some
of the major aspects of the industry providing a reasonable overview of its history
22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry
There is a significant lack of any modern literature on the parchment industry between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries This is an issue perhaps best highlighted
recently by the lack of reference to any such documents in a number of modern studies
on hDNA in which providing an historical context for results would otherwise be
essential (see Teasdale et al 2015 Collins et al 2015 Campana et al 2010) Despite this
lack of literature there are a number of texts on parchment in the Middle Ages and
18
perhaps more importantly there are also a number of texts on the medieval
manufacturing processes which could prove useful for a later historical study of the
industry (see Clarkson 1992 Gullick 1991 Bicchieri et al 2008)
A number of texts on hDNA analysis highlight the need for greater research on the
parchment industry (Burger et al 2000) Species determination and STR-genotyping
from ancient DNA in art and artefacts have provided a comparison of the genetic status
of animals or plants with historical data and have greatly increased our knowledge lsquonot
only about the material itself but also about domestication cultivation planting and
herding practicesrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Bower et al write that if an extensive DNA
database of known provenance was created then future studies showing identical or
very similar hDNA identities could use it to determine the origin of their own samples
(Bower et al 2010)
Campana et al write however that their results showed multiple hDNA signatures in
other words that their results were affected by the environment in which the skins and
parchment were kept during production (2010 1324) an issue that can begin to be
combated once a better understanding of the post-medieval parchment manufacturing
process is developed It seems safe to assume that Campana et al would have reviewed
or even re-published their results if they could answer either of these issues but clearly
the material does not exist In fact their only reference to the history of parchment is to
a text by Ronald Reed (1972) however Reed only references modern methods of making
parchment and a single recipe from 800BC Ultimately there is a significant gap in
understanding about the structure of the industry and how parchment was made
between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries Overall all these studies only cover a
very small number of primary and secondary sources on the history of the parchment
industry despite the clear benefits associated with reviewing within a more clearly
defined historical context though this appears to be due to a lack of literature on the
topic than of choice
Despite a lack of literature on these areas there does appear to have been a cluster of
work on parchment between the 1950s and 1970s though primarily discussing how
parchment is currently made and what methods and source materials contribute to the
19
manufacture of the highest-quality parchment ( Ryder 1958 Ryder 1960 Ryder 1964
Ryder 1969 Reed 1972 Reed 1975 Reed 1991 )
The state of the parchment industry has also been measured by the quality of the
parchment over time which a number of studies showing the steady decline of
parchment quality over the centuries Ryder covers 200 samples of parchment between
the eleventh and nineteenth centuries to determine the relative quality (Ryder 1991
31-32) Relatively it can be argued that seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
parchment was of the worse quality than the medieval (Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1964
70 Clarkson 1992 5) Many writers have therefore made the claim that this shows the
decline of the parchment industry and the rise of the paper industry with cheaper
lower-quality parchment being made in order to compete However few writers appear
to have considered the possibility of changes in the quality of the materials available to
be used for making parchment an area that will be reviewed in this project
Yeomans (2006) is one of the only people to map parchment-makers using parish
records Her work covers the Bermondsey area in London which was the key area for
tanning in London and most likely therefore the main centre of parchment production
for all of England This work might provide a useful methodology for the current study
and data collection as well as providing key information about the structure of related
industry in London
Similarly Hagadorn (2012) reviews the parchment industry in eighteenth-century France
discussing elements of the industry such as how parchment was made (2012 169) how
skins were preserved (2012 171) the common use of lsquoadult sheep as opposed to lambsrsquo
sourced from local butchers by French parchment-makers (2012 170) and how the
market functioned more generally This work provides a useful methodology but also a
model of how a parchment industry would operate in that time period in a culture and
economy that is relatively similar to Englandrsquos It should be noted that the French
parchment industry has been well-studied and is very well-documented a luxury not
applicable to the study of the English parchment industry Fitzsimmons for example
has studied the integration of parchment-makers in Paris with other corporations
(Fitzsimmons 2010) and this might provide an insight into the role of English guilds in
the parchment industry Indeed one might expect the French and English parchment
20
industries to share many similarities both in scale and processes making both of these
pieces of work useful in both understanding the industry and creating a methodology
for future research
In conclusion despite little information being available on the history of the parchment
industry a number of texts detailing the composition of parchment and the effects of
breed-type diet environment grease content and age on the overall quality Combining
this information with the overview of the various texts discussing parchment quality
over time will offer some insights into the possible changes occuring in sheep farming in
the past These texts should also offer a number of interesting research possibilities for
reviewing any future conclusions made on the parchment industry between the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries
However literature surrounding the history of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 is extremely rare Very little is understood in terms of the size of the industry
its geography its source materials product prices taxation laws manufacturing laws
manufacturing practices or the various processes that occurred between an animals
slaughter the manufacture of parchment and the products eventual sale More detail is
known on the London and French parchment industry though the literature here also
remains limited The overall lack of literature on this topic further highlights the need to
initiate an investigation into this significantly overlooked industry and presents a source
of historical data on a time period severely lacking in economic historic and
archaeological information
21
23 New Areas of Research
There have been a number of groundbreaking new research methods surrounding
parchment that have been developed in recent times A plethora of new scientific
methods have been adopted for instance the chemical and spectroscopic analyses of
parchment has allowed archaeologists to identify the inks and other products used on
parchment for writing or decorative purposes ( DrsquoAgata et al 2007 ) In 2000 it was shown
that historic DNA (hDNA) could be be lsquoisolated from most of the various biomaterialsrsquo
and this hDNA has the possibility to be used to lsquodetermine the organic remnantrsquos
genusspecies of origin and on the other hand to create the genetic profile of an
individual animalrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Hence this new research could determine the
breeds of animal populations used in parchment production and help to determine the
timing or existence of an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo by developing a detailed
understanding of the animals being used in the agricultural system assessing the timing
of changes in sheep breeds due to changes in farming techniques and developing a
better understanding of the various objectives of farming communities However this
technology has primarily been focused on more specific rare medieval parchment
samples (see Stinson 2011 Teasdale et al 2017 Stinson 2009 Clarke 2001) however
the studies conducted creates a number of possibilities for similar research on the
post-medieval period However studies of this nature as stated earlier require research
on the processes of the parchment industry and how the parchment was prepared for
example as was warranted for the studies conducted on the Dead Sea Scrolls (see Poole
and Reed 1962)
There are of course still areas of concern with this research for example Campana et al
in 2010 presented how DNA found in parchment is more complex than first thought
with the manufacturing process affecting the hDNA extracted as a result of
cross-contamination during the industrial production process (Campana et al 2010)
However as Teasdale et al (2015) discuss the form of hDNA research used by Campana
et al has lsquowell-documented deficiencies particularly with regard to controlling and
estimating contaminationrsquo and that this next generation sequencing now being adopted
generates lsquomany orders of magnitude more datarsquo (Teasdale et al 2015 2) These
methods are clearly becoming increasingly accurate and it appears to be only a matter
22
of time before they are more widely applied to a range of archaeological research
However in order to understand the results of these tests it is imperative that they be
understood within the historical context Therefore a detailed understanding of the
industry and the manufacturing techniques is required before the results of these
experiments can be fully understood It also important it be understood where
parchment samples originate in order to understand to what geographical region the
results of any hDNA studies apply As a result the commonly adopted method of
reviewing any stationers stamp or taxation stamp to determine the origin of a sample of
parchment must also be questioned
Overall it remains particularly unfortunate that despite the incredibly interesting work
on hDNA its application to the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries has remained in its
infancy due in no small part to a significant lack of historical information on the
parchment industry during this period However there is by no means a lack of
information on this area and there therefore exists a great opportunity for research in
this area
23
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry
31 Uses for Parchment
From modern collections of parchment it is clear the material was still widely used well
into the early nineteenth century for a variety of purposes However parchment was
predominantly used for legal documents for example being the material used for the
custody of charters patents acts of parliament commissions chirographs deeds and
recognizances all of which were kept by the lsquoMaster of the Rollsrsquo (Chambers 1728 208
507) as well lsquococketsrsquo which were forms for recording goods that had been taxed (1728
242) Parchment was also used in the manufacture of pocket-sized memorandums (Sibly
1808 67) while parchment off-cuts were often used for the manufacture of glue (Smellie
1771 456 Sibly 1808 112) With parchment being the material used for such a huge
variety of products it appears clear that the industry must have remained of fairly
considerable size particularly with the rapid population increase between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries (see Wrigley and Schofield 1981) Furthermore the nature of
the documents recording property acts of parliament tax apprenticeships licenses
and so on likely means parchment was a material of high status it being almost
exclusively reserved for high status documents These were also documents often
required to be kept for a long period of time testifying to the view of parchment as a
high status material and one of greater state of cultural and physical permanence
Furthermore the demand for the products listed above can only have increased over
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of the huge population increase that
occurred over these centuries and the commensurate rise in bureaucracy and litigation
As time went on however many of these documents were instead made of paper but as
we know for many modern large collections of parchment the process was perhaps
slower than many have presumed
32 Who was Selling the Skins
Unfortunately very little is recorded about the parchment industry in regard to the
processes prior to the manufacture of parchment from skins Exactly who was flaying
24
the skins and from whom parchment-makers were purchasing skins is challenging to
determine from the limited literature and primary evidence
In the seventeen twenties Houghton described skins for manufacturing parchment
being sourced from butchers (1728 326) suggesting that the butchers flayed the skins
which were then purchased by tanners and parchment-makers Similarly a number of
the laws passed during this period on the topic of flaying skins referred to butchers as
the primary sources for flayed skins For example in 1603 the lsquoAct concerninge Tanners
Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupyinge the cuttinge of Leatherrsquo refers to
butchers as those flaying animals though also refers to there being various other trades
that involved the cutting of leather (1 Jas I c22) In fact for nearly all the laws on flaying
that succeeded this Act butchers are referred to as those primarily flaying animals
Similarly in 1806 The Flaying Act Considered As Without Benefiting the Pubic most Severely
Oppressing the Butchers of London (An Impartial Observer 1806) details the damaging
effects of the flaying laws on the butchers of London The author refers to the
lsquoindustrious butchersrsquo being fined extremely large amounts of money for damaging
skins (1806 15) Finally in 1808 when the inspection of skins in London was reorganised
the Butchers Company were assigned to appoint seven people to inspect all skins (Chitty
1824 353) This law also included the Curriers Company and the Cordwainers but given
the many references to butchers and the power given to them in this law it seems very
likely that butchers were the primary flayers of carcases
A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto
with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents published in 1824 also specifically
refers to Butchers as those who flay and sell skins (Chitty 1824 347) It refers to
lsquobutchers and others who flay carcasesrsquo as desposing of the raw or salted skins to
tanners who then sell them on to other workers of skinned-goods (1824 347) However
it is not required that the skins be tanned prior to making parchment and so perhaps it
is more likely that the parchment-makers purchased their skins from the butchers or
fellmongers
Chambers (1728) however describes the process of making parchment as being lsquobegun
by the skinner and ended by the parchment-makerrsquo (1728 351) Similarly the 1771
Encyclopaedia Britannica suggests that the process begins with skinners (Smellie 1771
25
456) This could refer to butchers but a number of historical sources make a distinction
between skinners and butchers (Bailey 1784 Campbell 1747 332 339 Kent 1798)
Ultimately it can only be determined that the initial stage of the process is started with
the skinning of the animal by someone other than the parchment-makers though in the
majority of cases this was done by butchers
In regards to who sold the skins to parchment-makers the process in London is fairly
well understood In 1842 Charles Knight elaborated on the processes that occurred in
London discussing who actually sold the skins after they had been flayed He states that
the skins were sold to the various manufacturers such as the wool-staplers
leather-dressers and parchment-makers by fellmongers in the area (Knight 1842 29)
These dealers of skins were found throughout England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries Baileyrsquos (1785) directory lists over 20 listed fellmongers across
England though it was likely there were a great deal more 1
A decade later Poole wrote that the skins of sheep were lsquocarried loose from the
abattoirs and slaughter-houses to the tanneries either loose or in casks without
heading for the purpose of being tanned into leather which is used in various ways as
covers for books parchment harness ampcrsquo (1852 275) This description of the process
remains somewhat odd as parchment was not actually tanned during its manufacture
However Knight also describes these skins being transported through London stating
lsquoWho is there that has not at some time or other had his ears dinned and tormented in
the London streets by a cart rattling and rumbling over the rough stones and laden
with sheep-skinsrsquo (Knight 1842 26) Whether this occurred exclusively in London or
more widely across Englandrsquos towns and cities is difficult to determine However it does
offer another example of fellmongers plying their trade purchasing flayed skins and
selling them on the streets of London
1 It is also worth noting that a few of the fellmongers listed in Baileyrsquos 1784 directory are often listed as being both fellmongers and skinners
26
It appears that skinners and butchers almost exclusively flayed the skins and then sold
the skins either directly to tanners parchment-makers or to skin salesmen and
fellmongers who would then sell on the skins Unfortunately there is little in the
literature on the exact process It appears that many people could be involved in the
sale of parchment and skins with the materials passing through many places (and
presumably geographical locations) prior to reaching the stationer However the records
that do exist show that the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then
sold either directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell In
London in particular skins were purchased from slaughter-houses and then sold
throughout the city by skin salesmen
It also appears that in many instances fellmongers would also be parchment-makers
Despite laws preventing tanners from selling skins (see section 72) the laws did not
extend to parchment-makers The insurance policies shown in section 35 show the
secondary occupations of those listed Of the 17 individual parchment-makers listed
around 47 of them were listed as also being fellmongers This would have been of a
significant benefit to parchment-makers as they would then have access to the specific
skins required for the manufacture of high quality parchment Furthermore it would
have allowed for two sources of income a position not available to many others in the
various skin trades and perhaps necessary given the low incomes of many
parchment-makers
In conclusion the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then sold either
directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell There are also
many instances where the parchment-makers were both source the skins and use them
to manufacture parchment
27
33 How was Parchment Manufactured
lsquoGood parchment must be thin strong yet flexible and have a smooth surfacersquo
(Ryder 1991)
There are a number of historic texts on how parchment was manufactured although
there are discrepancies in some of the more precise details A particularly detailed
description of the process from the period under discussion can be found in Husbandry
and trade improvd being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle
coals hops wool ampc (Houghton 1728 325-328) which has been summarised below
As stated this is perhaps the most detailed outlining of the manufacturing process
during the eighteenth century However it is worth comparing these details with a
variety of other descriptions from various sources in order to highlight possible
variations in the process
The first step is rarely mentioned in primary texts besides an 1838 article in The
Saturday Magazine which states that the skins are first de-haired then smeared with
28
quick-lime on the flesh-side and then were lsquoFolded once in the direction of their length
laid in heaps and left to ferment for ten or fifteen dayslsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838
134) The initial step of allowing the skins to deteriorate before removing the wool is also
a standard step for modern parchment-makers and appears unavoidable both then and
now as a necessary step allowing for the wool to be removed more easily Hanging the
skins and scrapping the wool were the same as the standard process for tanning
leather They are are also steps taken in the manufacture of modern parchment
samples as well as being steps outlined in a variety of other historical texts (Yeomans
2006 33 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456)
One improvement in the manufacturing process that did occur was the lsquosplitting
processrsquo which involves splitting the skin and using only the flesh-side for parchment
(Plenderleith amp Werner 1971 45 Ryder 1991 31 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134)
though this was a change that appears to have occurred very early in this period In fact
parchments lacking follicle remains with lsquoan open mesh of coarse collagen fibres
suggesting the flesh side of a split skinrsquo have been found in samples as early as the
thirteenth century though becoming common from the sixteenth century onwards
(Ryder 1969 534-535)
Putting the skins in a lime pit washing them and then stretching the skin over a frame
were also clearly standard steps in making parchment and are confirmed elsewhere in
the literature (Reed 1991 26 Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1983 730-731 Hagadorn 2012 169 ) However
many washed skins on site while others appear to have cleaned skins in fresh running
water This appears true at least in 1619 when complaints are recorded about
parchment-makers washing skins in Northamptonshire rivers (Page 1930 26-30) This
may explain the evolution towards the increased usage of pits for cleaning skins There
is also an example of an individual named Mr Cogan who washed skins in running fresh
water in Bristol claiming that although slower this would sufficiently soften the skins
(Ballard 1882 70) Although seemingly not the norm at least in London this may have
been adopted by many in the English countryside though presumably not in major
cities due to the issue of severe pollution of local water supplies
29
There are only a small number of sources that detail how long the skins were required
to be in the pit (or pits) with the overall amount of time varying depending on the skins
used Watt (1906) describes having to leave greasy skins in a lime-pit for a week or even
ten days (Watt 1906 439) suggesting the period of time they were left in these pits
would have been variable depending the levels of grease in the skins Also modern
parchment-makers lime the skins for a far shorter period than three weeks and yet it
appears the manufacturing process despite mechanisation has remained very similar
The skins were limed numerous times and in different pits or the same pit with
different solutions and the process seems to have been clearly understood by writers
both then and now however the time taken liming the skins appeared to differ
significantly
The final steps in the process from stretching the skins to the pumice are described in a
number of other texts (see Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1969 532 Plenderleith and Werner 1971 45)
However the time it would have taken for the skins to dry was dependent on the
weather and the skins used
In conclusion the range of literature offers a very clear and detailed overview of the
history of the manufacturing process of parchment with the process remaining very
similar over time However the profession of parchment-maker was a difficult and
required a great deal of skill and training
30
34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker
Unfortunately there are very few primary sources that allude to the socio-economic
position of parchment-makers However it is also important to consider that perhaps
most parchment-makers were located outside of major cities (discussed section 43) and
so would have proven difficult for writers of the time to judge the scale and revenue of
the industry
Campbellrsquos lsquo The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades
Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and
Westminsterrsquo offers overviews of the sums given with apprenticeships the cost of setting
up as a Master and the working hours on a wide variety of professions in London
However even in a text as thorough as this even Campbell confesses to his inability to
determine the incomes of journeymen parchment-makers (Campbell 1747 321)
Campbell does however list some key figures that may prove useful (see Table 1) His
data shows the fees surrounding parchment-making as being some of the lowest of any
London-based skin-related profession This data combined with the quote from
Campbell (1747 321) appears to show the profession was one of little financial merit
with Campbell describing the profession as requiring lsquoneither strength nor ingenuity nor
is there much profit attending it and very little of it manufactured in town so little at
least that after the strictest enquiry I cannot find what wages is given a Journeymanrsquo
(Campbell 1747 321) However parchment-making was clearly a fairly highly-skilled
trade with prior apprenticeship training and an in-depth knowledge of the production
31
required to partake in the profession Campbell however was unlikely to have actually
known the parchment manufacturing process it being a widely protected trade secret
and so his opinion appears conjectural However Campbell does clearly show that
parchment-making at least within the city of London was a profession of relatively low
income
This conclusion is further supported by The Book of Rates which shows the excise licence
for parchment-makers cost as little as pound1 which was far lower than most professions
and again lower than related professions (Anon 1787 109) though this may be due to
the already high stamp duty set on parchment (discussed section 51) However any
aspiring oil leather dressers would have had to pay double the rate of a
parchment-maker and a tawer of leather would have paid five times this amount (1787
109) However the fact the government felt capable of issuing both licensing costs and
stamp duty indicates the market still made enough money firstly to survive the costs
but also that it made enough money to profitably enforce nationwide licences and tax
However when comparing the costs with similar professions of the time it seems safe
to conclude that for many parchment-makers the profits remained relatively small
The incomes shown in the Witherby data (see appendix 1) do however show some
parchment-makers were making huge sums of money by the end of the eighteenth
century Perhaps a huge spectrum existed for profit-making potential with small and
large parchment works coexisting however it may also suggest that the incomes of
parchment-makers increased significantly during the eighteenth century with a rise in
litigation and legislation However perhaps a more likely situation is that the already low
incomes of parchment-makers coupled with the intensive taxation and regulation of the
market may have forced smaller parchment works out of business Overall despite a
lack of data on this area it is possible to see either an increase in profits for the period
or a huge range in the levels of production of the various parchment firms
32
35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry
It is important to note that the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries were a time that
most writers consider to have seen the steady decline of the use of parchment and the
beginning of the dominance of the paper industry (Lyall 1989 11-29 Ryder 1991 26
Reed 1991 217) Though this is not necessarily a reflection of the socio-economic status
of parchment which as shown earlier was still widely used for a variety of purposes
most of which were documents of major significance However it is often remarked for
example that after the introduction of paper the quality of parchment declined and the
parchment industry fell into serious decline (Rogers 1887 601 M L Ryder 1964 Ryder
1991 Clarkson 1992) It is rarely disputed that a causal relationship exists here however
a widespread number of other factors appear to have been ignored after the finding of
such a lsquoneatrsquo correlation in the historical data This decline could also be the result of a
forced change in manufacturing methods a change in the quality of the source
materials used in its production government policies or due to a decline in demand for
specifically high-quality parchment and shift to a more homogenous product
Furthermore more recent research has shown that the quality of parchment appears to
have actually increased between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries followed by a
second sudden decline in quality around the turn of the eighteenth century (see
Appendix 2) indicating the introduction of paper and the subsequent decline of
parchment is not the whole story Certainly the introduction of paper could explain this
initial decline however answers still need to be found for this second fall in quality for if
parchment quality and the state of the industry is intrinsically linked there are clearly
other factors that contributed to the eventual collapse of this industry
A direct link is often drawn between the rise of the paper industry and the subsequent
decline of the parchment industry However as Trolander states lsquoactually what drove the
rise in paper initially was improving economic conditions in England during the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries which created demand for skilled religious and
state administrators who relied on paper as a medium for record keepingrsquo (Trolander
2014) Furthermore if accepted that there were consistently around 15 million living
sheep each year (as stated in Apostolides et al 2008 43) then it could have proven
cost-effective to have produced parchment during this period with the huge supply of
33
skins lowering the cost of this key source material Also although the rise of paper
would have naturally affected what some parchment-makers were producing many
began developing new uses for their parchment lsquoTo meet this sudden new challenge of
the printed book parchment-makers of the sixteenth century found an outlet for their
product by using it as a full binding material to cover the early paper editions an activity
which they themselves largely undertook and developedrsquo (Reed 1991 217) Parchment
was still heavily involved in the production of books and yet there still exists lsquoa chasm in
our knowledge of the origins of the skin materials used in the construction of booksrsquo
(Neate et al 2011) which is further evidence of the importance of this research Finally
the significant population increase between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Brownlee 1915 221-222 Wrigley and Schofield 1989 577 Wrigley 2011 170-171)
needs to be considered Provided that parchment maintained any remotely significant
usage during these centuries the demand for the product was likely to have increased
substantially Again understanding what parchment was used for during seventeenth to
nineteenth centuries is therefore very subsequential
Overall it is clear that traditional parchment products were in decline during a period
when the use of paper was increasing across England The term lsquotraditional parchment
productsrsquo being key here as it appears parchment was beginning to be used in different
ways in order to survive though the extent of what parchment was actually used for
remains mostly unknown This also brings into question the traditional view of the
parchment industry falling into decline as a direct result of the widespread introduction
of paper A review of the changing parchment quality transaction sizes and number of
parchment-makers would answer many of the questions surrounding this debate In
fact a review of these details would offer a far clearer picture of the widespread
introduction of paper across England as well offering more information for those
studying the changes occurring in the English book trade Furthermore the traditionally
held view of the widespread adoption of paper being the direct and final cause of the
decline of the industry should be questioned
34
36 The Price of Parchment
The price of parchment is a source of data rarely used by writers when discussing the
agricultural revolution despite its value in offering insights into an entire unstudied
industry the value of livestock and the various leather and skin trades However despite
the potential gains there exists two key issues with the data on parchment prices Firstly
that parchment prices from the eighteenth century are difficult to obtain and secondly
that parchment often came in a variety of quantities making comparisons of price over
time difficult For example some sales were of individual parchment skins some by the
dozen and others by rolls a legally defined term meaning twenty skins (The Saturday
Magazine 1838134) This being said there is a number of fairly comprehensive datasets
on parchment prices
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices
Rogerrsquos lists a significant number of parchment transactions before 1682 but none
thereafter (Rogers 1887 575-606) This perhaps reflects the decline of the parchment
trade and a belief that the later prices were not important enough to include or perhaps
that the industry moved away from production for universities from which Thorold
received most of his prices (Rogers 1887 v) Similarly it could be a result of prices were
no longer recorded in the same materials and sources as after a 1711 act (9 Ann c11)
parchment prices were being set by the government with the government also
becoming the almost sole buyer of parchment (discussed in section 51)
Figure 2 presents a graph of the parchment transactions in Rogerrsquos work with the values
converted into pence in order to better illustrate the changes over time and to allow for
simpler data comparisons Furthermore transactions of vellum have been removed as
well as two transactions for parchment rolls (though they can be found in Appendix 3)
35
36
The transactions collected show the price of parchment to have increased though at at
a fairly slow rate (see figure 2) There are a number of very high transaction values
perhaps being the sale of very high quality parchment for specialist products
Unfortunately with transactions as small as these significant variability can occur
However Rogers does state that there was a 114 increase in the price of parchment
between his collection of 1541 to 1582 parchment transactions and his 1583 to 1702
data (Rogers 1887 794) though did not publish these transaction values in any later
volumes
Ultimately the prices collected by Rogers show that the price of parchment could vary
quite significantly with some transactions showing a dozen skins selling for considerably
more than others though the price of parchment seems to have remained stagnant for
much of this period Even the 114 increase does not constitute a huge increase when 2
compared to other price rises of the time When adopting the same periods of
comparison to Clarkrsquos collection of prices (Clark and Lindert 2006) mutton increased by
14972 between 1541 to 1582 prices compared to the 1583 to 1702 prices Barley
increased by 10546 and oats by 9084 However if the price of parchment had failed
to increase by any significant amount by 1682 (as shown in figure 2) and then increased
by 114 by 1702 parchment must have had a very sudden increase in price
362 Gregory Clark Prices
These prices are from a spreadsheet compiled by the economic historian Gregory Clark
from the University of California a document later re-formatted and converted to metric
by Professor P Lindert (Clark and Lindert 2006) Unfortunately the original source of
parchment prices has not been listed with the only other instance of these prices being
presented by Professor Clark were in an unpublished conference paper titled lsquoTowards a
Global History of Prices and Wagesrsquo (Clark 2004) This collection of prices is however one
of the most comprehensive collections available and spans admittedly with some gaps
from 1274 to 1706 (see figure 3)
2 It is also worth considering that the variability of prices was perhaps an indication of the variability of parchment quality
37
38
Similar to the results of Rogerrsquos 1887 work the prices shown in Clarkrsquos work present a
long history of a slowly ascending price for parchment followed by a sudden price
increase by the end of the eighteenth century This sudden increase perhaps being an
increase in prices being set by parchment-makers as a result of the advent of new forms
of taxation on some parchment products However Hughes (1941) writes lsquothe contracts
have been made with only two or three great stationers or others entered into
partnership with them who engross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it
in their power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo with this
being true at least until 1711 (Hughes 1941 248) Unfortunately the prices end 1706 and
a review of the original source material could help to shed light on these dramatic price
changes and the sudden lack of parchment prices There is likely some connection
however with the High Treasury beginning to set prices in 1711 as well as becoming the
exclusive purchasers of parchment To conclude however the market appears fairly
stable with the prices only increasing slowly and furthermore appear to support the
prices collected in Rogerrsquos listed transactions
Even when comparing Clarkrsquos prices to the inflation in the prices of goods from the
period as well as the average wages of the period the increase in the price of
parchment appears fairly substantial (see Appendix 4) However when comparing the
percentage increase in the average value of Clarkrsquos 1541 to 1582 parchment prices with
the average value of his 1583 to 1702 prices in a similar method to Rogers the value of
the parchment actually decreases by 98 There is however a spike in the prices of
parchment in Clarkrsquos work similar to the Rogerrsquos price spike with Clarkrsquos appearing to
occur around 1683 with the following year seeing a 100 increase in the price of
parchment Both of these datasets seem to show the price of parchment as being
stagnant for hundreds of years before a quite sudden spike roughly around 1683-1684
This considerable stagnation in prices may indicate a decline in the demand for
parchment and in part a decline of the industry more broadly It may also however
show an ability by parchment-makers to dramatically lower prices through increasingly
efficient methods of production and drastically increasing supply or lowering quality
though this appears unlikely given manufacturing methods remained consistent for
39
several centuries The results of this section will be revisited in the conclusion to
understand these changes within the context of other changes occuring in the market
40
363 Witherby Publishing Group Data
This section will review the data from the Witherby Publishing Group (see appendix 1)
collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018) The records show a
number of transactions that occurred with four parchment-makers during the
eighteenth century with fairly significant sums of money being exchanged
The data appears to show that a very different type of parchment market had emerged
by the end of the eighteenth century with parchment-makers generating very significant
incomes Unfortunately there is no information on the quantities of the parchment
being sold but even if one grants a significant increase in the price of parchment the
four individuals listed are clearly making a considerable quantity of parchment This is in
stark contrast to the few dozens being sold in various parts of the county as shown in
Rogerrsquos 1887 work
Furthermore it indicates that the price of parchment must have increased for if the
price of parchment remained stagnant and the price of parchment skins remained
similar to earlier centuries these four individuals would be making incredibly vast
amounts of parchment For example the average price of a single sheet parchment
during the seventeenth century according to Rogers data (1887) was just under a
shilling If the value for parchment had remained similar until the later eighteenth
century Noah Crook for example a parchment-maker from the Witherby data would
have been manufacturing between 7000 to 10000 sheets of parchment a year
The Witherby data provides a clear indication that the price of parchment must have
increased during the eighteenth century Furthermore it shows a possible changing
market structure in the industry The four individuals from the Witherby data were
making very significant sums of money and producing very large quantities of
parchment and yet prior to the eighteenth century the transactions sizes appear to
have been far smaller and from a variety of parchment-makers Perhaps this marks the
rise of larger parchment works and a move away from smaller-scale parchment-makers
41
364 Conclusions
Overall the nature of the records on the prices of parchment is sporadic containing
fairly substantial gaps in information The general consensus across the datasets
however shows a fairly stagnant market until towards the end of the seventeenth
century when there appears to have been an increase in the price of parchment Even
when compared to the general inflation in the prices of goods from the period the
increase in the scale of parchment production at least per site appears fairly
substantial Unfortunately the prices available in the literature stops a few years prior to
new legislation being enacted whereby parchment prices were to be set by the High
Treasury
The setting of prices coupled with the implementation of various laws surrounding the
production of parchment that were being set throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries appear the likely culprits of the increasing prices as inferred from the Witherby
data Furthermore a nineteenth-century writer under the pseudonym lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo wrote that these laws surrounding the quality control of parchment
production and the flaying of skins was expected to reduce the price of goods but that
instead they caused a number of goods to increase in price (An Impartial Observer 1800
20)
42
37 Salt Prices
The price of salt would have been a major influencer on the development of the
parchment industry Without the application of salt to skins the majority would have
only lasted between two to three days before they would become unusable Each skin
at least in more modern skins requires roughly two cups of salt for every pound of hide
and each skin to be salted twice (Churchill 1983 20) This is a fairly considerable quantity
of salt
In 1643 a Board of Excise was created an issued an early tax on salt This tax appears
likely to account for the early rise seen above It was withdrawn 1660 but reinstated in
1693 (6 Wil amp Mar c7) This tax was then continued and in some particular cases were
increased in 1696 (7 amp 8 Wil c31) The tax was then extended again 1698 (Pulteney
1731 8 ) In 1702 the salt commission was founded which overlooked and enforced the 3
tax on salt This tax on home produced white salt was by this point several times its
market value and was twice the rate on imported foreign salt (The Salt Association
2018)
3 This law was passed under 9th and 10th years of King William however I have yet to find the exact chapter pertaining to this extension of the law for this period of time There are however many extensions made in the 9amp10 Wil c44 law and so perhaps it is this law to which Pulteney refers
43
In 1730 the commission was ceased and the salt tax ended (3 Geo II c20) and this
would explain the very sudden dip in the price of salt around this period shown in figure
4 Lord Carteret when speaking in the House of Lords stated that in regards to the
various taxes set up and the effects they had on the lsquomanufacturers and artificiersrsquo of the
country stated lsquono tax lay so heavy upon them as this tax upon saltrsquo (Parliament House
of Lords 1742 66) After the country was lsquofree from such a heavy burdenrsquo (Parliament
House of Lords 1742 67) the prices again rose to pre-taxation prices Then despite
protests the duties on salt were reinstated in 1732 (5 Geo II c6) this being the likely
cause of the return to high salt prices post-1732 In 1798 the salt commission was
abolished and in 1825 the tax on salt was removed though the price remained fairly
high during this period most likely as consequence of the Napoleonic Wars
The high prices for salt during this period likely restricted many parchment-makers to
sourcing skins locally with any skins sourced further than a days travel likely being in an
unusable state by the time it arrived
44
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers
This section will present 676 records of parchment-makers between 1600 and 1900
from a variety of record-sets including apprenticeships probate records baptisms
directories marriage records records on crimes militia lists data from the Witherby
Publishing Group an unpublished site report and a variety of references to
parchment-makers from various authors The records go beyond 1650 and 1850 scope
of this project in order to further assess the validity of pre-census materials assessing
whether the numbers prior are particularly low or show any clear record-keeping biases
41 Review of Sources
Overall it is the census data that provides the most significant proportion of the records
in the data collected (see appendix 5) However these records only cover the period
after 1851 Prior to this period probate records and baptism records constitute the
majority of the records employed in this study the latter being used in preference to
probate records where possible with baptism records being produced when the
parchment-makers were still alive and engaged in the trade
The majority of all these records have been sourced from the ancestry website
Findmypastcouk Websites of this nature constitute perhaps the most significant
participation in the digitisation of the historic record turning the process into a
financially viable business model As such many of these sites now almost exclusively
own access to the digitised forms of these records which although present the issue of
paywalls to research projects of this nature provide the opportunity to collect and
interpret huge datasets in a relatively short period of time Until the archives sector or
academic community finds a viable method to digitise these records and make them
more accessible to the general public and academic institutions use of ancestry
websites such as Findmypastcouk are almost unavoidable However as this project
hopes to show use of sites such as this present the incredible importance of lsquobridging
the digital gaprsquo as termed by The National Archives in their current national digitisation
project (The National Archives 2018)
45
The records collected of the eighteenth century are primarily made up of apprenticeship
and probate records (see Appendix 4) These two records types are consistently found
throughout the various periods Partly as a result of the various duties associated with
such documents but also due to the importance of inheritance land and the nature of
parchment-making as being a highly skilled profession However there is the issue of
geographical bias in these records One such example may be York which holds a very
significant number of apprenticeship records due in part to the City of York Freemen and
Apprentices records that span over eight centuries This may bring into question the very
significant number of records found here prior to the eighteenth century however with
the records being kept all the way up until 1930 the later lack of records does offer
further validity to the eventual decline of the northern parchment industry at least in
the Yorkshire region
The eighteenth century records offer a greater variety of records types This is mostly in
part to the new and improving forms of records being kept and issued This allowed for
the use of more baptism and marriage records as oppose to probate records with the
former offering greater historical validity having been recorded when the
parchment-maker listed would have still been alive Regardless these probate records
do offer some insights into the socio-economic position of parchment-makers during
the time period with a seeming trend appearing to show a growing number of wealthy
parchment-makers over time however a more detailed analysis of these documents is
required There is also an increase in directory records with the recording and
publishing of trade directories becoming an increasingly common undertaking during
the period However there is an significant lack of parchment-makers being listed in
these directories both national (see Appendix 6) and local (see Appendix 7) This
highlights two key points Firstly the lack of parchment-makers in major towns and
cities where most trade directories covered And secondly it further highlights how
lsquohiddenrsquo parchment-makes are in the historical record and the need for the use of
digitised local record sets
Finally the nineteenth century offers the largest number of records with 424 records
during this century alone The records collected do go beyond what is considered the
46
scope of this project (1650-1850) however this use of later higher volume of records
should highlight any errors with the data that immediately preceded it
42 The Scale of the Industry
Upon on first glance 676 parchment-makers listed over a 300 year period seems rather
few at least when considering that the 1841 census lists 5957 tanners and 6982
tanners operating during 1841 alone (A Vision of Britain 2018) Furthermore parchment
is still being used for a wide variety of products during this period (see section 31)
There are are a variety of possible reasons for this figure It may be a lack of
representation of parchment-makers in the historical record Already it has been shown
parchment-makers were rarely mentioned in various trade directories (see Appendix 6
and 7) This appears significantly in part due to parchment-makers operating outside of
major towns and cities This appears very likely given the various smells and pollutants
involved in parchment production as well as the need by many for a fresh water supply
meant many were restricted to operating outside of major cities Parchment-makers
were also required to send the finished products to inspectors on the outskirts of towns
and cities (see section 52) and so there may have been little benefit to actually
operating within larger towns and cities to pay higher rents and to then send the
product out of town for inspection then taxation in London and eventual sale by
stationers What forms of record-keeping existed during this period being even more
sparse in the English countryside The only major cities in which parchment-makers
were consistently found in the historical record namely Salisbury York and London we
find a significant number of records
Furthermore perhaps many did not list their occupation as a parchment-maker Unlike
butchers curriers and tanners it was legally permissible that parchment-makers
glove-makers and a number of other light leather producers could work other
professions such as tanning cutting or selling skins or manufacturing other leather
goods (see section 52) For example many parchment-makers listed in section 45 were
also fellmongers There was also strong connections between parchment-makers and
glove-makers Many were organized together in various guilds in many locations over
long periods of time For example York between at least 1144 and 1419 (Hoffman 2011
184 Saxl 1954 18) Salisbury between 1613 until at least 1757 (Haskins 1912 80 204
47
737) London (Saxl 1954 18-19) Norwich (Crouse 1768 175) Chester (Freemen of
Chester 1992 18) Warwick (Craig 1960 287) and Paris (Fitzsimmons 2010 13) are just
some places where parchment-makers and glove-makers had been organised together
Glove-makers would have had in most cases the necessary tools while also using
similar types of light skins primarily sheepskins Finally parchment manufacture was a
highly skilled occupation though many of the laws of the period allowed for those
without apprenticeships to work on parchment provided they were under the
supervision of trained parchment-makers Perhaps many people working on parchment
were listed as lsquolabourersrsquo or lsquoservantsrsquo and were not themselves listed as
lsquoparchment-makersrsquo in the historical record
However the number of parchment-makers collected in the data presented in section
43 appears to actually represent a fairly accurate overview of the number of
parchment-makers These numbers after all do not offer insight into any changes in the
scale of production in various parchment works The 1841 census for example only lists
297 parchment-makers over the age of twenty in all of Great Britain with only two
operating in Scotland (A Vision of Britain 2018) There is no huge increase from the data
collected and this census data Furthermore this number is fairly significant when
compared to the paper industry The 1841 census lists 933 paper-makers Paper now
produces the majority of materials for the book trade and as the primary writing
material However Trolander estimates only one third of paper was produced for these
purposes with the rest being produced for other products (Trolander 2014 27) It is
perhaps a surprise then that an industry producing a material for so many uses
producing across the country (2014 28) unlike the parchment trade only employed just
over twice the number of producers Especially considering the fairly laborious process
that was still involved in paper production during the period (see Campbell 1747
125-126)
The Witherby data (appendix 1) also shows parchment-makers of the period producing
very high volumes of parchment Furthermore the parchment industry employed a
fairly significant number of manufacturers in spite of the industry only operating out of
a relatively small number of production centres The various economic motivations for
larger parchment works particularly the contracts between the High Treasury and larger
firms shows that the scale of production increased (discussed in chapter 5) In other
48
words the number of listed trained parchment-makers may be relatively low in the
historic record however the levels of production at these firms may have increased
significantly
Overall the data shows that the parchment industry was remained an industry of
significant economic importance There remained a significantly large highly-skilled
workforce operating in England The scale of this industry further highlights the need for
this research and highlights a significant source of future data and historical
information
49
43 Map of Parchment-Makers
This section reviews the maps made on the database created All the maps are shown
below however an interactive map is also available online at
httpsdrivegooglecomopenid=1cYHpfVWXK77s8yffkx3q6gN4ho8j8Eu6ampusp=sharing
An overview of the data is also available in appendix 8 with a detailed tabled of the
specific towns and cities recorded in appendix 9 and the types of records used during
each period is located in appendix 4
50
51
52
431 Review of the Data
The maps highlight several key aspects of the data Firstly a lack of parchment-makers
in the far south-west and the north of England In particular it appears there were a
fairly significant number of parchment-makers operating in York until the end of the
seventeenth century though there was a very sudden decline in these numbers over
time This likely suggests a decline in what was once a fairly major centre of parchment
production perhaps unsurprising due to a once flourishing book trade (Palliser and
Selwyn 1972 207) and the once high number of those purchasing legal and religious
materials in the region (see Winters 2012) The subsequent decline of the parchment
industry was perhaps therefore related to the decline of the book trade industry that
had occurred in the region however there a number of other possibilities are discussed
in the second half of this project
Secondly the data shows a fairly consistent number of parchment-makers in the
Midlands The figures here are not significantly high however they remain relatively
constant during between 1601 and 1900 The parchment industry may have survived in
this region due to the number of developing urban centres however if population
density and demand for local parchment supplies were directly correlated it would be
expected that this trend would continue in the more northern regions It could be stated
that this is the result of bias within the documentary records however the trend
continues very clearly in the later census data of 1851 and 1861 Perhaps the most
significant early conclusion that can be made is that there is no correlation between
developing urban centres and centres of parchment production
The data instead shows some very clear centres of production in the south of England
primarily in the regions stretching from Somerset to Middlesex and between Middlesex
through to Cambridgeshire and Suffolk In fact there appear to have been some very
clear towns and cities that were centres for the production of parchment between 1650
and 1850 (see Appendix 9) The top ten locations with records of operating parchment
works account for just under 44 of all parchment records from all the data collected
The parchment-makers listed in Salisbury Sherborne Marlborough Malmesbury and
the neighbouring town of Charlton represent a significant proportion of the data with
115 of the parchment-makers for these five locations alone Salisbury in particularly was
53
consistently a city with relatively significant number parchment-makers and was famous
for its production of parchment at least during the nineteenth century (Aubrey and
Britton 1847 95) Malmesbury also had a history of parchment-making being an area
which around c1800 had very few industries of significance besides lsquothe manufacturing
of leather gloves parchment and glue (Moffatt 1805 162 167) Aubrey and Britton offer
a possible theory that this was the result of lsquostrong watersrsquo in the region well-suited for
the washing skins (1847 95)
Sawston Cambridgeshire and Bury St Edmunds also offer interesting results Sawston
for example shows very few records being found for parchment works in the region
until the nineteenth century after which the data suggests the development of relatively
large parchment industry emerged A similar trend exists with the town of Bury St
Edmunds with only one record appearing between 1601 and 1800 though with 20
records appearing in nineteenth century It appears something has occurred that has
either allowed for or supported the growth of two large centres of production during
the nineteenth century
The persistent number of records in Middlesex and Surrey (primarily Bermondsey and
Southwark) is however of little surprise The boroughs inside the City of London offered
significant benefits to parchment producers being able to source from local abattoirs
as well as providing access to a incredibly vast trade network both nationally and
overseas The city also had a significant local market being the one of the largest cities
in Europe with a large demand for legal documents particularly from the central
government However a significant tanning industry had long been associated with the
settlements just beyond the outer reaches of London Yeomans highlighted the
eighteenth and nineteenth century existence of a parchment industry in this area as well
as its two major periods of production (Yeomans 2006) These industrial suburbs were
outside the punitive guild taxes enforced in the city of London offering even greater
financial benefits to parchment-makers and other workers of skinned goods
Overall the data shows a number of very clear centres of parchment production over
the period as the nexus for a fairly significant parchment industry across the country as
a whole Despite the traditional belief that the parchment industry fell into significant
decline following the widespread adoption of paper (as discussed in section 34) it
54
appears a significant number of parchment-makers were still operating at least until the
late eighteenth century The majority being located in South West England the Fenlands
regions and London or at least in very close proximity to London
55
44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies
A key source of information on the locations of parchment-makers can be found in The
British Book Trades 1775-1787 which lists a number of insurance policies taken out by
parchment-makers with the Sun Fire Office and The Royal Exchange insurance companies
(Maxted 1992) These records are by no means extensive the records only cover twelve
years during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and they also only represent
two of the insurance companies during a time when at least six were operating in
London and eight in the provinces (Maxted 1992 vi) However these policies state
where the parchment-makers were located as well as offering a more detailed insight
into the value and size of the firms and any secondary occupations the individuals held
Interestingly they further validate a number of the centres of production presented in
section 33 with Salisbury Malmesbury and St Margarets (in Marlborough) all listed
Coventry (10 parchment-makers) and Leicester (7) are also listed these also being areas
with a slightly higher than average number of parchment-makers (see Appendix 8)
Perhaps more surprisingly is the number of parchment-makers listed with high value
insurance policies Particularly as although different for the Royal Exchange the Sun Fire
Office only insured against fire until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickson 1960
110) This means that five individuals (records 10 12 16 17 21) held fire insurance
policies of a very high value particularly when compared to a number of other
insurance policies of those in other professions (see Maxted 1992) The value of these
policies is a clear indicator of the size and value of some of the parchment works in
operation during this period as well as further highlighting a number of key centres of
production
56
57
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844
To further test the validity of the previous data collected from primary sources (section
43) below are figures published by HM Stationers Office (HMSO 1844 1-237) This data
shows there to have been relatively few parchment-makers operating throughout
England during the nineteenth century identifying 357 parchment-makers though only
302 of them being over the age of 20 likely due in part to the number of young
parchment-makers in training as apprentices This data supports the location of many of
the major centres of production across the south east below a line from the Wash to
the Bristol Channel It further shows the lack of any parchment manufacturing industries
in the North of England or the south West The spreadsheet containing this information
is available on the CD included in this project
-
58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws
Despite the often sporadic nature of many of the records of the seventeenth eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries there still remains a reservoir of information in records
pertaining to tax and law The history of parchment industry can be in part ascertained
from what is found in these records The significant events and changes that occured in
the parchment industry as well as many of the main economic pressures of the period
can be determined by a review of this information The period was marked by increasing
levels of government regulation of various industries and the parchment industry was
no exception Taxation in particular played a key role in driving market forces and with
the growing development of early capitalism and the improved trade and transport
networks all these areas will have played key roles in shaping the parchment industry
during this period
51 Parchment Taxation
The 1688 revolution had plunged the country into lsquofinancial commitments on a level
previously unimaginablersquo (Beckett 1985 287) and as such the period of 1650 to 1850
was subject to a plethora of new and extensive taxation laws in order to raise money for
the crown In 1694 the Bank of England was established and this can perhaps be seen
as the focal point from which after a wave of various money-making government acts
were created primarily centred around the implementation of temporary taxation laws
the majority of which were later extended or made permanent
However no review of the laws specifically pertaining to the taxation of parchment
exists As such a review of all laws pertaining to parchment has been conducted and an
overview of parchment taxation laws can found in appendix 10 with a table of acts in
appendix 11 This history of these laws must first be understood before reviewing the
effects they had on the market
The laws passed implementing duties on various parchment-based products similar to
many products and materials taxed during this period were very extensive There were
a number of laws passed during the seventeenth century with many legal documents
59
being subject to various stamp duties along with strict organisational changes only
allowing trained individuals to partake in certain skinned-based activities for example
tanning flaying and parchment-making However the most significant and extensive act
occurred in 1711 during the ninth year of Queen Annersquos reign (9 Ann c11) As stated in
appendix 10 all parchment would now be taxed and was required to be sent to London
for inspection and the issuing of duties Furthermore the movement of skins the
network of the parchment trade and the market value of parchment was now all
essentially under the total control of the government
This is hugely significant in the development of the parchment industry Any
parchment-maker situated in or around London was now at a great advantage After
this act stationers would now purchase parchment (set at a fee fixed by the High
Treasury) and have the parchment issued with the necessary duties in London and then
distribute the parchment across England sending the parchment to one of the many
stationer offices set up across the country With the distribution network of parchment
almost exclusively owned and run by the government and with the market value set far
lower the survival of a parchment work could only be achieved with an increased
market share reduced production costs and a steady demand for parchment from a
local government-run stationer The reduction in production costs being of particular
significance and a standard only achieved with an increased scale of production a local
supply of high quality skins (likely purchased in relatively high quantities) the improving
efficiency of the manufacturing processes (though combined with a likely reduction in
parchment quality) and minimal land rents and local tax rates
Stationers were also certainly capable of stockpiling parchment supplies further
increasing government control of the market The industry was therefore likely subject
to great fluctuations in the levels of demand with the now almost exclusive purchaser of
parchment (the government) offering beneficial treatment to larger parchment works
The government could control how much it purchased and at what price and
consequently at least from the parchment-makers perspective the market was likely to
have been incredibly volatile with huge barriers to entry
Over the next century the laws covering the taxation of parchment became increasingly
extensive (see appendix 10) The result of these increasing duties and various attempts
60
to improve their implementation would have placed further strain on the smaller
parchment works and further incentivising the development of southern-based larger
parchment works capable of increased economies of scale and of providing a steady
supply to government stationers
However the actual success of these laws must be questioned The persistent re-issuing
of old duties the development of new duties stamps and regulations as well as the
continuous attempts to strengthen the governments market control brings into
question the success of previous laws Conversely with the necessity that all parchment
be stamped and the continued implementation of new stamps and increasingly difficult
to bypass regulations any black market would likely have declined significantly over
time
Furthermore it must also be considered that the extent of these laws and the incredible
amount of government investment may
instead indicate the success of these laws
By the early nineteenth century the
amount of money being made from stamp
duties on various products made almost
exclusively from parchment was
considerable (see figure 13) and with the
government controlling the value and
production of parchment very large sums
of money were clearly made The fact that
these laws were continuously enforced and
reissued over the course of a century
under the separate rule of four separate
monarchs may be a testament to the
success of profit made by the government
and the continuous attempts to access
further profits in already lucrative market
though at the likely expense of the success
of the industry itself The highly regulated
and difficult conditions were only
61
completely abolished in 1815 likely as a result of widespread social unrest of the period
and the various petitions made by many of the various members of the workers and
traders of skinned goods (see appendix 12) and not due to any failing in regards to the
funds raised for the government budget
62
52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment
lsquoThe examiners have attained the faculty of discovering the most trifling and frivolous reasons
for inflicting punishment for unavoidable offences insomuch that the said fines are now
nearly doubledrsquo
(An Impartial Observer 1800 23)
From the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century the implementation of a
series of increasingly intrusive laws surrounding the flaying of animal skins is apparent
A detailed overview of these laws had been conducted and is available in appendix 12
as well as a table outlining the specific laws available in appendix 13
The act of 1603 was the first act regulating the quality of skins and various skin-based
products and remained the only major defining regulatory act for over a century (1 Jac
c22) The law was likely a response to the decline of the guilds as well as the
significantly declining overall quality of parchment that had occurred in the previous
century (see Appendix 1) The steady improvement of parchment over the seventeenth
century and the lack of any newly issued laws regulating parchment manufacture
appear a testament to the success of this law
However the later eighteenth century manufacturing regulatory acts appear a response
to the 1711 law (9 Ann c11) the act essentially granting control of the movement price
distributors and tax rates of parchment giving government almost complete control of
the market The implementation of these laws was likely to enforce the maintaining of
high quality parchment despite a reduction in the market value of parchment overall
Essentially the government put parchment-makers in the position of being legally
required to produce high quality parchment but for a far lower price However the
persistent failure of the laws success with the decline of parchment quality during the
eighteenth century (see Appendix 1 Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70
Clarkson 1992 5) may be the likely cause of the reissuing and intensification of the
various regulatory measures
The repeated implementation of similar laws also seems to show the persistent failures
of the laws preceding them or at least that this was the belief of the governments of
the time These laws were likely to have deeply affected the parchment market as
63
growing government regulation of the various professions involving the manufacture of
goods from animal skins grew exponentially during these two centuries setting strict
manufacturing guidelines and limitations as well as the implementation of widespread
fines This period in general saw an ever-increasing level of intervention by government
in various industries and markets the various laws surrounding the flaying of skins were
therefore part of a larger regulation of standards and markets by government
Unfortunately even in spite of the incredible magnitude of the changes that occurred
over the following century it was clear the changes were not sufficient to see any
significant improvement or even maintaining of parchment quality (see Appendix 1) In
1806 a book was published by lsquoAn Impartial Observerrsquo titled The Flaying Act Considered
As Without Benefiting the Public most Severely Oppressing the Butchers of London
(1806) This text widely criticised the 1803 law (43 Geo III c127) introducing the new
fines and inspections to London stating all parchment must be taken to Leadenhall
Market for inspection if manufacture within a 15 mile radius of the site The Act also
instituted a fine of 2s 6d for anyone in possession of neglected or damaged skins with
an extra half penny for every damaged skin Below is a quote from lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo on the subject of these fines
lsquoNothing stronger proves the inattention of the industrious butcher to what was passing
parliament than the very great disproportion of fines this act enforces for it will hardly be
credited that sheep and lamb-skins which (independent of wool) are on a fair average
worth only seven-pence halfpenny from the butcher to the purchaser are liable to a fine of
three-pence which with the salesmanrsquos charge and inspectors fee amounts to four-pence
farthing while the severity of the examiners has been extended to censure nearly one-third of
all brought before themrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 15)
The laws had clearly made the production of leather and parchment very risky affairs
due to the incredibly severe fines The author of this text continues to discuss the failure
of the law to understand the parchment-making process They describe the operation of
converting sheep skins to parchment as lsquoa very delicate operationrsquo and one that causes
lsquofrequent cuts and gashesrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 19) This being considered as
well as the fact that inspectors were paid for every skin found to have been damaged
(Chitty 1824 351) it appears very likely these laws would have resulted in a great
64
number of (often unwarranted) fines The law incentivised officers to consistently find
cuts and blemishes on skins in an industry where cuts and blemishes were almost
inevitable Defects in the skins were not always immediately visible depending on the
physico-chemical treatment that had been applied in the vat however in many cases the
defects could only be recognised later when the material was actually put to use
(Minard 2011 150) The smaller parchment works of the period particularly those
without large contracts with stationers must have struggled significantly during this
period If only a small number of skins were considered damaged the parchment works
would receive very significant fines and the possible seizure of much of their stock
It is also worthy of note that the lsquoImpartial Observerrsquo also refers to many of the flayers
outside of London as being often untrained and consequently being the primary source
of damaged skins (An Impartial Observer 1806 5-6) This may indicate the high level of
specialisation in London and the failure of early laws to ensure high quality flayed skins
outside of London However it may also have simply proven pragmatic to state this as
the author may be attempting to have the 1803 law retracted while hoping to continue
profiting from the highly intrusive laws affecting the rest of England
By the time these laws were eventually repealed (after a significant number of petitions
from various groups) the effect on the parchment industry must have been substantial
Even if laws preceding the 1800 act (39 amp 40 Geo III c67) which implemented the
creation of inspection points be set up outside each city had been widely ineffective the
effect on the industry between 1800 and 1815 at a minimum must have been very
significant A huge number of smaller parchment works must have collapsed or been
forced to merge with other firms The widespread fines and inspections and the
incentivisation of inspectors to find damaged skins would have put further strain on the
market with only the larger firms capable of creating a more homogenous product and
able to afford the inevitable fines capable of surviving
53 Who is enforcing these laws
The 1603 act (1 Jac I c22) states that all leather goods within three miles of London
must be inspected and sealed before they can legally be sold Eight individuals were
therefore appointed to inspect and tax skins and hides these individuals were
65
designated the role ofrsquo lsquosearcher and sealerrsquo and these individuals were changed each
year They would each record all sales of leather hides and skins as well as recording
the name of the buyer and seller the price of the leather and any issues regarding the
quality of the products Any individual selling products sold that had not been lsquosearched
and sealedrsquo would have their goods confiscated In the event of goods being seized the
company of cordwainers the company of curriers and the company of tanners would
each elect two individuals with no connection to the accused who would examine the
goods and determine whether the goods were lsquosufficient and serviceablersquo Strangely
however the law does not discuss the maintaining of these laws beyond the three mile
radius of London set out in the act suggesting those outside of London were perhaps
beyond the scope of any government regulation of product quality If true there would
have been a fairly significant incentive to produce parchment outside of the city of
London
Then in 1694 the Treasury established a number of offices (see appendix 14) and hired a
number of commissioners to distribute stamped parchment throughout the country in
order to maintain this new tax they were what Hughes calls lsquoretailers of stamped paperrsquo
(Hughes 1941 247) It is fortunate that it appears the first list of these distributors was
recorded (see Appendix 15) According to the Calendar of Treasury Books there were
thirty-six distributors of stamped parchment and paper across England and Wales
spread across almost every county However it appears there may have been a number
of stampers an even smaller number of officers and only a single inspector of
parchment (see Shaw 1935 636-648) As a result of this system it appears the Treasury
would sign contracts with certain parchment-makers to insure the steady supply of
parchment throughout England (Hughes 1941 248-252) The contracts were made with
only two or three great stationers and others who entered into partnership with these
stationers who lsquoengross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it in their
power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo (Hughes 1941
248) These contracts greatly benefited the stationers however claiming an allowance of
six percent of each stamped paper or parchment batch sold while many of these
distributors lsquotransgress muchrsquo in charging higher prices than was permitted (1941 252)
It appears to have been a grossly inefficient system and one fraught with corruption
though one that greatly encouraged the reduction of parchment production costs
66
Each county had an office with a commissioner of stamps and these commissioners
were reported to have stamped all the parchment and paper legally used in England at
this time as well as to have made a record of such activities An investigation into these
individuals and the volumes of parchment they stamped in their respective counties
would offer further evidence of key centres of parchment production and usage in
England though as of yet it has not been possible to locate these documents Also for
most of this period it seems all parchment was required to be inspected at least once a
day for quality and tax purposes (Leadbetter 1755 339 Ashworth 2003 246) and so
perhaps even more data exists The nature of these laws also highlights the high
volumes of parchment still used across England a point further supported by the fact
that as late as 1714-1715 parchment was still generating huge sums of money from
stamp duties (see Shaw and Slingsby 1957 385)
The 1710 act (9 Ann c11) offers greater clarification on this issue This law states that
officers were appointed to weigh the skins and issue the necessary duties as well as
mark the hides skins and parchment to denote the charging of a duty The act does not
however specify if these officers are inspecting the quality of the skins though a later
text indicates this to be the case In 1778 a text titled Instructions for Officers of the Duties
on Hides in the Country details how the excise officers at this time were instructed to
inspect the skins (Great Britain Commissioners of Excise 1778) It was instructed that
the excise officers must lsquoinsert in an entry-book which is to be kept at the Excise Office
copies of all the entries made by tanners tawers ampcrsquo (1778 5) and furthermore that
they must weigh and mark the skins (1778 7) However it appears these officers were
also required to investigate the quality of the skins lsquoWhen you discover that any Tanner
Tawer or Oil-dresser ampc has diminished shaved or impaired his skins contrary to law
between the time of taking them out of the materials and weighing them or has
neglected to keep his hides or skins that not been duly markedrsquo officers must in such
cases lsquogive notices therof as soon as possible to your Collector or Supervisor that the
offenders may be prosecuted as the law directsrsquo (1778 7-8)
Unfortunately it cannot be said with complete certainty if these officers were inspecting
the skins quality prior to this however it appears to have been a long history of those
taxing the parchment to also inspect it going back to the lsquosearchers and sealersrsquo of
67
London Furthermore as early as 1671 the English government had created offices for
excise officers places where officers who would examine and stamp skins would be
based (Hughes 1941 247) A later text even details how the excise officers of the early
nineteenth century would inspect skins quality and then stamp the skins with either an
lsquoSrsquo marking them as acceptable skins or lsquoDrsquo for damaged skins (Hughes 1941 351)
Overall then those in charge of distributing the duties on these goods were also
inspecting the materials and goods for quality This being the case a great number of
skins and parchment goods would have been inspected in London due to the number
of goods that were required to be transported there for tax purposes (see section 61) as
well as the large market for parchment in the city
However the 1800 act (39-40 Geo III c66) saw to the creation of a number of places
outside of major towns and cities specifically for the examination and inspection of
skins It was written that these assigned locations will not exceed three miles nor be less
than two miles from each city or town to which they are assigned (Chitty 1824 348) The
inspections of London also changed slightly in 1808 when it was determined that the
inspectors would be named by the Butcherrsquos Company the Currierrsquos Company and the
Cordwainers (Chitty 1824 353) who would each appoint seven individuals Ultimately
however this did not last long with the various regulations and inspectors being
removed from English law during the nineteenth century This act marks the last
attempt by the government to control the development of the parchment industry until
the repeal of the various acts between 1808 and 1815
54 Effects on Parchment Quality
There is a general consensus that parchment between the seventeenth and eighteenth
century was of far lower quality than parchment of the medieval period (Rogers 1887
601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70 Clarkson 1992 5) Current research by Sarah
Fiddyment at the University of York offers further clarity on parchment quality
(Appendix 1) This research involves reviewing a large number of parchment samples to
assess changes in quality over time based on the development of a Parchment Quality
Index (PQI) measuring the levels of damage that occurred to parchment during the
manufacturing process This research shows two very clear period of decline in the
quality of parchment
68
The first sudden decline begins around the fifteenth century and has many possible
causes though Fiddyment has presented a clear correlation with the changing
proportion of parchment to paper used in the market based on the data presented by
Lyall et al (1989 11-29) The sudden influx of paper led to the steady dismantling of the
infrastructure of the parchment-making industry and would in part explain this sudden
decline However the detrimental effects of the plague must also be considered
Parchment-making was a highly skilled profession with knowledge of the various
processes having been well-kept secrets within the profession and the dramatic
population decline in the mid-fourteenth century likely saw the loss of much of the
inherited knowledge It may have taken many generations before this knowledge was a
disseminated across England once more
However the cause of the second sudden decline between c1710 and c1830 remains
something of an historical anomaly (see appendix 1) There are a number of possible
causes for example the continued competition with paper though it appears unlikely
to have caused such a sudden decline so late The effects of the influx of the new
breeds which were generally far less suited to the production of high quality parchment
presents another plausible theory However as stated earlier the majority of the major
parchment works in the country were primarily located in regions where the older more
suitable breeds remained Furthermore the decline appears to occur before the new
breeds such as those of Ellman and Bakewell had made any noticeable impact on
English agriculture Finally there is the possibility of European wars causing the decline
in quality France in particular was a significant producer of parchment (Massey 1763
58) and a major exporter of parchment to England for a number of centuries (see
Gullick 1991 154-156 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Chambers 1728 351 ) However
there is no evidence French parchment was of significantly better quality than English
parchment and England was still importing lsquovast quantitiesrsquo of parchment around 1728
If the higher quality parchment of previous centuries had been that of French origin
then it would be expected the quality would have risen significantly again by 1728
(Chambers 1728 351)
However the most plausible primary cause of this sudden decline was the 1711 Act (9
Ann I c11) as well as many of the laws that followed it Firstly the yearly setting of
69
prices by the High Treasury was likely very detrimental to the quality of parchment In
order to set the price of a product a universal measurement needed to be established
Prices could have been set to a certain quantity of parchment for example one piece of
parchment which was set to a duty of 6 d in this Act Similarly it could be set to the
weight of parchment This being possible as all inspectors were required to weigh
parchment before denoting a duty but they would also record the value of the
parchment after weighing (9 Ann I c11) Each method fails to take into consideration
the quality of the parchment a subjective characteristic one not mentioned in any law
during the period
The results over time would be little incentive to produce high-quality parchment as
parchment-makers would receive the same price for a low quality piece of parchment as
they would from a high quality product Furthermore being unable to improve profits
with increased prices firms could now only do so with an increased market share and
reduced production costs Over time competition over a reduction in production costs
was likely more significant than any competition over parchment quality
Furthermore the strict regulations set on the production of parchment would have
great discouraged the production of higher quality parchment The risk associated with
finely flayed skins as well as over-liming skins the removal of wool the scraping of skins
and removal of fat deposits would be so high as any damaged skins would result in high
fines and the seizure of parchment and skins that it seems likely to have greatly
discouraged the production of high quality parchment The quality of parchment only
increases (see Appendix 1) after the repeal of the variety of acts pertaining to the setting
of prices and the extensive regulations surrounding the production of parchment that
occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century (see section 34) This difficult period
was likely best navigated by larger parchment works capable of producing large
quantities of a more standardised quality of parchment that though perhaps not of
great quality met the strict criteria set out in these acts while reducing production costs
55 Conclusions
Overall the various laws on taxing parchment clearly played a key role in the
development of the industry With all parchment moving through London one might
70
expect the industry to be larger in the south given the huge price implications for
transporting parchment from the more northern regions Secondly clear deals were
being struck between the Treasury and stationers and between stationers and
parchment-makers in order to make large amounts of parchment more cost-effectively
(at least in theory) Larger manufacturers and larger trade routes meant increased
economies of scale but perhaps more importantly allowed for a more efficient method
for taxation The whole system appears to have greatly incentivised the development of
larger parchment works declining parchment quality and a geographical shift to the
southern regions These developments are likely to have forced the small-scale
parchment works to either develop a partnership with larger parchment works in order
to be a part of the huge deals that existed at the time or to stop manufacturing
altogether Also the percentage based charges set on each bulk of parchment sold the
economies of scale related to industry and the steadily developing systems for
processing and distributing large amounts of parchment will have greatly shaped the
parchment industry between 1711 and 1815
71
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds
61 Sourcing Sheepskins
lsquoThese skins are difficult to describe in general terms for they differ enormously in size fat
content general quality of the fibre network and the types of epidermal structures they
elaborate depending on a multitude of biological factors of which breed age environment
diet and conditions of rearing are the most obviousrsquo
(Reed 1972 41)
The skins most ideal for the manufacture of parchment had specific characteristics that
made them better suited for the manufacturing process The quality of the skins could
be affected by a variety of possible factors Therefore it must be determined which
skins were best for the production of parchment and which breeds of sheep under
which agricultural system would be best suited to producing skins used in the
manufacture of parchment Furthermore having established the significant financial
benefits of sourcing skins locally as well as the high risks involved with using low quality
skins due to possible damages to the final product establishing which breeds were best
suited to parchment-makers is vital to a study of this nature
611 Fat Content
lsquothe surface should be firm free from grease of good even colour and as smooth as possiblersquo
(Reed 1972 125)
The fat content of an animal drastically affects the quality of the skin for its use in
manufacturing parchment During the manufacturing process parchment-makers
remove the fat hypodermic layer of the skin in order to make a smooth surface free
from grease Failure to remove the grease from the skins results in the discolouration of
the final product (Reed 1972 21-24 Saxl 1954 6) as well as the possibility of marked
ridges on the parchment (Reed 1972 132) Removal of all fragments of grease is a
difficult and time-consuming task (Reed 1972 132) particularly before the
mechanisation of the parchment manufacturing process (Saxl 1954 31-32) Significantly
72
fatter sheep would have caused even great difficulties as in many cases the fat cells
could infiltrate the connective tissue residing in the dermal layer of skin which would
have proven an even greater challenge to parchment-makers (Reed 1972 30) Reed also
stated that fat can cause weakness at the epidermal junction causing the dermal and
epidermal layers of the skin to split (1972 43) However this appears to be of most
concern in skins sourced from older sheep though one might presume that skins
originating from fast-maturing sheep may suffer from this defect at an earlier age given
the lsquorelatively unstablersquo collagen development in some fast-maturing breeds (Henrickson
et al 1984 168) The removal of grease if not completed after the initial exposure to the
lime pits many craftsmen would use gesso quicklime powdered bones or chalk (see
Reed 1972 148-149) though the most common solution was the application of
additional treatments of lime (Yeomans 2006 33) Overall the more grease that had to
be removed the longer it would take to make parchment and the process would be
more costly The increased workload may also have increased the likelihood of the
damaging of skins a particularly significant issue given the various laws surrounding
skin and parchment quality between 1650 and 1850
The fat content of sheep between the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries was likely to
have varied significantly and determining which breeds produced usable skins and
which did not is a difficult task Even today both the overall fat content and the
distribution of fat in sheep appears to be very variable (see Palop 2016 7) It also
appears very likely that parchment-makers were unable to avoid using fatter breeds of
sheep over time as many of the breeds in England and Wales grew in size during this
period due to changes in breeding practices and husbandry (Davis and Beckett 1999
Henderson 2016 25-31) Ryderrsquos work may also support this as the eighteenth century
parchment samples he reviewed were of a greater thickness (1991 31) and studies have
shown a correlation between skin thickness and diet Sheep fed on a diet of lower
nutritional value can see a reduction in their skin thickness over time while sheep
intensively fed larger diets will keep thicker skins (Williams and Thornberry 1992 140) It
can be concluded that the skins of fattier faster-maturing breeds were likely to have
been spurned by parchment-makers in favour of smaller breeds with lower deposits of
grease
73
612 The Age of Sheep
Another key factor in determining the quality of a sheeprsquos skin is the age of the animal
Younger animals tend to have higher quality skins for parchment-making due to their
finer grained surface (Reed 1972 35-36) Older animals however despite being larger
and providing more skin per animal tend to have inferior fibre networks and increased
chances of skin defects and irregularities (Reed 1975 35-36) They are also more likely to
have far greater deposits of fat due to longer lives of eating and depending on the
breed and farming system very little exercise They are also more likely to have greater
deposits of fat spread throughout their entire bodies including their skin causing great
difficulty to parchment-makers With greater age also comes a greater propensity for a
variety of pathological conditions and connective tissue disorders as well as damage to
the skin from mites insects and physical trauma (Reed 1972 35-37)
Even when considering the issues connected with older sheep the harvesting of lamb
skins is a far more costly enterprise Lambs produce far less usable material for
parchment-makers and yet require very similar levels of skill time and production costs
as full-grown sheep
Another key area in regards to the effects of ageing on sheepskins is the difference
between the older native breeds of England and the so-called lsquonew breedsrsquo which
reached maturity far quicker A clear example being that of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester
sheep a breed that matured in only two years and had a far greater propensity to fatten
(Youatt and Weld 1837 25-26) In these faster-maturing improved breeds the dermal
collagen grows far more quickly than in the skins of the native breeds This rapid growth
of collagen results in the collagen becoming lsquorelatively unstablersquo and therefore the
lsquoleather obtained from intensively fed animals had a lower breaking point strength than
those obtained from regularly fed animalsrsquo (Henrickson et al 1984 168) Similarly it has
been argued that the lsquoincreased growth rate must be accompanied by increased
collagen degradation or reduced collagen synthesisrsquo and lsquothis is true whether the
increase results from nutrition or from selection for growth ratesrsquo (Lawrence et al 2012
44)
Unfortunately given the wide variety of breeds from the resulting cross-breeding from
the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries it is difficult to determine which breed exactly
74
presented a significant problem However it can be concluded that the skins of
fast-maturing intensively-fed breeds were overall more delicate than those of the more
lsquonaturallyrsquo raised sheep and therefore it seems likely that parchment-makers would have
avoided sourcing their skins from sheep farmed intensively for their mutton
613 Diet and Environment
lsquoa larger carcass inevitably meant longer heavier and coarser woolrsquo
(Wykes 2004 51)
Diet clearly affects the quality of skin with over-feeding resulting in issues of collagen
development and a weak fibre network as well as higher levels of grease (Henrickson et
al 1984 168 Reed 1972 37) However there are a variety of agricultural systems with
different foodstuff and feeding methods which Reed (1972) reviewed to assess the
impact of diet on the skin quality (Reed 1972 36-42)
Firstly Reed concluded that stall-fed sheep typically have looser thinner hides
compared to sheep that roam pastures for their food This is partly due to the lack of
exercise a common issue with the larger sheep as in the words of the
nineteenth-century land survey John Middleton lsquoanimals that are intended to be
fattened with the most speed the least food and the greatest profit are or ought to be
kept still and as free from exercise as possiblersquo (Middleton 1807 436) It is also due to
the diet of stall-fed sheep These animals would have experienced lsquoartificial feedingrsquo for
example barley oil-cake potatoes and food-waste and this diet as Reed states results
in skins that are often softer and more spongy in character (1972 37)
Reed goes on to write that the woolled downland sheep generally had large skins
lsquouniform in texturersquo though with large deposits of grease (1972 41) This was in stark
contrast to the mountain and hill-reared sheep which typically produce stronger
higher quality skins (1972 37) They also have thinner skins with a tighter dermal
network with a finer grain and far less grease (1972 41) The hilly and mountainous
districts have great tracts of uncultivated lands which provided rough grazing for a
number of sheep (Fussell 1964 49) The mountain and hill-reared breeds found in these
areas often had slower rates of maturity (relative to the improved breeds) and they
75
generally had increased levels of exercise as they roam for their food (1972 42) These
factors help to create a tighter dermal network and consequently stronger thinner
skins more ideal for making parchment
The environment and diet of sheep plays an integral part in developing high quality
skins and as Reed describes the more lsquonaturalrsquo the conditions in which the sheep are
raised the better (1972 37) We can therefore conclude that the parchment-makers
using the skins of the naturally fed roaming sheep (typically hill-reared) would be
producing the highest quality parchment and given the increased strength of the skins
(resulting in fewer defects) and the reduced levels of grease would be producing
parchment faster and with fewer damages to the material and with less wastage
76
614 Wool Sheep
lsquoBreeding for mutton however and breeding for wool are distinct and different objects and will in some measure depend on situation for those soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of mutton and on the other hand those soils which
fatten most in equal proportion deteriorate the woolrsquo
(Rudge 1807 306)
Between 1650 and 1850 there were a great variety of sheep
breeds with a varying range in the quality of their fibre
networks and types of epidermal structures At either end of
this spectrum existed the two extremes of wool breeds
Firstly the woolled sheep with epidermal growths of fine
soft and curly wool (Reed 1972 41) The latter breeds were
the lsquohair typersquo (often referred to as heath sheep) which had
coarse thick and tough fibres (1972 41)
The woolled type of sheep produced the worst skins for
parchment-makers Sheep with a high number of follicles
particularly those with a high ratio of secondary to primary
follicles such as the Merino sheep produced skins that were
loose in texture of a poor quality to parchment-makers The
extensive glandular structures would prevent the dense
packing of the connective tissue fibre networks (1972 41)
Furthermore the persistent shearing of sheep has an effect on
sheepskin thickness (Lyne 1961 152 Wodzicka 1958
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska 1960 197) an issue mostly affecting
sheep bred primarily for their wool Overall the better the
sheep for producing finer wool the worse it would be for
manufacturing parchment
The latter breed the lsquohair typersquo on the other hand had thick
fibres and fewer follicles therefore producing a far more firm fibre network (Reed 1972
41) and therefore better skins for parchment (see figure 14)
77
There were of course a greater variety of sheep breeds than those purely bred for wool
and the purely hair-type of sheep There were also medium-woolled sheep producing
fewer follicles with a lower ratio of secondary to primary hair follicles (see figure 14)
These sheep were primarily the downland sheep bred for the production of mutton The
larger carcass resulting in longer heavier and coarser wool (Wykes 2004 51) the skins
were generally thick and fairly uniform in texture (Reed 1972 42) though unfortunately
still proving difficult for parchment-makers due to their high deposits of grease Overall
the ideal breed for parchment-makers was one that had not succumbed to either
extreme of specialisation for either wool or mutton production The hill-reared sheep of
Britain therefore developed favour amongst many producers of light leathers (eg
gloves) and presumably therefore parchment-makers These sheep produced thinner
skins with tighter dermal networks (Reed 1972 41) and were therefore of the highest
quality for parchment-makers
Overall however there was a huge variety of sheep breeds but the studies into fibre
and follicle networks show that sheep with tighter and firmer fibre networks were best
for making parchment These were generally less woolly sheep with lower grease
deposits ones not subject to extreme specialisation unimproved sheep with the fatter
improved breeds promoted by Bakewell and others for either intensive mutton
production having skins that were too greasy and the wool-producing sheep having
skins that are too loose in texture
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used
Ryder (1960) reviewed the diameter of fibres and follicles in a variety of parchment
samples ranging from twelfth to the nineteenth century The results found that most of
the fine-wool samples came from the medieval period while most of the medium-wool
samples came from the sixteenth century onward and finally the coarsest samples
appear to have been from the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) This work also
shows that throughout these centuries there were still attempts to use lsquohair sheeprsquo This
is similar to Hedwig Saxlrsquos results (1954) which reviewed the development of sheep
breeding and a variety of samples and concluded that there was a progression from
medieval times which saw sheep with very few hair follicles to more modern
78
sheepskins which showed a great number of crowded hair follicles The results of this
paper similar to results of Ryderrsquos work suggest that sheep were being bred to produce
more wool over time or that producers of parchment were being more selective over
the skins they used
It is also worthy of note that according to Ryderrsquos work hair sheep were used in all
centuries including the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) However when discussing
the hair-bearing sheep an eighteenth century writer stated that lsquothe pure breeds of this
sort are scarcely anywhere to be found among manufacturing nationsrsquo (Anderson 1797
320) However Anderson also states that sheep such as these have often not been
separately categorised and have lsquoalmost entirely escaped the notice of naturalists and
othersrsquo (Anderson 1797 320) It appears likely then that many of these sheep were still
being used in the English agricultural system though were often overlooked by the
agricultural writers of the time who were more concerned with the breed capable of
producing high levels of mutton or wool Anderson even goes on to write that lsquothere is a
much greater proportion of the hair-bearing race among the breeds of sheep in the
southern parts of the islandrsquo and that a Mr Lisle had heard of these sheep under the
name lsquorowety-woolrsquo (Anderson 1797 330) The word lsquorowetyrsquo means a poor area of land
either an area recently harvested andor having been left unploughed for some time
(see Lisle 1757 157 Fussell 1966 39 Bath amp West of Eng Agr Soc 1792 85) These
sheep were therefore likely found in lands of high levels of lsquowastersquo with little attention
paid to the quality of the breeds being farmed
In general however despite clear benefits of using the skins of coarse woolled sheep
during the eighteenth century many parchment-makers were either becoming less
concerned with parchment quality or in most cases did not have a supply of the more
sheepskins from coarse-woolled breeds
615 Conclusion
It appears the best sheepskins for the manufacture of high quality parchment come
from sheep that have not been intensively farmed to produce quantities of mutton or
wool The most suitable sheep are most likely the hair-type of sheep as they have
tighter dermal networks Similarly sheepskins from smaller hardy sheep ones that
79
roam for their food and mature at the slower rate to many of the improved breeds of
the period would have been greatly advantageous to parchment-makers The areas of
England which did not follow the route of intensive sheep farming and did not employ
the improvements of farmers such as Barkwell and Ellman seem likely to prove best
sheepskins for making parchment These sheepskins would have also been subject to
fewer possible damages a hugely advantageous factor during a period of intensive
manufacturing standards and high fines
80
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds
lsquoThe different races of sheep in England are variously distinguished for uncommon size goodness of flesh and plenty of fineness of woolrsquo
(Aikin 1795 19)
This section of the research will attempt to outline the rural landscape between 1650
and 1850 looking primarily at the location of various sheep breeds throughout England
as well the iconic features of these breeds It will highlight whether there was any link
between the geographic distribution of breeds and the location of parchment works A
link that seems possible particularly given the wide variety of breeds and their effects
on the manufacturing quality (discussed in section 61) Furthermore the ability to
purchase skins from great distances was greatly limited by the high costs of salting skins
(see section 37) but also due to the high transport costs of the period that acted as a
lsquomajor constraint on economic activityrsquo (Gerhold 2014 1)
This section should also highlight when and where the new breeds like those promoted
by Ellman and Bakewell were used in the agricultural system the timing of
stockbreeding also being an issue of great consequence that is still relatively poorly
understood Perhaps unsurprisingly as the sheep farming industry during this period
has been widely overlooked by many economists historians and archaeologists As a
result this section constitutes a much-required review of sheep breed locations based
on various tours reports and works of agriculturalists though primarily the results of
this work are based on the reports produced by the Board of Agriculture
It is important to consider that the majority of the historical reports were published
around the turn of the nineteenth century This was an important period in sheep
farming coming at the end of nearly thirty years of determined efforts to lsquoimproversquo the
national agricultural base including the improvement of sheep breeds on a national
scale (Ryder 1983 487)
This chapter will now establish which regions of England were subject to any major
changes in sheep farming or wider agricultural objectives Combined with the
81
conclusions of section 61 this section will determine which regions had access to
supplies of high quality skins
621 The DownlandsSouth
lsquoFrom this central core long fingers of chalkland stretch out north-eastwards through the
Marlborough and Berkshire Downs and on into the Chilterns while south-westwards the
chalk downs extend across Cranborne Chase into Dorset reaching the English channel coast
between St Aldhelmsrsquos and Abbotsburyrsquo
(Thirsk 2000 27)
The chalk downlands have had a long history of agriculture and an absence of
large-scale industry (Thirsk 2000 29) For most of the period under examination this
region was under lsquosheep and corn husbandryrsquo whereby a system of grain production
was sustained by maintaining large sheep flocks that were fed on the unenclosed
downlands or waste by day and folded by night on the arable lands to enrich the thin
chalkland with their dung (2000 30) This system was continued even after the
introduction of new systems and crops in other counties as the soil of the chalk
lowlands was often too shallow to support the introduction of legumes Furthermore
many of these regions were particularly late enclosed Much of the high downland in
Berkshire Wiltshire Dorset and Sussex remained entirely open and unenclosed at the
end of the eighteenth century (2000 43) A particularly interesting factor as enclosures
are often seen as a necessary prerequisite for the instigating of new selective breeding
techniques and the adoption of the larger coarser-wooled breeds (Ryder 1991 455
Ryder 1964 70)
This system dominated these regions until the production of new artificial fertilisers in
the nineteenth century (Overton 1996 193) The livestock practices in these counties
were therefore sustaining the hardier breeds capable of travelling great distances in
order to fertilise the land supporting the popular lsquosheep and cornrsquo system of the region
Thirsk offers the following overview of this system and the subsequent breeds
lsquoHere sheep were specially selected not for their propensity to yield mutton or wool but for
their folding qualities Over the centuries prolonged selection have given rise to the distinctive
Wiltshire and Hampshire breeds and so a Berkshire strain known as the Berkshire Knott
82
These animals were large lanky and hardy producing a thin but fine fleece and a small
quantity of sweet mutton Their great advantage was that they were able to range the Downs
all day and had a propensity drop their dung and urine at night when penned in the fold
They require little water taking most of what they needed from the grass they grazed as this
too was an important advantage on the bare open Downs were where streams and wells
were few and far betweenrsquo
(Thirsk 1984 329)
This lsquosheep and cornrsquo system was particularly prevalent in Wiltshire Dorset the
Hampshire downs and Berkshire Wiltshire in particular had a lsquovast quantity of sheeprsquo
(Davis 1813 137) with Defoe estimating around 2-3 million prior to 1724 which though
perhaps an inflated figure highlights the prevalence of sheep in the region (Cited in
Fussell and Goodman 1930 146) There was an abundance of one particular breed a
small native breed lsquoof middling size and moderately fine woolrsquo (Aikin 1795 282) widely
used to fertilise the land during the period (Davis 1813 137) In 1813 Davis offered a
concise overview of some of the key issues pertaining to the sheep in the region
describing lsquothe peculiar aptitude of the soil and climate to sheep the singular use of
sheep-folding on arable land naturally light and loose the necessity of making sheep the
carriers of dung in situations where the distance from home and the steepness of the
hills almost preclude the possibility of carrying it by any other modersquo (Davis 1813 137)
As a result much of this land was limited to lsquorough pasturersquo until the later introduction of
later fertilising agents (Aikin 1795 332) making sheep a necessity in many areas and
making the improvement of the carcass not the primary objective for the region (Davis
1813 139) In fact the use of livestock to fertilise the land was commonplace across
much of the Wiltshire in particular (Aikin 1795 281 Cobbett 1912 40) with much of the
land not being enclosed until after c1750 Attempts were made to cross the New
Leicester with the widespread black-faced hill sheep of the period with a disastrous loss
of hardiness (Ryder 1983 487) Instead the smallness of an animal was a major
recommendation lsquoin a country where summer food is scarce and winter food raised
with difficultyrsquo (Davis 1813 147) These lands also had small enclosed fields and the
livestock were often left to graze with the minimum of attendance (Thirsk 1984 339)
Despite attempts to increase the size of the downland Wiltshire breed the new strain
possessed many serious shortcomings resulting it its eventual degeneration (Copus
83
1989 40)
Berkshire was home to a lsquopure breedrsquo sheep that had survived for hundreds of years
called the Berkshire Nott The longwool Berkshire Nott was bred throughout the county
for much of the seventeenth century (Trow-Smith 1951 161) and despite the
considerable changes the breed went through (Mavor 1813 381) it remained a common
breed in the region (see Mavor 1813 387-390) as it was well-suited to the sheep and
corn system due to its ability to travel long distances to fertilise the land (1813 382)
However the Berkshire Agricultural Society also supported the breed by disapproving of
crossing breeding until at least 1813 though it was stated that crossing was still fairly
common (Mavor 1813 387-390)
The breed was well-adapted to the chalk downlands according to writers of the time
however it had a poor quality fleece and produced relatively small quantities of mutton
(1813 381) Despite its previous success Mavor writes that around the turn of the
nineteenth century much of the livestock on the downs had been widely replaced by the
Southdown breed (Mavor 1813 381) this being either a reflection of an improvement in
the Southdown breed or a change of agricultural system on the lower downs Attempts
were made to introduce the new Leicester breed to the region though these sheep
lsquomade but little progressed being confined to a few select flocks onlyrsquo (Mavor 1813 391)
The Berkshire Nott survived in the Chiltern Hills even into the nineteenth century
(Ryder 1964 17) due to the continued reliance on lsquosheep and cornrsquo husbandry
The large Dorset and Mendip breeds were closely associated with the lowlands of
Dorset which under the right circumstances were known to produce very good mutton
(Youatt 1810 84) The Dorset breed was described as lsquotall and light of body somewhat
resembling the camel in shape and proportionlsquo and was only subject to improvement
towards the end of the eighteenth century (Anderson 1778 168) Nevertheless It was
known for producing a lsquorelatively finer woolrsquo (Ryder 1983 488) though this wool was
clearly not so fine to attain a high value at market compared to many of the other
breeds of the period (see table 3)
84
The chalk lands of Hampshire also required the use of hardy sheep to sustain the
sheep-corn system (Copus 1989 39) with breeds conditioned for the wet and cold
conditions of the woodland clays (Vancouver 1810 360) Despite the later increase in
popularity of the Southdown sheep in the region over the old Hampshire breed (Aikin
1795 286) there were still a great number of locations in the region where the older
breeds remained Attempts were made during the century to cross the Hampshire with
the old black-faced Berkshire and later with the Southdown though the latter did not
occur until around the mid-nineteenth century (Ryder 1964 11)
85
These chalk downlands also extended through Sussex Despite this region primarily
producing sheep for wool produce breeding sheep of lsquovery competitive excellencersquo
(Young 1808 296-297) many flocks were still used on the chalky hills primarily to
manure the land (1808 348) The sheep on chalk-hills were primarily fed on wheat
(1808 143) as the turnip was not a viable option There was a great variety of sheep in
the county however the main breed to occupy the chalk downlands was the Southdown
(Young 1808 300)
Finally Thirsk describes the chalk downland farming of Kent Despite the county being
primarily a region producing sheep for their mutton (Aikin 1795 222) the North and
South Downs of Kent practiced other agricultural systems due to the hilly nature and
chalk soils of the regions Instead of the large Romney-Marsh breed widely adopted in
the Kent lowlands the Southdown breed was farmed in the hilly chalk regions of the
county (Boys 1805 175) On first appearance this appears slightly odd as the
Southdown breed often disliked in similar regions due to its inability to walk great
distances (Billingsley 1798 243) however they were still relatively hardy animals and
perhaps the narrow nature of the North and South Downs meant these animals were
not required to walk quite as far to the fold as many of the breeds discussed above
However the more common use of this animal may in part explain why so few
parchment-makers were located in Kent until the nineteenth century when Canterbury
became a major centre of production (see section 43)
However it is important to consider that these clear systems did not last forever the
high prices set on arable crops during the Napoleonic Wars led to the establishment of
new farmsteads and the further spread of enclosures over the regions (Thirsk 2000 44)
and enclosures were used to convert land previously unsuitable for profitable arable
farming The availability of the kinds of sheep discussed in section 61 were very likely to
have declined quite dramatically during the Napoleonic Wars However for the majority
of the period these downland regions had an abundance of hardy sheep and failed to
adopt the new breeds of Ellman and Bakewell on any significant scale As a result many
of the breeds in this region would be have been particularly ideal for the production of
parchment based on the requirements set out in section 61
86
622 The Wolds
Thirsk defines the wold regions as hilly with relatively lightly spread woodland though
that the variety between the English wolds can be quite significant
The Yorkshire wolds in the East Riding were formerly known for two distinctive breeds in
this region the Holderness and the Wold breed both small hardy animals (Strickland
1812 231) However farmers in this region began crossing with the New Leicester breed
very early with the principal objective of the lsquospeedy fatteningrsquo of lsquogreat numberrsquo of
sheep (1812 51-52) Strickland writes lsquo great expense and pains are bestowed by many
in their endeavours to concentrate every good quality observed in the species in one
breed in order to bring this useful animal to a state of perfectionrsquo (1812 52) Clearly the
aim of this region was to specialise in the breeding of the largest sheep
Secondly the Lincolnshire Wolds which were particularly well known as a grazing
country producing animals of great size and weight (Aikin 1795 130) perhaps most
notably the widespread adoption of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester breed (Young 1799 365)
The New Leicester having been described as lsquoan indolent animalrsquo one lsquoindisposed to
actionrsquo and requiring pasture where it can collect its food with little exercise (Duncumb
1805 122-123) It was also said to have been subject to some peculiar disorders and as
such required much care and attention in the management (Duncumb 1805 122-123)
They were incredibly large animals (see Marshall 1793 229-232) capable of being
folded at less than a year old and which lsquowhen highly finished they appear as a solid
lump of fleshrsquo (Marshall 1793 229 233) It was certainly not an animal likely to produce
the skin necessary for high quality parchment
Finally the Cotswolds which Aikin described at the end of the eighteenth century as lsquoa
long tract of high ground for the most part bleak and bare yet affording in many places
a short fine grass for the feed of sheep and at present principally devoted to the
growth of cornrsquo (1795 163) Despite the use of turnips not being of first importance in
farming improvements in the neighbouring Wiltshire Somerset and to a lesser extent
Gloucester they were widely employed across the Cotswolds (Crittal 1959 43-64)
Turnips likely being used as a winter fodder that supported the growth of the heavier
stocking of livestock Mixed farming had generally been the standard however livestock
87
became increasingly important between 1640 and 1750 with experiments in the use of
Bakewellrsquos breeds occurring as early as the first half of eighteenth century (Thirsk 1984
320-321)
Overall the various wold landscapes appear to have introduced the newer breeds of
Bakewell and Ellman relatively early-on and farmers in these regions were widely
adopting the newly specialized forms of livestock management stocking a great number
of larger breeds for the purposes of producing mutton
623 Lowland Vales
The Lowland Vales are prominent across the centre of the country occupying large
parts of the counties of Buckinghamshire Bedfordshire Oxfordshire Leicestershire
Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire as well as more patches in
Hertfordshire Essex East Anglia Central Yorkshire and through parts of the Berkshire
vale (Thirsk 2000 78) The pastures of the vales were primarily based on the production
of mutton as well as the production of second-grade wool (2000 91) supported by the
widespread introduction of the turnip though in most counties in the Midlands the soil
was better adapted to the farming of cattle (Marshall 1793 217) Enclosures had spread
across many of these regions far earlier than many of the other parts of England
(Roberts et al 2016 129) with a renewed burst of enclosures between 1755 and 1780
(Thirsk 2000 91) In many of the grazing districts the larger farms had been divided up
with enclosed lands offering greater control over breeding practices As such it was the
New Leicester and Southdown breeds that were lsquocentral to the improvement which
swept across Lowland England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(Walton 1983 175-176) However the Midlands was still breeding a number of sheep
Marshall describes as lsquothe small and hardy mountaineersrsquo a short-wooled breed kept
on the commons and fields of the region
Buckinghamshire had high quality soil that supported large quantities of crops with only
little manure (Aikin 1795 323) as well as the production of fat lambs for the London
market (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) The fattening of lambs for London markets
appears to have been an objective shared by many counties in close proximity to
London
88
Leicestershire had quantities of rich grazing land (Aikin 1795 135) with the eastern and
south-eastern regions breeding a great number of cattle to very large sizes while the
northern grazing tracts supported great numbers of sheep (1795 135-136) The
principal sheep breeds of the county were the Old and New Leicester breeds (Pitt 1809
245) and these Leicestershire breeds were lsquovery large in size without horns and clothed
with thick long flakes of soft wool particularly fit for the worsted manufacturersrsquo (Aikin
1795 136) Lincolnshire also bred a large number of New Leicester sheep as well as the 4
long wooled large Lincoln breed (Young 1799 365) It is of little surprise that Lincoln and
Leicester exported large quantities of wool (Aikin 1795 66) Nottinghamshire was also
an area with widespread enclosures with turnip husbandry being widely adopted in the
enclosed regions (Lowe 1794 11) and consequently the enclosed areas began to see
the adoption of the Lincolnshire and New Leicestershire breeds (1794 33) However the
sheep kept on fallow lands were lsquoa poor breedrsquo described as a mixture of the forest and
Lincolnshire pasture sheep (1794 11) a breed which may have perhaps proven viable
for parchment However these breeds were by no means widespread The New
Leicester was also found in Warwickshire principally a feeding and dairy county (Aikin
1795 151) with great attention paid by farmers to improve the wool and mutton of their
sheep Many breeders were said to have purchased the lsquofinest Leicestershire ramsrsquo at
lsquothe most extravagant pricesrsquo to cross with their best shaped ewes (Murray 1815 161)
Hertfordshire which Thirsk describes as having lsquopatchesrsquo of these Lowland Vales though
primarily an arable county (Young 1804 194-195) The primary breeds were the
Wiltshire and the Southdown breeds the former a possible contender for sourcing
parchment materials though these too were not found in any great numbers Essex also
only had lsquofew breeding flocksrsquo (Young 1807 308) and generally fattened lambs for spring
and ewes for sale at the end of summer (Young 1807 308) Oxfordshire also primarily an
arable county (Davis 1794 7) with the fertile lowlands in particular having long
produced wheat and malt for London market (Havinden 1961 73) The northern tip of
Oxfordshire however had extremely fertile soil (Young 1813 5) with cattle and sheep
important to the region (Havinden 1961 74) with a large profitable local breed (Page
4 The establishment of the New Leicester in this county attesting to the regions success
in sheep farming
89
1907 279-292)
Overall these regions were quite varied though in the majority of cases many of these
regions were not farming a significant number of sheep Furthermore in most cases the
breeds found here were often the newer larger Leicestershire breed However many
farmers in many counties were still opposing the introduction of these improved breeds
for example Warwickshire Northamptonshire Rutlandshire and Leicestershire were all
counties with graziers opposing the new breeds (Marshall 1793 224)
624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture
Although conceding that there is no single agreed term to define the agricultural
systems of this region Thirsk more broadly defines these areas as lsquowood pasturesrsquo and
lsquopastoral lowlandsrsquo providing a somewhat clearer idea of the regions The region
primarily stretches from parts of Cheshire to Dorset Typically these areas were widely
enclosed with enclosures continuing throughout the sixteenth seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries as a result of agreements rather than as a result of parliamentary
acts (Thirsk 2000 117)
The primary product of Cheshire during the eighteenth century was dairy while lsquoless
attention is paid to sheep in this than in most countiesrsquo (Holland 1813 286-287) Only a
few farmers in the region had the Leicester flocks and paid some attention to their
breeds while there were also some Southdown sheep lsquoin the hands of a few gentlemenrsquo
(Holland 1813 287) An eighteenth century writer described three fourths of the land
being dedicated to pasture with the grass of the region used in part to feed horses but
in most cases fed to milking cows with little attention paid to fattening cows (Aikin 1795
92) Shropshire too had few breeding flocks though the sheep that were kept were said
to have varied from the small Welsh breeds to the far larger Leicestershire breeds of
Leicestershire (Plymley 1803 259) A great number of experiments occurred in this
region with almost all farmers of different districts having tried almost all the improved
breeds (1803 260-261) However in general the low parts of the county were primarily
used to feed cattle used widely for production of cheese while the hilly tracts were for
the breeding of sheep producing a fine wool (Aikin 1795 98-99) The Old Shropshire
sheep were prevalent a very hardy animal that Plymley claimed did not require food
from farmers during the winter nor did they generally drink or require any attention
90
from the shepard (Plymley 1803 260)
Staffordshire was also lsquonot a great feeding countyrsquo (Pitt 1817 69) though the beast was
horned cattle and the primary product of the county was milk (1817 66) However of
the sheep kept in the region the main breeds lsquodeserving of particular attention were the
native Cannock-heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds breeds from Leicestershire and the
Southdown breedrsquo (1817 70-71) The native breeds were under certain management
well disposed to fatten and lsquoproduced mutton equal to that from any other breedrsquo (1817
71) and produced a fine wool (Pitt 1817 71 Pitt 1796 136) while the breeds bred for
wool were lsquorefined and improved in a high degree upon principles introduced by the late
Mr Bakewell of Dishley (Pitt 1817 71) The region did however continue to breed the
older smaller black-faced horned varieties many of which had died out in most
counties by this time (Russell 2007 173-174 Plot 1686 109) and possibly these
un-improved breeds were well-suited to parchment (Russell 2007 174)
Herefordshire was similar in many respects with wool a primary export of the county
with the sheep of the region generally small lsquoaffording a fine silky wool in quality
approaching the Spanishrsquo (Aikin 1795 105) This county had previously employed the
farming of sheep to collect lsquofood from situations where no other animal was capable of
subsistingrsquo but Duncomb suggests that by the end of the eighteenth century lsquoan
opposite system has been adopted and many thousand acres of the best tillage ground
have been converted into pasture of sheeprsquo (Duncumb 1805 122-123) This allowed for
the adoption of breeds such as the New Leicester however many of the breeds already
bred in this region produced a finer wool and in greater quantities (1805 123)
Worcestershirersquos primary products were lsquocorn cattle fine wool hops cyder and perryrsquo
(Aikin 1795 157) with the sheep of the region being described as being lsquoof no particular
breedrsquo except the sheep on the commons and wasteland which were breeds of the
same origin as the Staffordshire Cannock Heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds (Pitt 1810
216) The north and east of the country were described as primarily farming flocks of the
Leicester and Cotswold sorts though widely crossed with the New Leicester breeds (Pitt
1810 217) However the wastelands and hills of the south were generally stocked with
Cotswold sheep (1810 217-218) The northern regions bred sheep generally ideal for the
butcher (Pitt 1805 217)
91
The majority of the land of Warwickshire was also committed to the breeding of
improved breeds as the following concise summary offered in the Board of Agriculture
report states lsquoThe great attention that has been paid by many eminent breeders in
Warwickshire to improve the wool and mutton of this animal by selecting the finest
Leicestershire rams and paying the most extravagant prices for them only for a season
to cross with from a selection of the best shaped ewes in the country has now produced
a breed of sheep equal if not superior to most counties in Englandrsquo (Murray 1815 161)
There were large numbers of the New Leicester and Wiltshire sheep in this region
though also with a number of the Southdown Merino and Welsh breeds on the
commons (Murray 1815 161) Ultimately the county was not producing breeds of sheep
most ideal for parchment in any great number however the breeds here were varied
and with small Welsh breeds creating a possible supply for local smaller parchment
works
Gloucester was almost exclusively home to what Marshall describes as lsquomountain
sheeprsquo however the county swept them away during the summer 1782 (Marshall 1789
208) Following this summer the county developed a wide-range of the improved breeds
by the end of the eighteenth century There appears to be very differing methods for
breeding sheep in the county (see Rudge 1807 307-312) though with only two clear
objectives either producing large quantities of fine wool or significant weights of
mutton As a result the Cotswold breed an animal primarily bred for its mutton and the
principal breed of the county was widely crossed with the Southdowns in an attempt to
improve the fineness of wool (Rudge 1807 305) The pure Cotswold breed had however
become lsquoscarcersquo by the end of the eighteenth century with the introduction of the new
Leicester being used to improve the breed to create a finer (though also shorter) wool
and a more compact and fatty carcase (1807 306)
A number of woodland lowland areas in Wiltshire Dorset and Somerset all followed the
same paths as many of the counties listed above and were widely enclosed The result
being the introduction of a number of improved breeds However these regions were
small due to the type of agriculture commons in these counties For example much of
south Wiltshire avoided enclosure with the lsquopeculiar shape of many of the manorsrsquo and
the lsquogeneral application of the landrsquo made enclosures impractical (Davis 1813 44-45) In
92
Somerset too there was great resistance to enclosure in the hilly regions The issue of
enclosure was so significant in this county in fact that the Board of Agriculture report
dedicates thirty pages to attempting to disprove the perceived disadvantages of the
local population (Billingsley 1798 48-78) an issue not so intensely discussed in the
majority of the other reports There was also a widespread aversion to improved
breeds the key belief being that the lsquodeficiency in the fat of the inside would so disgrace
their sheep in the eye of the butcher that they would have lost their old customersrsquo
(Billingsley 1798 243) Despite Billingsley describing the aversions to the the improved
breeds as lsquofallaciousrsquo he later discusses the instance of a Mr Lowman crossing sheep
with the Leicester breed and the significant issue of the new breeds being unable to
walk far to the fold finally concluding that rsquoif they cannot walk a mile to the fold they will
never gain much ground in this countryrsquo (1794 255) This might explain why so many of
the hilly regions of county did not adopt the new improved breeds (see Billingsley 1798
76)
Finally the county of Dorset shared many of the same characteristics listed above The
region was said to have sheep very similar to those in Somerset (Stevenson 1812 393)
though primarily for the purpose of selling lambs to the London market (Stevenson
1812 393 Aikin 1795 297) The differing agricultural system of Dorset to many of the
neighbouring counties the system of pastoral farming likely allowed for the later
improvement to the breeds that occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century
(Stevenson 1812 393) Overall however Dorset may have produced a number of viable
sheep for parchment with the local breed being described as lsquotall and light in bodyrsquo as
later as 1778 (Anderson 1778 168) as well as the late introduction of the turnip being a
testament of the regions refusal to adopt new farming methods (Stevenson 1812 251)
By the end of the eighteenth century the majority of these regions were not producing
viable sheep for parchment production besides a few of the more southern counties It
appears much of the woodland regions described by Thirsk was enclosed and quickly
began to adopt the improved breeds of the time
625 Fenlands
Thirsk describes lsquotrue fenlandsrsquo as existing widely across England the most extensive of
93
which being the mosses of Lancashire and Cumbria and the Eastern Fenlands of
Cambridgeshire and south Lincolnshire (Thirsk 2000 167) describing the regions as
having lsquocountless drainsrsquo and lsquowatercourses criss-crossingrsquo wide-scale cooperation
amongst farmers in the regions
Westmorland and Northumberland appear to have shared the same breeds of sheep
with Bailey and Culley (1797 126) and Walls (1901 141) listing the same three major
breeds of the region None of them particularly fat or woolly (Pigot 1834 144) Firstly
the Cheviot breed a short woolled lsquohardy and valuable mountain sheeprsquo bred in the
north-west of the county (Pigot 1834 144) Secondly the heath sheep otherwise
referred to as the hair-type of sheep (Ryder 1983 496) A lsquopure breedrsquo sheep typically of
a smaller size and as described in the earlier section (section 61) as an ideal breed of
sheep for manufacturing parchment Walls even claimed that the heath breed was
actually the most common breed in Westmorland (Walls 1901 141) Finally the Lincoln
and New Leicester breeds though these were primarily found in the enclosed grazing
lands and did not represent a significant proportion of the sheep population in these
counties Similarly most of the Cumberland farmland was populated by a significant
number of sheep in the hilly regions (Aikin 1795 38 73 Pigot 1995 15) many of which
were said to travel great distances often unsupervised for long periods of time (Pigot
1995 16) However the Cumberland downlands primarily bred cows certainly to a larger
degree than Westmorland and Northumberland
The primary breed of sheep in the flat fenlands of south Lincolnshire and
Cambridgeshire region was a cross between the Leicester and the Lincoln breed (Gooch
1811 272 Young 1799 365) Cambridgeshire in particular although mostly farming the
Leicester and Lincoln cross breed had a very significant range of breeds including
Norfolks West-country Cambridgeshire Berkshire Hertfordshire South Down Lincoln
and Leicester (1811 272) Despite a clear propensity for breeding larger breeds
Cambridgeshire still bred some smaller hardier breeds for some time and remained
one of the few regions to farm sheep with coarse wool over fine wool (Ryder 1964 77)
This region therefore may have still bred sheep ideal for parchment production
however there were still a significant number of the newer larger breeds in this region
These fenlands then seem to have produced a number of viable breeds though in a
94
greater quantity in the more northern regions while eastern fens instead produced a
wider variety of sheep of a wide variety of weights and wool weights (see Gooch 1811
273) particularly around the southern tracts of Lincolnshire (Aikin 1795 189) and the
northern region of Cambridgeshire (Aikin 1795 205) Overall the variability of farming
objectives in these regions make a definitive conclusion difficult however most of the
locations appear certainly capable of supplying local parchment-makers with a relatively
significant number of viable skins However the systems adopted here were certainly
not as beneficial to local parchment-makers as the regions adopting the lsquosheep and cornrsquo
system a system far more likely to incentivise the growth of a far more lucrative
parchment industry
626 Moorlands
This section will cover the uplands of the Pennines the North York Moors as well as the
uplands of Exmoor Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor These regions have varying
agricultural outputs with some at this time being entirely uncultivated covered in peat
or tall inedible grasses (Thirsk 2000 188) while others were accessible regions or
reasonable agricultural outputs
The northern tip of the Pennines stretches through west Durham a region of peaty soils
accompanied with lsquoyellow orchrey clay or white sand both of them certain indications of
unproductivenessrsquo (Bailey 1810 10) The south of Durham however bred a significant
number of sheep and was formerly famed for having the largest breed of sheep in the
kingdom (Bailey 1810 248) though these were being overtaken by the New Leicester
which were slowly being introduced to the region (1810 248)
The west- and north-ridings of Yorkshire both farmed sheep of possible significance The
North Riding being home to the lsquoold stock of the northern part of the Vale of York and of
Clevelandrsquo sheep that were lsquovery large coarse boned slow feeders and the wool dry
and harshrsquo (Tuke 1794 64) While the West Riding of Yorkshire bred a large quantity of
Scotch sheep (Rennie 1799 186) However though these sheep were perhaps viable
options for parchment production both the regions were subject to widespread breed
improvement along the principles of Robert Bakewell (Tuke 1794 64 Rennie 1799 186)
The native breed of Devon was the Exmoor (Vancouver 1808 338) while Cornwall was
95
home to the Exmoor the Dartmoor and many other breeds while the pure Cornish
sheep had become very rare by the beginning of the nineteenth century (Worgan 1811
148) Despite the surviving native breeds farmers in both Devon and Cornwall had
attempted to introduce a wide breadth of different breeds as well as attempting to cross
the local sheep with the new breeds such as the New Leicester by the first decade of the
nineteenth century (Vancouver 1808 341 Worgan 1811 148) Cornwall in particular was
said to be breeding lsquoflocks of sheep as any count either as to form weight of fleece
hardiness of constitution aptitude to fatten quickly at an early age or flavour of
muttonrsquo (Worgan 1811 148) Devon despite the many attempts at crossing with the
New Leicester breed still appeared have a number of native breeds though many were
still bred for their wool growing properties (Vancouver 1808 342) and the Exmoor its
native breed was a longwool breed of fairly considerable size Overall there is again a
possibility that there were some breeds in this area were viable options for
parchment-makers but ultimately the objectives of many of the farmers in the two
counties were in stark contrast to what was required
The moorlands in general were not areas of any significant agricultural output and
unlikely to support any great parchment industry Even the counties in which Moorland
farming took place generally adopted agricultural objectives in contrast to farming
sheep most viable for parchment production
627 Londonrsquos Hinterland
The final section deals with a region not defined in most agricultural histories however
most of the counties surrounding London appear to share a similar agricultural output
in the production of lambs of the London market The defining feature of many of these
counties being their proximity to London rather than any shared agrarian
characteristics Many of the farmers located nearer to London primarily farmed sheep
to sell lambs into London included Sussex (Davis 1813 140 Pitt 1810 216-217 Young
1808 297) Buckinghamshire (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) Essex (Young 1807 308)
and a number of the farmers of Middlesex (Middleton 1813 434) as well as the farmers
of Surrey breeding Dorsetshire sheep (Stevenson 1809 536) which were a very popular
breed amongst farmers producing lambs for the London market
The sale of lambs was likely a difficult and expensive occupation requiring the transport
96
and sale of a very delicate and relatively expensive commodity The counties therefore
in close proximity to London were at a great advantage Another reason for the large
lambing market in this region was also perhaps the inability of the region to compete in
the specialised breeding of sheep for mutton and wool with the Midland and northern
regions due to topographical restraints
628 Conclusion
Andrew Copus stated that sheep had three major uses within in the English agricultural
system the production of mutton and tallow the production of wool and the
fertilisation of arable land (1989 36) Having reviewed the agricultural regimes of the key
regions and the types of sheep preferred it has become clear that those using sheep
for the fertilisation of arable land were the most suited to providing skins for parchment
making These regions appear to be predominantly in the lsquosheep and corn regionsrsquo with
particular emphasis on the south-west of England and some of the fenland farming
regions Also as Copus states lsquoany attempt to provide fattening fare would have been
incompatible with the other objective of the sheep-corn farmer of that time maximizing
cereal outputrsquo (Copus 1989 39) with the poor soils heavily reliant on the use of sheep to
produce satisfactory crops (Cook and Williamson 1999 185) This being important as the
main area for high cereal production appears to have been the south-west (1989 39)
likely due to the history of the specialisation of this market but seemingly also due to
the soil quality in the region The systems in these heavy clay areas relied heavily on the
use of sheep for fertilising arable land while the objectives in the region appear to be in
contrast to the supporting of larger breeds An article in the Farmerrsquos Magazine offers a
short summary of the fodder grown in these heavy clay regions
lsquoClover vetches and cabbages are the only crops which can be raised as food for
sheep or cattle on the latter and cabbages cannot be eaten off by sheep on such land
There is more expence in the production and consumption of the crops on wet clay
land than on a dry friable soil and therefore the expence of improving such land is
greater The crops must be carted to be consumed in the yard by stock and the dung
carted again into the field besides the injury done to the land in wet weather by
carting off the corps is great Vetches and clover may however be folded by sheep in
97
the summer months on clay soilsrsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838 188)
The Midlands and more northern regions (though excluding most of Cumberland
Northumberland and Westmorland) were generally better suited to the specialised
breeding of sheep for either mutton and wool production This was due in part to the
prevalence of enclosures which gave greater control to the selective breeding practices
of landowners though also due in part to the topography of the regions For example
the diets and levels of exercise of the sheep could greatly affect the quality of the wool
(see section 634) Lisle writes that clover-grasses cause sheep to develop coarser-wool
while lsquothe better the hayrsquo the finer the wool Lisle particularly recommends the
hill-county hay (Lisle 1757 358) Furthermore the growing of legumes according to Lisle
in his book Observations on Husbandry and particularly the cultivation of the turnip
resulted in better conditions allowing shearing to take place earlier than normal (cited
in Ryder 1983 485) The soil in any region would greatly dictate the type of breeding
that could take place for example in the Board of Agriculture report on Gloucester
there is a concise description of the severe limitations of certain soils
lsquoThose soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of
mutton and on the other hand those soils which fatten most in equal proportion
deteriorate the wool it being a fact ascertained by experience that wherever fine woolled
sheep have been introduced on more luxuriant soils than they were bred or accustomed to
the wool has increased in quantity but become coarser in qualityrsquo (Rudge 1807 306)
The primarily mutton producing regions emerged in areas of enclosures where it was
possible to grow large quantities of winter fodder which allowed for intensive
year-round feeding Also the ability to separate their sheep across a lot of land (Young
1796 489) and keep the level of exercise in these animals to a minimum with small
enclosed fields and artificial feeding
As stated in an 1838 article in The Farmerrsquos Magazine
lsquoThe quantity of food produced by turnips and by two years of clover and vetches will enable
the farmer to keep and fatten a large quantity of sheep on the ground which will by their
trampling and by the manure left on it give to this kind of soil the best preparation for the
succeeding crops of cornrsquo (The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 188)
98
In conclusion the objectives of the farmers in the south-west (excluding the West
County) the eastern fenland and most northern regions of England for many years
hindered the adoption of the newer breeds which were spreading across England
under the banner of lsquoimprovementrsquo Breeds in these regions were crossed with other
sheep though appear to have remained hardier animals not being bred primarily for
either wool or mutton However the introduction of many artificial fertilisers in the later
nineteenth century (Cook and Williamson 1999 193) and the more economically
preferable position of mutton and wool over cereal following the levelling of prices in
the 1820s (Copus 1989 44) may have resulted in some farmers changing systems
Overall though for the majority of the period under discussion the agricultural systems
in these regions appear to have been breeding sheep better suited for parchment
production and until at least the first half of the nineteenth century the south-western
and fenland counties were likely to have produced the most viable sheepskins for
parchment-makers
This is greatly significant as parchment-makers with a high supply of local viable skins
were at a great advantage As discussed parchment-makers for much of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries could not compete over price (see section 51) and were held
accountable to incredibly strict manufacturing standards standards particularly difficult
to attain with the use of fatty or weak skins The parchment works with a local supply of
quality skins were therefore likely producing a higher quality product at a lower cost and
therefore able to bargain for the lucrative contracts offered by the High Treasury during
the period Furthermore the likelihood of parchment works being able to transport
skins from distant locations is questionable given the increasing prices for salt the strict
laws controlling the movement of skins and parchment and the high transport costs of
the period As a result it is unsurprising that the regions with a higher supply of high
quality skins are in the majority of cases the locations with a higher number of
parchment works (see section 43)
99
Chapter 7 Conclusions
71 Conclusion
This work has provided the first systematic studies of the post-medieval parchment
industry shedding light on a previously unknown industry It has highlighted that it was
not only of significant size but survived the influx of paper during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries producing high volumes of parchment up until at least 1850 This
work also includes the first major collection and review of a significant number of both
historical and modern literature on the post-medieval parchment industry tying
together hundreds of years of information and presenting a plethora of historical texts
on which to develop future research
Overall the parchment industry went through very significant changes between 1650
and 1850 The industry appears to have developed from a large collection of small firms
operating across England with parchment-makers of relatively low income or turnover
engaging in small-scale production and transactions Between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries the increasing regulation increasing taxation and a drastically
increasing population resulted in the control of production being shifted to a smaller
number of larger firms These firms primarily aimed to compete through a reduction in
production costs and the manufacture of a more homogenous product resulting in the
slow decline in parchment quality over time The results of this research also highlight
that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming nation
clinging onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and where
older hardier breeds survived
Finally the work has highlighted the extent and significance of government intervention
on a number of skin-based industries during this period The collection and
interpretation of a number of parchment taxation laws and of laws on the regulation of
manufacturing standards has also been the first of its kind The results of this particular
analysis offer a primary cause of the sudden decline in parchment quality during the
eighteenth century as well as the eventual decline of the parchment industry requiring
100
the reconsideration of the traditional view of the widespread introduction of paper
being the sole cause
This project has answered all the questions set out in its aims and objectives though
has also highlighted the importance of future research on this previously unstudied
industry Furthermore it has provided the first detailed overview of post-medieval
parchment production and determined the key factors influencing its development
while also presented a number of key indicators that can be researched to enrich our
current understanding of the post-medieval period Overall the results accrued have
widespread applications and this project has shown that there exists a plethora of
literature and historical data capable providing a basis for further investigation
72 Discussion
This work highlights some key issues in any models used for post-medieval hDNA
studies that find any relationship between when parchment was dated and when it was
produced Furthermore it highlights the issues of determining the manufacturing origin
of parchment from any stamp duties or stationers marks with parchment often being
moved great distances for tax purposes before being distributed across England by a
series of stationers offices Thankfully this work does present some clear centres of
parchment production as well as a more widespread geographical shift of parchment
firms to the south of England over time Any post-medieval parchment samples
analysed in any hDNA study are in most cases likely representative of the regions last
to adopt agricultural changes associated with an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo Any future
hDNA studies on the period between 1650 and 1850 must now consider these results
Such studies are unlikely to represent any agricultural changes in the north of England
or in most cases any regions adopting the intensive production of mutton or fine wool
However any hDNA research that finds a shift in the types of animals being farmed can
now more confidently state when the period of agricultural improvement had spread
across the majority of England for the regions from which skins were collected for
parchment production were primarily the regions that were late to adopt these
changes
The results of this research are not only significant to hDNA studies but also contribute
to the debate of agricultural improvement particularly in regards to determining the
101
timing of the adoption of new sheep breeds and stockbreeding techniques though also
the chronology and geography of agricultural improvements more generally Firstly if
there was a lsquosuddenrsquo agricultural revolution that occurred between 1650 and 1850 it did
not result in any sudden or major changes to the parchment industry The changes that
did occur primarily in regards to livestock improvement occurred over a 200 year
period and were variable depending on geographical location and the agricultural
objectives within that region These results strongly suggest that no such sudden change
occurred particularly as mutton was a more important resource than beef during this
period (Kerridge 1967 303 Mathias 1969 65) and with any sudden improvement likely
to have strongly affected this particularly important market Furthermore the results
indicate that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming
nation it clung onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and
where older hardier breeds survived As a result this research can offer further
clarification on the development and geographical movement of agricultural
improvement between 1650 and 1850 with an emphasis on the changes in sheep
farming another industry often overlooked in modern literature
Furthermore from the results of this research it is also now understood that the decline
of parchment quality that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century was primarily
due to legal changes and the subsequent changing market processes rather than as a
direct result of the introduction of new breeds of sheep This should contribute to the
current work of Sarah Fiddyment but also to studies on parchment quality more
broadly It also highlights the danger of drawing a causal relationship between
agricultural improvement and any industries decline during this period with growing
government intervention also being a hugely significant though often overlooked factor
likely affecting the development of a number of industries
In regards to the size of the industry and the growing scale of production future
research on the specific large scale producers of parchment would be greatly beneficial
In many of the parchment centres of production clear family-led parchment firms
appear to own and run a number of parchment works for example the Crook family
with Noah Crook Thomas Crook John Crook Snr and John Crook Jnr all operating
different parchment works in Wiltshire during the eighteenth century A more detailed
review of the sources used in this project combined with a review of local resources of
102
Wiltshire would offer greater detail on the development of the scale of production of
parchment during this period but also the development of a monopolistic market
structure in certain regions This work should constitute a firm basis on which future
investigations can be conducted
Overall the significance of this research should drastically affect the interpretations of
any hDNA studies on the post-medieval period Any changes found in the hDNA data
during this period can now be interpreted within the historical context Correlations can
now also be drawn between the data and the various historical changes that occurred
during this period This work has also contributed to a number of debates and currently
held theories on the period while also highlighting the importance for further study in
this area and demonstrating the value of digitised local records
103
Appendices
104
Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data Collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018)
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Noah Crook Abingdon 1795 Twice a month pound30 pound386 Orders placed about 15 months in advance Paid in advance
1796 Twice a month pound26 pound265
1797 Twice a month pound30 pound164
1798 Once a month pound40 pound225
1799 Once a month pound40 pound96
1803 Once a month pound40 pound140
1804 Once a month pound40 pound597
1805 Once a month pound40 pound94
pound2038
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Crook Marlborough 1795 Three times per month pound26 - Orders placed about lt1 months in advance Paid in advance Incomplete years Last two years
1796 Three times per month pound30 pound674
1797 Three times per month pound26 -
1799 Four times per year -
1800 Four times per year pound637
1802 Four times per year pound206
pound1517
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Rake Salisbury 1796 Once a month pound30 pound120 Incomplete years 1797 Once a month pound30 pound169
1798 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound65
1801 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound58
1802 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound85
1803 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound221
1804 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound247
pound966
105
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Samuel Bishop Bristol 1798 Twicethree times per year pound21 Only a few purchases across the year but multiple years Specialist certain type of parchment
1799 Twicethree times per year pound47
1801 Twicethree times per year pound39
1804 Twicethree times per year pound41
1805 Twicethree times per year pound34
1806 Twicethree times per year pound21
pound205
Stamped Parchment Sold - (LMA) Witherbys 4682E01001 (page 21-22) 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806
J nd 794 769 995 827 874 799 859 932
F nd 782 1047 936 929 1047 1034 851 1092
M nd 855 727 1030 1179 814 1098 1002 1106
A nd 903 1000 941 1028 1005 910 946 1279
M nd 972 1312 1230 1012 1100 1001 1147 1263
J nd 1036 879 1236 1151 1139 1077 1128 1117
J nd 780 1251 1182 1069 1031 867 1061 1058
A nd 763 789 676 779 810 761 906 920
S nd 711 849 549 660 722 913 667 686
O 933 996 904 928 972 933 1054 977 nd
N 813 1283 896 950 1136 914 821 1040 nd
D 1119 788 1033 851 822 928 704 1056 nd
Total 2865 10663 11456 11504 11564 11317 11039 11640 9453
106
Appendix 2 Parchment Quality Source Fiddyment 2018
107
Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions Source Rogers 1887 575-606
Mendham 1585 4 Parchment Skins 7 Worksop 1588 Skin Parchment 6 Eton 1589 2 Rolls Parchment 18 Oxford 1590 Skin Parchment 6 Gawthorp 1592 2 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1592 2 Skins Parchment 6frac12 Oxford 1593 Sheet Parchment 8 Oxford 1594 5 Skins Parchment 8frac12 Gawthorp 1595 1 Skin Parchment 7- Oxford 1595 Parchment Skin 9- Oxford 1599 9 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1601 16 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1602 8 do Parchment 7 Oxford 1603 8 Skins Parchment 8
Eton 1604 4 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1605 3 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1607 2 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1608 2 Skins Parchment 6 Cambridge 1609 1 Skin Parchment 8 Oxford 1610 4 Skins Parchment 4frac12- Chatham 1624 Parchment 5 doz 6 Oxford 1629 Parchment 8 doz 6- Oxford 1632 Parchment 15 doz 6- Winchester 1644 4 Skins 7- 3 Bridles 14 Winchester 1645 4 Skins 6
Oxford 1646 10 Sheets Parchment 32 12 Skins 7 Winchester 1648 8 Skins 6 Oxford 1649 78 Skins 12
Eton 1651 6 Skins 8 Winchester 1656 Parchment 3 doz 9- Winchester 1657 Parchment 4 doz 9- Winchester 1658 Parchment 1 doz 9- Winchester 1660 16 Parchment 10 Winchester 1661 2 Rolls 12- Winchester 1663 8 Parchment 1- Winchester 1665 Parchment 2 Doz 9- Winchester 1667 Parchment 1 Doz 9- Winchester 1668 16 Skins 9- Winchester 1672 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1673 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1677 7 Parchments 50 Cambridge 1682 20 Sheets 13-
108
Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages
109
Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected
1601-1901 Record Type No
DeathWill 145
Baptism 129
Directory 27
Marriage 71
Apprenticeship 49
Reference 13
Census 242
Total 676
110
Appendix 6 National Directories
111
Appendix 7 Local Directories
112
Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data
County 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 1851-1900 All Periods
Bedfordshire 0 0 1 1 1 0 3
Berkshire 0 0 0 0 9 7 16
Buckinghamshire 1 1 7 5 3 9 26
Cambridgeshire 2 0 0 1 31 21 55
Devonshire 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
Dorset 11 8 0 0 4 0 23
East Riding of Yorkshire 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
Gloucestershire 3 0 1 3 0 11 18
Hampshire 0 0 1 3 8 20 32
Hertfordshire 0 0 0 3 5 4 12
Kent 0 1 0 1 1 12 15
Lancashire 0 0 0 0 5 0 5
Leicestershire 0 1 1 3 5 1 11
Lincolnshire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Middlesex 1 2 1 1 10 26 41
Norfolk 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
North Riding of Yorkshire 30 6 0 1 0 0 37
Northamptonshire 2 0 3 4 4 30 43
Nottinghamshire 0 1 0 0 0 5 6
Oxfordshire 0 1 0 2 2 9 14
Rutland 0 0 0 1 0 4 5
Shropshire 1 0 1 0 1 0 3
Somerset 2 5 2 7 12 3 31
Staffordshire 0 1 1 0 4 0 6
Suffolk 1 0 0 0 14 6 21
Sussex 0 0 0 0 0 5 5
Surrey 0 1 8 5 20 42 76
Warwickshire 1 1 2 5 2 0 11
Wiltshire 16 37 18 12 36 16 135
Worcestershire 0 2 0 3 4 10 19
Total 73 68 50 61 182 242 676
113
Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location
Location No Location No
Abingdon England 5 Lambeth England 20
Andover England 1 Leicester England 7
Ayleburton England 1 Leicestershire England 1
Aylesbury England 3 Lenton England 5
Barrowden England 5 Lichfield England 1
Barton St David England 1 Lingfield England 4
Basingstoke England 2 Little Weldon England 7
Bassingbourn England 1 Liverpool England 5
Bath England 4 Longparish Hampshire England 1
Bedford England 2 Lyncombe England 1
Bedminster England 3 Malmesbury England 10
Bengeworth England 5 Marlborough England 29
Bere Regis England 1 Marylebone England 1
Bermondsey England 48 Middlesex England 4
Beverley England 3 Milton Abbas England 1
Bexley Kent England 1 Motcombe England 0
Bottisham England 1 Newington England 2
Bristol England 7 Newport Pagnell England 1
Brokenborough England 2 North Cerney England 1
Buckingham England 5 North Petherton England 6
Buriton England 1 Northampton England 6
Burnham England 1 Northleach England 2
Bury St Edmunds England 21 Norwich England 1
Butleigh England 1 Nottingham England 1
Camberwell England 14 Oborne England 2
Canterbury England 13 Olney England 1
Castle Cary England 2 Oswestry England 1
Caversham England 6 Oundle England 1
Charlton Wiltshire England 6 Powick England 1
Cheltenham England 2 Preshute England 1
Chepping Wycombe England 1 Princes Risborough England 5
Chichester England 1 Ravenstone England 1
Chippenham England 3 Reading England 8
Clifton Gloucestershire England 1 Rotherhithe England 2
114
Compton Dando England 1 Saint Margaret Leicestershire England 2
Corfe Mullen England 1 Salisbury England 56
Coventry England 10 Sawston England 51
Crowle England 1 Shepton Beauchamp England 0
Darlaston England 1 Sherborne England 14
Deptford England 1 Sherston England 6
Devon England 0 Southwark England 12
Dorchester England 1 St Margarets Wiltshire England 1
Dorset England 4 Steyning England 3
Ealing England 1 Stockbridge England 9
Earls Barton England 8 Stourbridge England 2
Eastham England 1 Tewkesbury England 1
Ely England 1 Thame England 1
Emneth England 1 Tring England 5
Emsworth England 1 Trowbridge England 1
Evesham England 11 Walcot England 1
Exeter England 1 Walworth England 1
Finsbury England 1 Wantage England 3
Fugglestone England 1 Warminster England 4
Gloucester England 8 Weldon England 1
Great Doddington England 2 Wells England 1
Gretton England 10 West Wycombe England 1
Harrold England 1 Westbourne England 1
Havant England 11 Westport St Mary England 4
Heston England 1 Wheatley England 0
High Wycombe England 4 Whitington England 1
Highworth Wiltshire England 1 Wilby England 2
Hillingdon England 2 Winchester England 6
Hitchin England 7 Wisbech England 1
Holloway England 1 Witney England 5
Ipswich England 0 Wooburn England 1
Irthlingborough England 6 Wycombe England 3
Kennington England 3 Yeovil England 3
Kingswinford England 4 York England 37
Kintbury England 2 London 11
Knowle England 1 Total 676
115
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws
The first major relevant actor pertaining to the parchment industry occurred in 1603 (1
Jam c22) regulating the manufacturing process and the organisation of the industry
The first significant act between 1650 and 1850 however occurred in the aftermath of
the Great Fire of London after which Charles II introduced a variety of taxes in order to
raise funds for the rebuilding of London One of these laws enforced the taxation of lsquoany
charter or grantrsquo with the rate of 40 s for one skin of parchment and 20 s for every
additional skin (22 amp 23 Cha II c9) The act covered a number of other uses including
inter alia grants of lands or leases conveyances surrender or release documents writs
of covenant original writs or bills and pleas The vast number of documents taxed were
those typically used in court This came into force in 1671 and was instituted for the
period of 9 years and although only applied to a relatively small number of uses all
parchment that was to be used for any of these purposes had to be transported to the
head tax office at Lincolnrsquos Inn London to be stamped (see Glasse 1794 452)
These laws surrounding the taxation of parchment were more firmly established in 1711
(9 AnnI c11) The new act ensured the extension of many of the previous duties while
also setting higher rates on a number of other specific parchment-based documents
Most significantly however this act stated that all parchment would now be taxed and
therefore all parchment must be transported to London for stamping this included any
parchment or vellum imported into Great Britain For every dozen parchment sold there
was a duty of 6 d while the fee stood at 1 s for vellum The act went further however
stating that all parchment works were now to be inspected regularly by appointed
officers who were permitted to enter the place of work of any parchment-maker while
refusal to allow entry would result in a fine of pound10 Finally these acts set out that at least
once a year the Lord High Treasurer or the commissioners of the Treasury would set
the prices at which stamped vellum parchment and paper would be sold (an issue
discussed further in section 72 and section 82) with officers instated to weigh skins
and hides determine the duty that was to be paid and mark the products that been
charged appropriately
A 1712 act (10 Ann I c19) enacted further duties on parchment and vellum as well as
applying a number of duties to Scotland In 1712 (11 Ann I c26) and 1713 (12 Ann I c9)
116
further duties were set on parchment (with varying prices depending on the intended
use of the parchment) with indentures pardons appeals to high court or documents
granting any office or employment in Great Britain above the value of pound50 a few of the
major documents now taxed The extension and increasing of duties would be a
common feature of the market over the next century
In 1716 George I made the tax of 6 d on every dozen parchment a perpetual tax rather
than a temporary one (3 GeoI c7) Two years later another act was passed that set out
clear regulations to ensure the more efficient collection of the duties set on parchment
(5 GeoI c2) In 1725 additional stamps duties were put in place for the period of 16
years (12 Geo I c30) though these too were continued by a later act (9 Geo II c32)
Finally these duties were also made perpetual though not until 1749 (24 Geo II c12) By
1755 the standard duty for a dozen pieces of parchment was 1 s 6 s as taken from a table
given to officers of the period (see (Leadbetter 1755 134) Under George II and later
under George III there was a seemingly ever-growing number of parchment stamp
duties (see appendix 5)
In 1757 a 1 s duty was set on leases bonds and deeds (30 Geo II c19) In 1759 further
parchment documents used in court would have a duty of at least 6 s while laws copies
of laws writs and their copies depositions and pleas were just some of the documents
covered by new stamp duties (32 Geo II c35) In 1765 a number of other duties were
passed that now pertained to parchment used in the British colonies (5 Geo III c12) In
fact new duties were being continually introduced and many others were changed in
price over the following years For example in 1776 (16 Geo III c34) a new duty of 1 s
and 6 d was set on all parchment manufactured in Great Britain This act follows an
plethora of a number of new duties and fines with acts passed in 1777 (17 Geo III c50)
1779 (19 Geo III c66) 1780 (20 Geo III c28) 1782 (22 Geo III c33) 1783 (23 Geo III c7)
1791 (31 Geo c21 c25) 1794 (34 Geo III c14 c32) 1795 (35 Geo III c30) 1796 (36
Geo III c136) 1800 (39 amp 40 G III c67) 1801 (40 Geo III c86) and 1803 (41 Geo III c86)
Over time the duties increased to cover a increasing variety of parchment products
while various new attempts were made to improve the efficiency of the tax collection
methods In 1804 for example the greatest number of new acts were passed to
117
improve the efficiency of the various stamp duties This law made numerous attempts
to consolidate and simplify the process
Over the next few years however many of the laws surrounding parchment were
repealed The stamp duties set out in the 1804 (44 Geo III c98) 1805 (45 Geo III FINISH)
and 1806 (46 Geo III c43) laws were mostly all repealed in 1808 (48 Geo III c149) There
were still many exceptions however with newspapers almanacks pamphlets and
medicine forms and licences for those selling alcohol just some still in effect However
the majority of the documents that remained heavily taxed appear to be documents
more likely to have been made from paper with many of the parchment documents
(mostly documents used in courts) were no longer subject to stamp duty Finally in
1815 all the duties set out in 1808 (48 Geo c149) as well as the those that remained
from the the 1804 act (44 Geo III c98) and those instated in the 1810 act (50 Geo III
c35) were repealed These laws marked the end of over a century of widespread
government intervention in the parchment industry
118
Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws
Year Law Title Law Reference
1671 An act for laying impositions on proceedings at law 22 amp 23 ChaII c9
1694 An act for granting to their Majesties several duties upon vellum parchment and paper for four years towards carrying on the war against France
5 amp 6 WampM c21
1696 An Act for granting to His Majesty several Duties upon Paper Vellum and Parchment to encourage the bringing of Plate and hammered Money into the Mints to be coined
8 amp 9 WampM c 7
1697 An act for making good the deficiencies of several funds there-in mentioned and for enlarging the capital stock of the bank of England and for raising the publick credit
8 amp 9 Wil III c20
1698 An act for granting to his Majesty his heirs and successors further duties upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
9 amp 10 WilIII 25
1702 An act for making good deficiencies and for preserving the publick credit 1 Ann I c13
1702 An Act for preventing Frauds in her Majestyrsquos Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper 1 Ann I c22
1705 An act for laying further duties on low wine and for preventing the damage to her Majestyrsquos revenue by importation of foreign cut wholebone and for making some provisions as to the stamp duties and the duties on births burials and marriages and the salt duties
4 Ann I c12
1706 An act for continuing the duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction and the duties payable by harkwers pedlars and petty chapmen and part of the duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and the late duties on sweetsfor the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven and other uses therein expressed
5 Ann c19
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Ann I c11
1711 An Act for licencing and regulating hackney coaches and chairs and for charging certain new duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and on cards and dice and on the exportation of rock salt for Ireland
9 Ann I c23
1712 An act for laying several duties upon sope and paper made in Great Britain or imported into the same and upon chequered and striped linens imported and upon certain silks callicoes linens and stuffs printed painted or stained and upon several kinds of stampt vellum parchment and paperhellip and for better securing her Majestyrsquos duties to arise in the office for the stampt duties by licences for marriages and otherwise and for relief of persons who have not claimed their lottery tickets in due time
10 Ann I c19
1712 An act for laying additional duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment and new duties on starch coffee tea drugs gilt and silver wire and policies of insurance to secure a yearly fund for satisfaction of orders to the contributors of a further sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds towards her Majestyrsquos supplyhellip
10 Ann I c26
119
1713 An act for laying additional duties on soap and paper and upon certain linens silks callicoes and stuffs and upon starch exported coals and upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
11 Ann I c9
1716 An act for redeeming the yearly fund of the South-Sea companyhellipand for making the said new yearly fund and annuities to be hereafter redeemable in the time and manner thereby prescribed (National Debt Act)
3 Geo I c7
1718 For continuing the duties on malt mum cyder and perry for the service of the year 1719 and for enlarging the time for entring at the exchequer such assignments of reversionary annuities as are therein mentioned and for better securing the duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment
5 Geo I c2
1725 For the relief of th suitors of the high court of chancery 12 Geo I c33
1735 For continuing for the purposes therin mentioned the additional duties uon stamped vellum parchment and paper laid an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the First
9 Geo II c32
1750 An act for making good a deficiency upon the revenue of the office of keeper or clerk of the Hanaper and for preventing any future deficiency therein to answer the publick services provided for out of the same and for augmenting the income of the office of master or keeper of the rolls
24 Geo II c25
1756 An act for granting to his majesty a duty upon licences for retailing beer ale and other excisaable liqours for establishing a method for granting such licences in Scotland and for allowing such licences to be granted at a petty session in England in a certain cafe therein mentioned
29 Geo II c12
1757 For granting to his Majesty several rates and duties upon indentures leases bonds and other deeds and upon news papers advertisements and almanaks and upon licences for retailing winehellip
30 Geo II c19
1759 An act for augmenting the salaries of the puisne judges in the court of Kingrsquos Bench the judges in the court of Common Pleas the barons of the cois in the court of Exchequer at Westminster the judges in the courts of session and Exchequer in Scotland and justices of Chester and the great sessions for the counties in Wales
32 Geo II c35
1776 An act for granting to his Majesty several duties on coaches and other carriages therein mentioned and several rates and duties upon indentures leases bods and other deeds and upon cards dice and news papers and for raising the sum of two millions by annuities and a lottery to be attended with annuities
16 Geo III c34
1777 An act for granting to his Majesty certain duties on licences to be taken out by all persons acting as auctioneers and certain rates and duties on all lands houses goods and other things sold by auction and upon industries leases bonds deeds and other instruments
17 Geo III c50
1779 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for better securing the stamp-duties upon indentures leases deeds and other instruments
19 Geo III c66
1780 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on advertisements and certain duties on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions or the custom of any province or place
20 Geo III c28
1782 An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand
22 Geo III c33
120
1783 An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts
23 Geo III c49
1783 An act to explain and amend an act made in the last session of parliament intiruled An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts and for indemnifying all persons who have written or signed any bill of exchange promissory or other note or any receipt not stamped according to law
23 Geo III c7
1783 An Act for granting to his Majesty several additional new Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper and also for repealing certain Exemption from Stamp Duties
23 Geo III c58
1789 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional stamp duties on probates of wills letters of administration and on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions
29 Geo III c51
1790 An act for repealing the duties upon licences for retailing wine and sweets and upon licences for retailing distilled spirituous liqours and for granting other duties in lieu therof
30 Geo III c38
1791 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional duty on certificates issued with respect to the killing of game
31 Geo III c21
1794 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on indentures of clerkships to solicitors and attornies in any of the courts in England therein mentioned
34 Geo III c14
1794 An act for enabling the commissioners of the stamp duties to stamp bills of exchange and notes in certain cases
34 Geo III c32
1795 An act for granting to his majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for repealing a certain exception as far as relates to bonds given as security for the payment of one hundred pounds or under contained in an act of the twenty-third year of hsi present Majestyrsquos reign
35 Geo III c30
1795 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on sea insurances 35 Geo III c63
1796 An Act for the more effectually securing Duties on Indentures Leases Bonds and other Deeds
37 Geo III c19
1797 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional stamp duty on deeds 37 Geo III c111
1796 An Act to enable the Commissioners of Stamp Duties to Stamp Duties to stamp Deeds and other Instruments Bills of Exchange Promissory and other Notes in Cases therein mentioned
37 Geo III c136
1798 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on bills of exchange and promissory notes for small sums of money
c 107
1799 An act for altering the period of making up the annual account of the duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper
39 Geo III c92
1800 An act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland 39 amp 40 Geo III c67
121
1801 An act for granting to his Majesty additional Stamp Duties on cards and dice on Probates and Wills on certain Indentures Leases Bonds or other deeds
41 Geo III c86
1803 An act for granting to his majesty several duties therin mentioned to be levied by the commissioners for managing stamp-duties in Ireland
43 Geo III c127
1804 An Act to repeal the several Duties under the Commissioners for managing the Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper in Great Britain and to grant new and additional Duties in lieu thereof
44 Geo III c98
1805 An Act for granting to His Majesty additional Stamp Duties in Great Britain on certain Legacies and also the several Duties granted by the Act passed in the Forty-sixth Year of His Majestys Reign intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to Appraisers in Great Britain
45 Geo III c28
1806 An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to appraisers in Great Britain
46 Geo III c43
1806 An act to repeal the several duties under the care of the commissioners for managing the duties pon stamped vellum parchment and paper in Ireland and to grant new and additional duties in lieu thereof and to amend the laws relating to the stamp-duties in ireland
46 Geo III c64
1808 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Law Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments andthe Duties on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in great Britain and for granting new Duties in lieu thereof
48 Geo III c149
1810 Act act for altering the Mode of collecting the Duty on Insurances against Loss by Fire upon property in His majestyrsquos Islands and Possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere beyond the Seas and for exempting certain Bonds and Receipts from Stamp Duty for giving Relief in certain cases of Stamps spoiled or misused and for explaining Part of an Act passed in the Forty eighth Year of His Majestyrsquos Reign for granting Stamp Duties in Great Britain
50 Geo III c35
1815 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Laws Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments and the Duties on Fire Insurances and on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in Great Britain and for granting other Duties in lieu therof
55 Geo III c184
122
Appendix 12 Flaying Laws
The first act passed during the seventeenth century (Jac 1 c22) stated that earlier
statues had been passed on the topic of the flaying of animal skins but that lsquothe laws
and statutes formerly established and made for the true and just tanning currying and
working of leather have not taken that good effect which was expectedrsquo and had failed
to address the lsquodeceits and abusesrsquo that were lsquocommonly practised by the tanners
curriers and workers of leatherrsquo (see Britain and Pickering 1763 106) The act then
reiterated that no butcher or any other person could damage the skin of any ox bull
steer or cow though interestingly it does not state that the same laws apply to skins
more specifically to the skins of sheep Strangely however the law later defines leather 5
as any tanned skin of ox steer bull cow calf deer and fallow goats and sheep so
presumably the law did cover tanned sheep-skins It also states that anyone selling
sheep skins that did not adhere to this law should be fined 3s 4d This particular Act is
quite difficult to interpret so much so that a later act (14 Cha II c7) offers clarification as
to what animal skins were actually covered as well as clarifying that the law pertained to
all of Great Britain and not just England It certainly brings into question the efficiency of
this tax system provided that there were clear misinterpretations (or explorations) of the
law by some for nearly sixty years
The law also began to create legally protected professions For example only a trained
tanner with a tan-house could tan any hide after the passing of this law while no tanner
could cut the leather The law also set out clear instructions on how leather should be
manufactured stored and dried It was no longer permitted that any individual could be
both a butcher and a tanner and tanners were also not allowed to occupy any other
trade that involved the cutting or working of leather It was now illegal to work the jobs
of other professions simultaneously and furthermore to work any of the professions
pertaining to the working of skins Also the law reiterated the 1563 law stating
individuals must either gain an apprenticeship or must be hired as a servant of an
individual in that profession There were clear attempts by the government to create
separate legally protected professions in the hope of improving specialisation and
5 Interestingly it is also stated that no butcher shall kill to sell any calf under five weeks old or they will be fined six shillings and eight pence This then prohibits the use of very young calves in the production of vellum and brings into question the early use of the skins of very young calves were used for the production of vellum However this law was repealed in 1685 in another act (22 amp 23 Car II c19)
123
consequently the efficiency of a number of industries The law does not however list
parchment-makershellip ADD
This law also extended to the manufacturing process of all goods in the various
skin-based industries while extensive fines were also implemented For example there
was a fine of 3 s 4 d for any putrefied or rotten skin put up for sale (1819 1040) The law
also extended to ensuring high-quality wears and to reduce wastage Any attempt to
transport leather that was cut or unwrought for sale was now illegal Curriers would also
be fined if they attempted to sell leather that had not been sufficiently tanned No
leather could be sold that had not been lsquosearched and sealedrsquo in other words inspected
and taxed (further clarification in section 63) No tan fats before liming and skins must
not be left in lime pits for too long Skins must not be left to dry in frost nor in direct
sunlight Finally the fine for the sale of a dozen sheep skins that did not meet these high
standards was six shillings and eight pence This appears a particularly troubling issue as
many of the standards set were subject to the opinions of inspectors inspectors with a
monetary incentive to find as many damaged skins as possible The consequential
finding of a high volume of lsquodamagedrsquo skins would then be likely to further support the
need for further regulation
The 1662 Act (14 Cha 2 c7) was the next major law bringing about stricter laws
surrounding the exportation of skins and leather From 1662 no tanned hide or
untanned hide of any ox steer bull cow or calf was allowed to be exported out of the
country as well as a number of limitations regarding to the transport of hides within
Great Britain The law does however state that sheep-skins not dressed with wool may
be transported this was in keeping with the law stating that the exportation of wool was
also illegal at this time (see 14 Cha I c 18) The law also further details the punishment
of tanners who cut and raked the hides impairing them shall have their hides seized
The 1688 law(1 WampM c33) more clearly states what the previous statutes cover every
hide skin or piece of tanned leather shaved or liquored of whatever colour with any
liquoring or dressing Clearly then even if poorly enforced for some time the laws
pertaining to the flaying of skins the strict manufacturing processes and the
requirement of searches and seals all applied to the parchment manufacturing process
at least after 1689 Interestingly this law also states that individuals may now sell
124
leather hides or skins by weight This would allow for individuals to sell more
homogenised products with less emphasis on quality
The 1710 act (9 Ann I c11) was extensive although pertaining primarily to the taxation
of hides and skins it enacted even further laws and punishment surrounding the
manufacture and sale of skins and parchment Setting out clear punishments for those
lsquodefrauding the crownrsquo and most importantly further punishments were created for the
damaging of skins It is also the first law to specifically refer to the manufacture of
parchment The law also creates and clarifies a significant number of limitations and
instructions on the manufacturing process for a number of skin-goods For example
who may cut the skins how they were cut how the skins were dried when and if skins
could be transported and who shall inspect these skins It states that officers would now
inspect skins and various tanned products to review their quality This law seems to
highlight the failure of the previous laws as the laws of 1603 (1 Jac I c22) and 1689 (1
WampM c33) were also extensive and yet it was deemed necessary to enact further laws
and punishments as well as offering further clarification of the previous laws For
example it was considered necessary to clarify that previous laws had also extended to
Scotland in the 1784 act (24 Geo II c19)
As late as 1800 attempts were still being made by the crown to limit the number of
damaged skins (39-40 Geo III c66) This is a clear indicator of the failures of previous
laws as well as indicating the still widespread problem of damaged materials at least in
the opinion of government new lsquoproper and convenient placesrsquo were set up for the
examination and inspection of all raw hides for each city (Chitty 1824 348) This perhaps
indicates the lack of appropriate inspections outside of the city of London The act also
sets out new fines for the improper flaying of skins even greater than those preceding
them (Britain 1811 390-391) These fines were so high that only a year later a new law
was passed (41 Geo III c53) reducing the amount perpetrators were fined (Minard
2011 154) In 1803 (43 Geo III c 106) it was also deemed necessary to apply these more
thorough inspections to London a troubling sign considering the issues clearly still
pertained to London despite the significant size of the tanning industry and the
high-quality works expected to accompany an industry of that size
The 1808 law pertaining to London exclusively saw the reduction of these fines (Minard
125
2011 154) with the fine now being no more than 3 s though no less than 2frac12 d (Chitty
1824 353) This law also saw the reorganisation of the inspectors in London and the
requirement that all sheep and lamb skins be inspected either at the Woodsclose
Market the Borough Market or Whitechapel Market (Britain 1824 353) The timing of
these changes again shows the failure of the laws the preceded them and marks the
the beginning of the end for the intensive regulation of this market by the government
That same year a petition was put forward titled A Petition of Several Tanners of London
and its vicinity was presented (House of Commons 1808 120) attempting to repeal a
number of the regulations enforced on the various skin-working professions A few
weeks later on the 17th March the committee created to consider the petition decided
the acts ought to be repealed (1808 183) and on the 28th of March a bill was presented
(1808 218) In the same year a similar petition was put forward by Scottish tanners
(1808 271) and yet another by lsquocurriers and other dealers in tanned leatherrsquo (1808 286)
The previous laws had clearly been a failure and caused major issues across Great
Britain On the 20th of May 1808 a bill was passed to repeal some of the acts that
implemented strict requirements for those working with animals skins
The inspections remained however with inspections on the flaying of skins still
undertaken by the government though in 1824 this too was abolished The 1824 act (5
Geo IV c57) repealed the 1800 (39 amp 40 Geo III c66) the 1801 act (41 Geo III c53) the
1803 local act (43 Geo III ccvi) and the 1808 act (43 Geo III clxxi) (Williams 1824 90-91)
This 1824 act marks the end of two centuries of intensive government regulation
126
127
Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws
Year Act Name Legal Abbreviation
1485 An act shewing the duties of a corwainer tanner or currier 1 Hen VII c5
1563 Statute of Artificiers (An act containing divers orders for artificiers labours servants of husbandry and apprentices)
5 Eliz I c 4
1603 An Act concerning tanners curriers shoe-makers and other artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather
1 Jac I c22
1662 An act to restrain the exportation of leather and raw hides out of the realm of England
14 Cha 2 c7
1689 An act for explaining part of an act made in the first year of King James the First concerning tanned leather
1 WampM c33
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Anne c11
1784 An act for encouraging the manufacture of leather by lowering the duty payable upon the importation of oak bark when the price of such bark shall exceed a certain rate for a limited time and for extending several acts of parliament relative to the manufacture of leather to that of Great Britain called Scotland
24 Geo III c19
1800 Use of Horse Hides etc Act 39-40 Geo III c66
1801 An act to explain and amend an act passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of the reign of his present Majesty intituled An act to repeal so much of an act passed in the second year of King James the First as prohibits the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and for better preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
41 Geo III c53
1803 To extend the provisions of two acts passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth and in the forty-first years of the reign of his present Majesty relating to the use of horse-hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw-hides and skins in the flaying thereof to and to alter and amend as to the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark and liberties therof and all places within fifteen miles of the Royal Exchange of the said city of London
43 Geo III ccvi (local act)
1808 For repealing an act made in the 43rd year of his present majesty for extending the provisions of two formers acts relating to the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
48 Geo III clxxi (local act)
1808 An Act for repealing an Act passed in the First Year of king james the First intitled An Act concerning Tanners Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather and also for repealing and amending certain Parts of several other Acts of Parliament relating thereto
48 Geo III c60
1824 An Act to repeal Four Acts of his late Majesty relating to the Use of Horse Hides in making Boots and Shoes and for better preventing the damaging of Raw Hides and Skins in the flaying thereof
5 Geo IV c57
128
Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 Source Shaw 1935 671-672 (Originally sourced from Calendar of Treasury Books 1694)
The like of persons to be distributors of the [stamped] parchment and paper in all the counties of England and Wales and to be collectors of the duty thereby arising as follows
Berkshire John Paise of Reading
Beds Francis Brace
Bucks Charles Herle
Cambridgeshire William Percivall
Cheshire Richard Backwell and Robert Foulks
Cornwall Thomas Horwell
Cumberland Robert Jackson
Derbyshire Peter Gery
Devonshire Benj Robins
Dorsetshire Jos Watson and Peter Clinton
Durham William Roper
Essex William Wright and Francis Blythe
Gloucestershire Walter Marshall Edward Bulstrode and Thomas Wale
Hampshire Thomas Shory and Paul Burwood
Herts Francis Isaacson of Barnet
Herefordshire Thomas Mathews
Hunts John Mason
Kent Thomas Raworth of Dover and Thomas Cason of Maidstone
Lancs William Townsen of Lancaster and mdash Dodd of Preston
Leicestershire and Rutland John Cradock
Lincolnshire Edward Cowly
Monmouthshire Walter Marshall
Norfolk Edward Barnes and Henry Marriott
Northants Edward Butler
Northumberland Cha Sanderson and Samuell Wilson
Notts John Bury
Oxfordshire William Busby and John Langston
Shropshire William Leake
Somerset Humphry Burton of Tiverton and mdash Babb of Taunton
Stafford Geo Nevell and John Dunster
Suffolk Robert Warren
Surrey John Balchen
Sussex John Dee Richard Holmes John Newton of Lewes and Samuel Bruer of Battle
129
Warwickshire Jer Withers
Westmorland John Procter
Wilts Robert Cutler of Sarum
Worcestershire William Collins
Yorks Geo Maynard for the West Riding John Hall for the North Riding William Lyster for the East Ridinng
Town of Hull Jos Claver
Denbighshire John Lloyd
Anglesey Montgomery Merioneth and Carnarvon Samuel Howson and Richard Wright
Flintshire Robert Foulks
Carmarthenshire Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire John Evans
Glamorganshire Edward Thomas
Radnorshire Cha Jones
Brecknockshiremdash Davys
130
Bibliography
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Anderson J 1797 Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Dublin Messrs P Wogan P Byrne and J Moore
An Impartial Observer 1806 XXXIX and XL Geo III c 66 The Flaying Act considered as without benefiting the Public most severely oppressing the Butchers of London By an Impartial Observer 30 June 1800 London E Thomas
Anon 1787 The Book of Rates Dundee Printed for George Milln
Aubrey J Britton J 1847 The natural history of Wiltshire Wiltshire Topographical Society Salisbury
A Vision of Britain 2018 1841 A Census of Britain Occupations Vision of Britain Available at httpwwwvisionofbritainorgukcensustableGB1841OCC_M[1] [Accessed June 29 2018]
Apostolides A et al 2008 English Agricultural Output and Labor Productivity 1250-1850 Some Preliminary Estimates University of Warwick Unpublished Working paper Available online www2 warwick ac ukfacsoceconomicsstafffacultybroadberrywpagriclongrun4 pdf Available at httpwwwbasvanleeuwennetbestandenagriclongrun1250to1850pdf [Accessed August 27 2017]
Ashworth WJ 2003 Customs and Excise Trade Production and Consumption in England 1640-1845 Oxford Oxford University Press
Bailey J 1810 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Durham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London R Phillips
Bailey J amp Culley G 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Northumberland With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement by J Bailey and G Culley London Sol Printed by S Hodgson and sold by M Robinson and G Nicol
Bailey W 1784 Baileyrsquos British Directory First Edition London Printed by J Andrews
Ballard E 1882 Report in Respect of the Inquiry as to Effluvium Nuisances Arising in Connexion with Various Manufacturing and Other Branches of Industry London HM Stationery Office
Bath and West of England Agricultural Society 1792 Letters and papers on agriculture planting ampc [electronic resource] Selected from the correspondence of the Bath and west of England Society for the encouragement of agriculture arts manufactures and commerce Vol IV The second edition Bath Printed by order of the Society by R Cruttwell and sold by C Dilly Poultry London and by the booksellers of Bath Bristol Salisbury Gloucester Exeter ampc ampc
Beckett JV 1985 Land Tax or Excise the levying of taxation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England The English historical review C(CCCXCV) pp285ndash308
Bicchieri M et al 2008 Inside the parchment Proceedings of Art pp25ndash30
Billing M 1855 Directory amp Gazetteer of Worcestershire 1855 Birmingham M Billing Steam-Press Offices
131
Billingsley J 1798 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Somerset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Bath R Cruttwell
Brownlee J (1915) The history of the birth and death rates in England and Wales taken as a whole from 1570 to the present time Public Health 29 pp211-222
Blanch J 1774 The art of tanning and currying leather with an account of all the different processes made use of in Europe and Asia for dying leather red and yellow London Printed for J Nourse
Blom P 2005 Enlightening the world Encyclopeacutedie the book that changed the course of history London Macmillan Publishers
Boys J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London B McMillan
Bower MA et al 2010 The potential for extraction and exploitation of DNA from parchment a review of the opportunities and hurdles Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 33(1) pp1ndash11
Burger J Hummel S amp Herrmann B 2000 Palaeogenetics and cultural heritage Species determination and STR-genotyping from ancient DNA in art and artefacts Thermochimica acta 365(1) pp141ndash146
Campana MG et al 2010 A flock of sheep goats and cattle ancient DNA analysis reveals complexities of historical parchment manufacture Journal of archaeological science 37(6) pp1317ndash1325
Campbell R 1747 The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and Westminster London T Gardner
Chambers E 1728 Cyclopedia - Volume 1 London Printed for James and John Knapton John Darby Daniel Midwinter Arthur Bettersworth John Senex Robert Gosling John Pemberton William and John Innys John Osborn and Tho Longman Charles Rivington john Hooke Ranew Robinson Francis Clay Aaron Ward Edward Symon Daniel Browne Andrew Johnston and Thomas Osborn
Chitty J 1824 A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents London A Strahan
Churchill JE 1983 The Complete Book of Tanning Skins and Furs London Stackpole Books
Clark G 2004 Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous Living Costs of the Rich versus the Poor in England 1209--1869 In Conference paperldquoTowards a Global History of Prices and Wagesrdquo Utrecht Available at httpswwwresearchgatenetprofileGregory_Clarkpublication246687497_Lifestyles_of_the_Rich_and_Famous_Living_Costs_of_the_Rich_versus_the_Poor_in_England_1209-1869links546e62200cf2b5fc176075b5pdf
Clark G 2007 The long march of history Farm wages population and economic growth England 1209ndash1869 The Economic History Review 60(1) pp97ndash135
Clark G amp Lindert P 2006 England_1209-1914_Clarkxlsx Global Price and Income History Group Available at httpgpihucdavisedufilesEngland_1209-1914_(Clark)xls [Accessed September 9 2018]
Clarke M 2001 The analysis of medieval European manuscripts Studies in Conservation 46(2) pp3ndash17
Clarkson C 1992 REDISCOVERING PARCHMENT THE NATURE OF THE BEAST Paper Conservator 16(1) pp5ndash26
Cobbett W 1912 Rural Rides in Surrey Kent and Other Counties London A Cobbett
132
Collins M J Fiddyment S Webb C OConnor T P Bradley D Teasdale M Doherty S Curtis A Vnoucek J Hall 2015 Reading the leaves sheep parchment as a 1000 year genetic resource Advances in Animal Biosciences p63
Cook HF amp Williamson T 1999 Water Management in the English Landscape Field Marsh and Meadow Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press
Copus AK 1989 Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in Southern England 1750ndash1900 The Agricultural history review 37(1) pp36ndash51
Craig H 1960 English religious drama of the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford Clarendon Press
Crittal E 1959 Wiltshire Volume 4 Other Industries In A History of the County of Wiltshire Volume 4 London British History Online pp 43ndash64 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchwiltsvol4 [Accessed July 29 2018]
Crouse J 1768 The History of the City and County of Norwich From the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time London Printed John Crouse and sold by M Booth
DrsquoAgata R et al 2007 The use of atmospheric pressure laser desorption mass spectrometry for the study of iron-gall ink Applied Physics A Materials Science amp Processing 89(1) pp91ndash95
Davis JM amp Beckett JV 1999 Animal husbandry and agricultural improvement the archaeological evidence from animal bones and teeth Rural history economy society culture 10(1) pp1ndash17
Davis T 1813 General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Dickson PGM 1960 The Sun Insurance Office 1710-1960 Oxford Oxford University Press
Doherty Sean 2018 The proteomic and isotopic analysis of parchment and their application to post-medieval sheep husbandry in Britain PhD Thesis University of York
Duncumb J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Hereford Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Fitzsimmons MP 2010 From Artisan to Worker Guilds the French State and the Organization of Labor 1776ndash1821 New York Cambridge University Press
Freemen of Chester 1992 Chester Freemen and Guilds Information and History Booklet Chester Chester City Record Office
Fussell GE 1966 The English Dairy Farmer 1500-1900 London Frank Cass amp Co
Fussell GE 1964 THE GRASSES AND GRASSLAND CULTIVATION OF BRITAIN I Before 1700 Grass and Forage Science 19(1) pp49ndash54
Fussell GE amp Goodman C 1930 Eighteenth Century Estimates of British Sheep and Wool Production Agricultural history 4(4) pp131ndash151
Gerhold D 2005 Carriers and coachmasters trade and travel before the turnpikes Oxford Phillimore
Glasse S 1794 The Magistratersquos Assistant Or A Summary of Those Laws which Immediately Respect the Conduct of a Justice of the Peace Continued to the End of the Session--1793 Gloucester Printed by R Raikes
Gooch W 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge London Sherwood Neely and Jones
133
Great BritainCommissioners of Excise 1778 Instructions for officers of the duties on hides in the country London
Gullick M 1991 From parchmenter to scribe some observations on the manufacture and preparation of medieval parchment based upon a review of the literary evidence In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 145ndash157
Hagadorn A 2012 Parchment making in eighteenth-century France historical practices and the written record Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 35(2) pp165ndash188
Haskins CH 1912 The ancient trade guilds and companies of Salisbury Kindle Salisbury Bennett Brothers
Havinden MA 1961 The Rural Economy of Oxfordshire 1580-1730 B Litt thesis Oxford University
Henderson S 2016 A Revolution in Sheeprsquos Clothing BA University of York
Henrickson RL Ranganayaki MD amp Asghar A 1984 Age species breed sex and nutrition effect on hide collagen Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 20(3) pp159ndash172
Her Majestyrsquos Stationery Office 1844 Reports from Commissioners Seventeen Volumes 13 London English Government Available at httpsmarketandroidcomdetailsid=book-jmoSAAAAYAAJ
Hoffman T 2011 Guilds and Related Organisations in Great Britain and Ireland a bibliography - Part 1 Unpublished Available at httpwwwbbkacuklibrarydownloadsguilds-part-1pdf [Accessed 28102018]
Holland H 1813 General view of the agriculture of Cheshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Houghton J 1728 Husbandry and trade improvrsquod being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle coals hops wool ampc With a complete catalogue of the several sorts of earths With many other useful particulars communicated by several eminent members of the Royal Society to the collector John Houghton The second edition London Printed for Woodman and Lyon
Hughes E 1941 The English Stamp Duties 1664-1764 The English Historical Review 56 (222) pp234ndash264
Hunt amp Co 1849 Hunt amp Corsquos Directory of Gloucester amp Bristol London BW Gardiner
Ibbetson J 1845 Ibbetsonrsquos Directory of the Borough of Bradford etc Bradford Printed and Published by J Ibbetson
Kent H 1798 Kentrsquos directory for the year 1798 containing an alphabetical list of the names and places of abode of the directors of companies persons in public business merchants of London and Westminster and Southwark etc 66th edn London Richard amp Henry Causton
Kellyrsquos Directories Ltd 1936 Kellyrsquos directory of stationers printers publishers booksellers papermakers amp c of England Scotland and Wales 18th edn 1936 London Kellyrsquos Directories
Kerridge E 2013 The Agricultural Revolution London Routledge
Kite M amp Thomson R 2006 The Manufacture of Leather Conservation of Leather and Related Materials London Elsevier Science amp Technology Ltd
Knight C 1842 London London Published by Charles Knight
Lawrence T Fowler V amp Novakofski J 2012 Growth of Farm Animals 3rd edition London CABI
Leadbetter C 1755 The royal gauger or Gauging made perfectly easy as it is actually practised by the officers of His Majestyrsquos revenue of excise London Printed for E Wicksteed
134
Lisle E 1757 Observations in Husbandry London J Hughs
Lowe R 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Nottingham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London C MacRae
Lyall RJ 1989 Materials The Paper Revolution In J Griffiths et al eds Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375--1475 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 11ndash29
Lyne AG 1961 The Postnatal Development of Wool Follicles Shedding and Skin Thickness in Inbred Merino and Southdown-Merino Crossbred Sheep Australian Journal of Biological Sciences 14(1) pp141ndash156
Marshall M 1789 The rural economy of Gloucestershire including its dairy together with the dairy management of North Wiltshire and the management of orchards and fruit liquor in Herefordshire Glocester Printed by R Raikes for G Nicol Pall-Mall London
Massey W 1763 The Origin and Progress of Letters An Essay in Two Parts London J Johnson
Mathias P 1969 The first industrial nation The economic history of Britain 1700-1914 London Metheun and Co
Mavor WF 1813 General view of the agriculture of Berkshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Mazoyer M and Roudart L (2006) A History of World Agriculture from the neolithic age to the current crisis London Earthscan
Maxted I 1992 British Book Trades 1775-1787 An Index to Insurance Policies (Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History) London JMaxted
Minard P 2011 Micro-Economics of Quality and Social Construction of the Market Disputes Among the London Leather Trades in the Eighteenth-Century Historische Sozialforschung = Historical social research Zentrum fur Historische Sozialforschung Koln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften Bonn 36(4) pp150ndash168
Moffatt JM 1805 The History of the Town of Malmesbury and of Its Ancient Abbey Together with Memoirs of Eminent Natives to which is Added an Appendix Tetbury JG Goodwyn
Murray A 1815 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Warwick with Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London B McMillan
Narayan S amp Rathore A 1964 Skin follicles and wool characteristics of seven breeds of Rajasthan sheep Research Studies-University of Udaipur 2
Neate S Howell D Ovenden R Pollard AM 2011 The Technological Study of Books and Manuscripts as Artefacts Research Questions and Analytical Solutions Oxford Archaeopress
Overton M 1996 Re-Establishing the English Agricultural Revolution The Agricultural history review 44(1) pp1ndash20
Page W 1930 A History of the County of Northampton In The borough of Northampton Trades London British History Online pp 26ndash30 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchnorthantsvol3pp26-30 [Accessed 30102018]
Page W 1907 Agriculture In A History of the County of Oxfordshire London British History Online pp 279ndash292 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchoxonvol2pp279-292 [Accesse 30102018]
Palop R 2016 Sheepskin and Cattle Hide Degreasing PhD University of Barcelona Available at
135
httpwwwcromogeniacomimagesnoticiasAF_LIBRO_DESENGRASE_english_bajapdf
Palliser DM amp Selwyn DG 1972 The Stock of a York Stationer 1538 The Library s5-XXVII(3) pp207ndash219
ParliamentHouse of Lords 1742 The history and proceedings of the House of Lords from the Restoration in 1660 to the present time London Ebenezer Tumberland
Parson WM amp White WM 1830 Directory of Leeds York and the Clothing District of Yorkshire Northowram Ovenden From Weaver to Web Northowram Calderdale Libraries Northgate Halifax West Yorkshire England
Pendred J 1785 The London and Country Printers Booksellers and Stationers Vade Mecum Moorfields J Pendred
Pigot 1995 National commercial directory Norwich Michael Winton
Pigot 1834 National commercial directory of the merchants bankers professional gentlemen manufacturers and traders in the counties of Chester Cumberland Durham Lancaster Northumberland Westmorland and York etc London Pigot
Pigot J 1825 Pigot and Corsquos New Commercial Directory of Scotland for 1825-1826Together with the most extensive Directory of London Manchester J Pigot and Co
Pitt W 1796 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Stafford With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G Nicol and sold
Pitt W 1809 A general view of the agriculture of the county of Leicester with observations on the means of its improvement London R Phillips
Pitt W 1817 A Topographical History of Staffordshire Including Its Agriculture Mines and Manufactures Memoirs of Eminent Natives Statistical Tables and Every Species of Information Connected with the Local History of the County With a Succinct Account of the Rise and Progress of the Staffordshire Potteries J Smith
Plenderleith HJ amp Werner A 1971 Papyrus Parchment and Paper In The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art Treatment Repair and Restoration Oxford Oxford University Press pp 44ndash73
Plot R 1686 The Natural History of Staffordshire Oxford Printed at the Theater
Plymley J 1803 General View of the Agriculture of Shropshire with Observations Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole B 1852 Statistics of British commerce Being a compendium of the productions manufactures imports and exports of the United Kingdom London WH Smith amp Son Simpkin Marshall amp Co
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Priest SJ amp Parkinson R 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Buckinghamshire Drawn Up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Reed R 1972 Ancient Skins Parchments and Leathers New York Seminar Press
Reed R 1991 Some thoughts on Parchment for Bookbinding In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 217ndash220
136
Reed R 1975 The nature and making of parchment Leeds Elmete Press
Rennie G Brown R amp Shirreff J 1799 General View of the Agriculture of the West Riding of Yorkshire Surveyed by Messrs Rennie Brown amp Shirreff 1793 With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement and Additional Information Since Received Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement Edinburgh G Nicol
Roberts C David Roberts F amp Bisson D 2016 A History of England Volume 1 Prehistory to 1714 London Routledge
Rogers JET 1887 A History of Agriculture and Prices in England From the Year After the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the Commencement of the Continental War (1793) Oxford Clarendon Press
Rudge T 1981 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Gloucester London R Phillips
Russell N 2007 Like Engendrsquoring Like Heredity and Animal Breeding in Early Modern England Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Ryder M 1981 A survey of European primitive breeds of sheep Annales de genetique et de selection animale 13(4) pp381ndash418
Ryder ML 1963 A survey of the gross structural features of protein fibres Fibre Structure pp534ndash566
Ryder ML 1958 Follicle arrangement in skin from wild sheep primitive domestic sheep and in parchment Nature 182(4638) pp781ndash783
Ryder ML 1960 Follicle remains in some British parchments Nature 187(4732) pp130ndash132
Ryder ML 1969 Remains derived from skin Science in Archaeology 43 pp539ndash554
Ryder ML 1983 Sheep and man London Gerald Duckworth amp Co Ltd
Ryder ML 1991 The biology and history of parchment In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thurbecke pp 25ndash33
Ryder ML 1964a The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain The Agricultural history review 12(1) pp1ndash12
Ryder ML 1964b The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain (Continued) The Agricultural history review 12(2) pp65ndash82
Saxl H 1954 An investigation of the qualities the methods of manufacture and the preservation of historic parchment and vellum with a view to identifying the animal species used PhD University of Leeds
Sellet F 1993 Chaicircne opeacuteratoire the concept and its applications Lithic technology 18(1-2) pp106ndash112
Shaw W 1935 Entry Book June 1964 1-10 In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 10 1693-1696 London British History Online pp 636ndash648 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol10pp440-449 [Accessed 30102018]
Shaw W amp Slingsby FH 1957 Declared Accounts Stamp Duties In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 29 1714-1715 British History Online pp 381ndash398 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol29 [Accessed 30102018]
Sibly E 1808 Magazine of Natural History Comprehending the Whole Science of Animals Plants and Minerals Divided Into Distinct Parts the Characters Separately Described and Systematically Arranged London Chimpante and Withrow
Sims M 2004 Homewell Parchment Works Archaeological Report Available at
137
httplibrarythehumanjourneynet890 [Accessed 13082017]
Sketchley J 1775 Sketchleyrsquos Bristol Directory Bristol James Sketchley
Slater I amp Pigot 1857 Slaterrsquos - late Pigot amp cos - Royal national commercial directory and topography of the counties of Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire Rutlandshire amp Yorkshire the towns of Hull Leeds Nottingham and Sheffield embellished with beautiful maps of Lincolnshire Nottingham amp Yorkshire etc Manchester Isaac Slater
Slater amp Pigot 1852 Slaterrsquos Royal National Commercial Directory and Topography of Scotland etc 1852 Aberdeenshire Isaac Slater
Smellie W 1771 Encyclopaeligdia Britannica [electronic resource] or a dictionary of arts and sciences compiled upon a new plan Illustrated with one hundred and sixty copperplates By a Society of gentlemen in Scotland In three volumes Edinburgh printed for A Bell and C Macfarquhar and sold by Colin Macfarquhar
Smith F 2009 Smithrsquos Directory of Halifax Bradford Oldfield and Horsfall
Stevenson W 1812 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Dorset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G and W Nicol
Stevenson W 1809 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Surrey London J Phillips
Stinson T 2011 Counting Sheep Potential Applications of DNA Analysis to the Study of Medieval Parchment Production In F Franz C Fritze amp G Vogeler eds Kodikologie und Palaumlographie im digitalen Zeitalter 2 - Codicology and Palaeography in the Digital Age 2 Norderstedt Books on Demand (BoD) pp 191ndash207
Stinson TL 2009 Knowledge of the flesh using DNA analysis to unlock bibliographical secrets of medieval parchment Papers Bibliographical Society of America 103(4) pp435ndash453
Strickland HE 1812 A general view of the agriculture of the East-Riding of Yorkshire published by order of the Board of Agriculture author
Teasdale MD et al 2015 Paging through history parchment as a reservoir of ancient DNA for next generation sequencing Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B Biological sciences 370(1660) p20130379
The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 The Rotation of Crops The Farmerrsquos Magazine 8 p188
The House of Commons 1808 The Journals of the House of Commons Volume 63 London Printed by Order of the House of Commons
The National Archives 2018 Bridging the Digital Gap technical traineeships in archives Available at httpwwwnationalarchivesgovuk [Accessed October 23 2018]
The Salt Association 2018 Salt amp the Salt Tax | Salt History The Salt Association Available at httpwwwsaltassociationcoukeducationsalt-historysalt-the-chemical-revolutioneighteenth-century-salt-making-salt-and-the-salt-tax [Accessed July 5 2018]
The Saturday Magazine 1838 The Saturday Magazine 12-13(402) pp129ndash136
Thirsk J 1984 The Agrarian History of England and Wales Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Thirsk J 2000 The English Rural Landscape USA Oxford University Press
Thomas S 1983 Leathermaking in the Middle Ages In Leather Manufacture through the Ages Proceedings of the 27th East Midlands Industrial Archaeology Conference (27) EMIAC 27 pp 1ndash10
138
Trolander P 2014 Literary Sociability in Early Modern England The Epistolary Record London Rowman amp Littlefield
Trow-Smith R 1951 English husbandry From the earliest times to the present day London Faber and Faber
Tuke J 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the North Riding of Yorkshire With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London W Bulmer and Company
Vancouver C 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Hampshire Including the Isle of Wight London R Phillips
Walls GF 1901 Westmorland Agriculture 1800-1900 London Book on Demand
Walton JR 1983 The diffusion of improved sheep breeds in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Oxfordshire Journal of historical geography 9(2) pp175ndash195
Watt A 1906 The Art of Leather Manufacture Being A Practical Handbook in Which the Operations of Tanning Currying and Leather Dressing Are Fully Described London Kessinger Publishing
Williams TW 1824 A Compendious Abstract of the Public General Acts passed in 6 Geo IV London Printed for GWightman
Williams AJ amp Thornberry KJ 1992 THE SKIN THICKNESS OF MEDIUM WOOL MERINO SHEEP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WOOL PRODUCTION Proceedings of the Australian Society of Animal Production 19 pp138ndash141
Williams amp Co 1844 Williams amp Co Directory of York Printed by Edward Baines amp sons York
Winters J 2012 THE ENGLISH PROVINCIAL BOOK TRADE BOOKSELLER STOCK-LISTS C 1520-1640 PhD University of St Andrews
Wodzicka M 1958 Studies on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin of sheep ImdashDevelopment techniques New Zealand Journal of Agricultural Research 1(4) pp582ndash591
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska M 1960 Effect of cold on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin in sheep In Proc Aust Soc Anim Prod pp 195ndash198
Worgan GB 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall London G and W Nicol
Wrigley E (2011) The Early English Censuses Oxford Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press
Wrigley E and Schofield R (1981) The Population History of England 1541-1871 Cambridge Mass Harvard Univ Press
Wykes DL 2004 Robert Bakewell (1725-1795) of Dishley Farmer and Livestock Improver The Agricultural history review 52(1) pp38ndash55
Yeomans LM 2006 A zooarchaeological and historical study of the animal product based industries operating in London during the post-medieval period PhD University of London Available at httpwwwacademiaedudownload30464459Yeomans_phdpdf
Youatt W 1810 A Treatise on the Choice Buying and General Management of Live Stock Comprising Delineations and Description of the Principal Breeds London B Crosby and Company
Youatt W amp Weld MC 1837 Sheep Their Breeds Management and Diseases London Baldwin and Cradock
Young A 1799 Experiments on the Winter and Summer support of sheep Annals of Agriculture and other
139
Useful Arts 34 pp414ndash425
Young A 1807 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary of the Board In Two Volumes Vol 2 London RPhillips
Young A 1804 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk London G and W Nicol
Young A 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary to the Board London B Macmillan
Young A 1808 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex London R Phillips
Young A 1813 General view of the agriculture of Oxfordshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
140
Acknowledgements I would like thank my thesis advisor Dr Jonathan Finch of the Archaeology Department at
the University of York for all his help and support throughout this project I would also
like to thank Matthew Collins Sean Doherty Sarah Fiddyment and Matthew Teasdale for
including me in their conversations on their research surrounding the lsquohidden history of
parchmentrsquo
I would also like to express my gratitude to my family for proof-reading my project and
apologise for the many hours they will never get back and for the wealth of sheep and
parchment knowledge they will carry around with them for years to come
8
Declaration I declare that this thesis is a presentation of original work and I am the sole author This work has not previously been presented for an award at this or any other University All sources are acknowledged as References
9
Chapter 1 Introduction
11 Aims
lsquoThe assumption has been made that parchment was made in the region of the place in which
the document was written However certainly as early as the seventeen-nineties it was clear
that the parchment had not necessarily been made locally a parchment of that fate from
Hereford bore the name of a London stationerrsquo
(Ryder 1963 541)
The aim of this project is to develop the first detailed overview of the post-medieval
English parchment industry This particular industry is one routinely overlooked by
historians and archaeologists and this work constitutes the only in-depth investigation
of the parchment industry of this period However not only is there ample evidence on
which to create a detailed outline of the size location and processes of this industry but
that this research will greatly contribute to our understanding of the past from both the
new data it will provide on this time period as well as potentially contributing new
material to the debates surrounding the agricultural revolution and the neglected area
of stockbreeding but also by providing essential historical context for groundbreaking
new studies on historical DNA (hDNA) found in parchment
However being that this is the first detailed review of this industry there is very little
academic literature to highlight the key components of the industry as well as the key
factors shaping the industry As a result this project is divided into two sections Firstly
the piecing together of the history of the industry assessing the size and structure of
the industry and the various processes that occurred during production Having
established the outline and processes of the industry and any changes over time the
second section will explore the driving factors shaping the development on the industry
Put simply the results of the first section should raise important new questions that
need to be asked of the historical record and section two will attempt to answer these
questions taking the study beyond the industry itself to address questions from
broader research agendas
10
A review of the key changes in this industry particularly those concerning the price of
materials the objectives of manufacturers and the fluctuations in the progress and
efficiency should prove significant in further developing our understanding of the
post-medieval agricultural change and the wider-economy more generally Furthermore
this research will help us to understand when paper became the primary lsquohardwarersquo for
recording information It will also offer new data to interpret the chronology and
geography of the agricultural revolution through the hitherto neglected area of livestock
improvement All the areas discussed above are topics that will be reviewed in this
project and from which a good understanding of the location and processes of the
parchment industry from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century will be developed
Perhaps however as stated earlier the most consequential aspect of this research will
support the advancement of these scientific techniques currently deployed in the field
of archaeology to be applied in the study of the post-medieval period The research of
hDNA analysis appears the most quintessential use for this research though it is by no
means limited to this area alone The recent investigative fervour surrounding the
scientific study of parchment through the analysis of hDNA as well as chemical and
spectrographic analysis (discussed further in section 25 of the literature review) should
benefit from research of this nature greatly supporting its application on the
post-medieval period
11
12 The Research Question
What was the structure size and geography of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 and what light can the results throw onto wider research goals in a variety of
disciplines including hDNA studies historical archaeology and agricultural history
relating to the chronology and geography of agricultural improvement
13 Objectives
To complete a literature review of both materials written recently and those written
during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries The sources reviewed can then be used
to conduct a detailed overview of the structure of the parchment industry looking
primarily at the parchment manufacturing process the uses for parchment the
socio-economic status of the industry and the overall condition of the industry during
these centuries This will involve reviewing a variety of external factors such as changes
in law taxation the price of various agricultural products the paper industry and
transport
Once completed a more detailed analysis of the data can be undertaken reviewing
correlations in the data and assessing which factors were most significant in shaping the
development of the parchment industry In order to conduct such an analysis a detailed
review of the agricultural landscape between 1650 and 1850 must be completed
primarily investigating the location of various sheep breeds and the various agricultural
systems to which they most suited Any information on the geography of the parchment
manufacturing industry and the identification of any centres of production will not only
offer further information on this previously unstudied industry but more specifically
provide greater validity to post-medieval hDNA studies by offering further clarity on the
origin of parchment samples Furthermore this work will assess the key factors in the
changing industry and their effects on parchment quality over time
Finally a review of the impact of this research Reviewing if this new information
contributes to current debates surrounding agricultural improvement more specifically
12
the timing and significance of an agricultural revolution as well as how it affects the
results and methodologies of future hDNA studies
13
Figure 1 shows the research process that will be adopted This process should allow for
detailed analysis of the location of the industry while also allowing for the review a
significant number of external factors shaping the industry This form of research allows
for the more successful adoption of the chaicircne opeacuteratoire method (see section 15) and
should also provide a solid bedrock of information on a variety of topics on a subject
otherwise untouched in the historical and archaeological literature
14
14 Chaicircne Opeacuteratoire
lsquoWithout fertilizer no harvests without livestock no fertilizer which has such an immediate impact without seeded pastures no livestock finally without the elimination of fallowing no
or very few seeded pastures all is linked in agriculture its system must be totalrsquo
Instruction to the National Convention 1794 (Cited in Mazoyer and Roudart 2006 313)
Much of the data surrounding the production of parchment is intrinsically linked to
other areas of study There is likely a number of inter-relationships between a variety of
processes within the parchment industry and the broader agricultural economy For
example the price of sheep mutton and wool would have shaped the market and must
be understood to be able to understand the dynamics of the parchment industry
Furthermore issues such as changes in agricultural systems cultural changes legal
changes foreign policy changes would all have been entangled in the shaping and
development of the industry There are likely very clear links between many features of
the parchment industry and the wider English economy many not listed here though
the nature of these relationships is not always immediately obvious
By using the methodological tool of chaicircne opeacuteratoire it is possible in many cases to
unravel the logical sequences that caused and affected certain changes In other words
the correlations found between various linked markets can be analysed and used to
make logical conclusions as to what happened Perhaps the clearest description of this
process can be found in Frederic Selletrsquos 1993 paper Chaine Operatoire The Concept and
its Applications which states this method lsquoaims to describe and understand all cultural
transformations that a specific raw material had to go throughlsquo (Sellet 1993 106)
Knowing the importance and manufacturing processes of certain materials allows
inferences to be made as to the certain practices that were occurring as well as to
understand the logical steps taken to achieve these outcomes and to then map and
understand various industries and agricultural practices
15
Chapter 2 Literature Review
21 Primary Sources on the Parchment Industry between 1650 and 1850
The post-medieval parchment industry has remained lsquohiddenrsquo in the both the historical
and archaeological record The primary resources are often sources that briefly touch
upon the parchment trade though the parchment industry was not usually their
primary concern Such documents included encyclopaedias essays on livestock farmers
letters tours of England texts on the subject of the leather trade and legal documents
to name a few examples Although these indirect sources are relatively numerous there
is a dire need of recording comparing and contrasting as well as a detailed analysis
testing their validity Unfortunately validity has proved to be a significant issue with the
key components of the industry often being closely guarded secrets amongst
parchment-makers In 1775 Lalande highlighted this issue when writing his
Encyclopaedia stating lsquoanyone writing an article on the mechanical arts will learn after
having for some time gone from workshop to workshop with cash in his handrsquo that they
will often be paying for lsquothe most preposterous misinformationrsquo (Cited in Blom 2005
47)
This project constitutes the first detailed investigation into the parchment industry
during this period and so almost all information pertaining to the industry will prove
important and therefore a significant amount of information has been collected The
following chapters will therefore include a comprehensive review of all the major
processes and influences of the parchment industry hopefully creating the foundation
for future studies in this area
Firstly in regards to how parchment is made there are a number of texts from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which describe the process (see Ballard 1882
65-66 Houghton 1728 326 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456
Chambers 1728 351 Saxl 1954 94 Blanch 1774 42-43) However these descriptions
require thorough analysis particularly as none of the authors referenced above were
actually parchment-makers themselves The work of Chambers (1728) and Smellie
16
(1771) are encyclopaedias and perhaps therefore were less likely to have been
particularly thorough investigative pieces on the parchment trade similar issues of
validity remain with the Saturday Magazine article (The Saturday Magazine 1838) Ballard
(1882) and Blanchrsquos (1774) works are descriptions of the leather trade only briefly
reviewing the parchment industry though these texts share strikingly similar
descriptions of the manufacturing process Finally Houghtonrsquos work is perhaps the most
useful Written in 1694 though not published until 1728 it was written after an interview
with a parchment-maker reciting the production process in great detail These few
primary sources often share material details but they provide a vital historical platform
from which to build a fairly thorough understanding of the process and whether it
changed over the centuries
Just as there are few contemporary descriptions of the production processes so there
are also only a few texts describing the industry on a macro-scale Those that do exist
appear to only describe the process of the materials through the industrial system For
example Houghton (1728) and an article in The Saturday Magazine (1838) describe
parchment-makers purchasing their skins directly from butchers (Houghton 1728 326
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134) However there are various different descriptions of
the process For example Chambers and Smellie described the process as being started
by the skinner and finished by the parchment-maker (Chambers 1728 351 Smellie
1771 456) while a later text describes the skins as being purchased directly from the
abattoirs or slaughter-houses (Poole 1852 275) and Knight who describes the London
industry wrote about a lsquoskin-salesmanrsquo who acted as an agent between the sellers and
the fellmongers (Knight 1842 26) who then sold to the parchment-makers Finally
Hagadorn states that from the sixteenth century onwards English parchment-makers
purchased their skins from fellmongers (Hagadorn 2012 169) though it should be noted
that he draws this conclusion by referencing two texts neither of which supply
compelling evidence but instead simply outline the jobs of fellmongers (see Kite and
Thomas 2006 72 Thomas 1983 6) However Hagadorn does show evidence of Parisian
parchment-makers purchasing their skins locally (2012 170) which could perhaps
reflect the English model The directories and insurance records of the Sun Office and
Royal Exchange insurance groups two of the larger insurance groups that emerged
around the turn of the eighteenth century may also offer some insights into the roles of
17
parchment-makers during this period Overall the literature differs greatly on the
process of the exchange of materials and whether there are differences over time
geographical regions or simply authors who are mistaken as to how the process occurs
is not clear The primary sources therefore provide a conflicting picture of how the
industry functioned at least on a macro-scale again highlighting the need for greater
research in this area
A number of primary sources do provide some indication as to the scale and location of
the industry For example Chambers describes parchment as making a lsquovery
considerable article in the French commercersquo with large quantities being sent to
lsquoEngland Flanders Holland Spain and Portugalrsquo in the late 1720s (Chambers 1728 351)
a claim supported in The Saturday Magazine (1838 134) Despite this little is known
about the exact quantities or where they were transported to within England Also in
regards to where it was being made in England it is clear that large quantities were
being made in Bermondsey London (Knight 1842 18 Pendred 1785 33 37 Yeomans
2006 134) This area had a long history of tanning and with Knightrsquos detailed 1842
description of the parchment industry in the area (Knight 1842) it is possible to say with
confidence that this was a major centre for parchment production
Unfortunately however this appears the majority of the literature on the topic The
historical information on the post-medieval parchment industry is incredibly
fragmented with only a small number of texts referring to the industry and often only
in a few pages Of the more detailed summaries that do exist many describe different
systems with the majority of them have never been subject to any academic scrutiny
However a full review and analysis of these texts should begin to offer outlines of some
of the major aspects of the industry providing a reasonable overview of its history
22 Modern Literature on the Parchment Industry
There is a significant lack of any modern literature on the parchment industry between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries This is an issue perhaps best highlighted
recently by the lack of reference to any such documents in a number of modern studies
on hDNA in which providing an historical context for results would otherwise be
essential (see Teasdale et al 2015 Collins et al 2015 Campana et al 2010) Despite this
lack of literature there are a number of texts on parchment in the Middle Ages and
18
perhaps more importantly there are also a number of texts on the medieval
manufacturing processes which could prove useful for a later historical study of the
industry (see Clarkson 1992 Gullick 1991 Bicchieri et al 2008)
A number of texts on hDNA analysis highlight the need for greater research on the
parchment industry (Burger et al 2000) Species determination and STR-genotyping
from ancient DNA in art and artefacts have provided a comparison of the genetic status
of animals or plants with historical data and have greatly increased our knowledge lsquonot
only about the material itself but also about domestication cultivation planting and
herding practicesrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Bower et al write that if an extensive DNA
database of known provenance was created then future studies showing identical or
very similar hDNA identities could use it to determine the origin of their own samples
(Bower et al 2010)
Campana et al write however that their results showed multiple hDNA signatures in
other words that their results were affected by the environment in which the skins and
parchment were kept during production (2010 1324) an issue that can begin to be
combated once a better understanding of the post-medieval parchment manufacturing
process is developed It seems safe to assume that Campana et al would have reviewed
or even re-published their results if they could answer either of these issues but clearly
the material does not exist In fact their only reference to the history of parchment is to
a text by Ronald Reed (1972) however Reed only references modern methods of making
parchment and a single recipe from 800BC Ultimately there is a significant gap in
understanding about the structure of the industry and how parchment was made
between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries Overall all these studies only cover a
very small number of primary and secondary sources on the history of the parchment
industry despite the clear benefits associated with reviewing within a more clearly
defined historical context though this appears to be due to a lack of literature on the
topic than of choice
Despite a lack of literature on these areas there does appear to have been a cluster of
work on parchment between the 1950s and 1970s though primarily discussing how
parchment is currently made and what methods and source materials contribute to the
19
manufacture of the highest-quality parchment ( Ryder 1958 Ryder 1960 Ryder 1964
Ryder 1969 Reed 1972 Reed 1975 Reed 1991 )
The state of the parchment industry has also been measured by the quality of the
parchment over time which a number of studies showing the steady decline of
parchment quality over the centuries Ryder covers 200 samples of parchment between
the eleventh and nineteenth centuries to determine the relative quality (Ryder 1991
31-32) Relatively it can be argued that seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
parchment was of the worse quality than the medieval (Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1964
70 Clarkson 1992 5) Many writers have therefore made the claim that this shows the
decline of the parchment industry and the rise of the paper industry with cheaper
lower-quality parchment being made in order to compete However few writers appear
to have considered the possibility of changes in the quality of the materials available to
be used for making parchment an area that will be reviewed in this project
Yeomans (2006) is one of the only people to map parchment-makers using parish
records Her work covers the Bermondsey area in London which was the key area for
tanning in London and most likely therefore the main centre of parchment production
for all of England This work might provide a useful methodology for the current study
and data collection as well as providing key information about the structure of related
industry in London
Similarly Hagadorn (2012) reviews the parchment industry in eighteenth-century France
discussing elements of the industry such as how parchment was made (2012 169) how
skins were preserved (2012 171) the common use of lsquoadult sheep as opposed to lambsrsquo
sourced from local butchers by French parchment-makers (2012 170) and how the
market functioned more generally This work provides a useful methodology but also a
model of how a parchment industry would operate in that time period in a culture and
economy that is relatively similar to Englandrsquos It should be noted that the French
parchment industry has been well-studied and is very well-documented a luxury not
applicable to the study of the English parchment industry Fitzsimmons for example
has studied the integration of parchment-makers in Paris with other corporations
(Fitzsimmons 2010) and this might provide an insight into the role of English guilds in
the parchment industry Indeed one might expect the French and English parchment
20
industries to share many similarities both in scale and processes making both of these
pieces of work useful in both understanding the industry and creating a methodology
for future research
In conclusion despite little information being available on the history of the parchment
industry a number of texts detailing the composition of parchment and the effects of
breed-type diet environment grease content and age on the overall quality Combining
this information with the overview of the various texts discussing parchment quality
over time will offer some insights into the possible changes occuring in sheep farming in
the past These texts should also offer a number of interesting research possibilities for
reviewing any future conclusions made on the parchment industry between the
seventeenth and nineteenth centuries
However literature surrounding the history of the parchment industry between 1650
and 1850 is extremely rare Very little is understood in terms of the size of the industry
its geography its source materials product prices taxation laws manufacturing laws
manufacturing practices or the various processes that occurred between an animals
slaughter the manufacture of parchment and the products eventual sale More detail is
known on the London and French parchment industry though the literature here also
remains limited The overall lack of literature on this topic further highlights the need to
initiate an investigation into this significantly overlooked industry and presents a source
of historical data on a time period severely lacking in economic historic and
archaeological information
21
23 New Areas of Research
There have been a number of groundbreaking new research methods surrounding
parchment that have been developed in recent times A plethora of new scientific
methods have been adopted for instance the chemical and spectroscopic analyses of
parchment has allowed archaeologists to identify the inks and other products used on
parchment for writing or decorative purposes ( DrsquoAgata et al 2007 ) In 2000 it was shown
that historic DNA (hDNA) could be be lsquoisolated from most of the various biomaterialsrsquo
and this hDNA has the possibility to be used to lsquodetermine the organic remnantrsquos
genusspecies of origin and on the other hand to create the genetic profile of an
individual animalrsquo (Burger et al 2000) Hence this new research could determine the
breeds of animal populations used in parchment production and help to determine the
timing or existence of an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo by developing a detailed
understanding of the animals being used in the agricultural system assessing the timing
of changes in sheep breeds due to changes in farming techniques and developing a
better understanding of the various objectives of farming communities However this
technology has primarily been focused on more specific rare medieval parchment
samples (see Stinson 2011 Teasdale et al 2017 Stinson 2009 Clarke 2001) however
the studies conducted creates a number of possibilities for similar research on the
post-medieval period However studies of this nature as stated earlier require research
on the processes of the parchment industry and how the parchment was prepared for
example as was warranted for the studies conducted on the Dead Sea Scrolls (see Poole
and Reed 1962)
There are of course still areas of concern with this research for example Campana et al
in 2010 presented how DNA found in parchment is more complex than first thought
with the manufacturing process affecting the hDNA extracted as a result of
cross-contamination during the industrial production process (Campana et al 2010)
However as Teasdale et al (2015) discuss the form of hDNA research used by Campana
et al has lsquowell-documented deficiencies particularly with regard to controlling and
estimating contaminationrsquo and that this next generation sequencing now being adopted
generates lsquomany orders of magnitude more datarsquo (Teasdale et al 2015 2) These
methods are clearly becoming increasingly accurate and it appears to be only a matter
22
of time before they are more widely applied to a range of archaeological research
However in order to understand the results of these tests it is imperative that they be
understood within the historical context Therefore a detailed understanding of the
industry and the manufacturing techniques is required before the results of these
experiments can be fully understood It also important it be understood where
parchment samples originate in order to understand to what geographical region the
results of any hDNA studies apply As a result the commonly adopted method of
reviewing any stationers stamp or taxation stamp to determine the origin of a sample of
parchment must also be questioned
Overall it remains particularly unfortunate that despite the incredibly interesting work
on hDNA its application to the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries has remained in its
infancy due in no small part to a significant lack of historical information on the
parchment industry during this period However there is by no means a lack of
information on this area and there therefore exists a great opportunity for research in
this area
23
Chapter 3 Overview of the Industry
31 Uses for Parchment
From modern collections of parchment it is clear the material was still widely used well
into the early nineteenth century for a variety of purposes However parchment was
predominantly used for legal documents for example being the material used for the
custody of charters patents acts of parliament commissions chirographs deeds and
recognizances all of which were kept by the lsquoMaster of the Rollsrsquo (Chambers 1728 208
507) as well lsquococketsrsquo which were forms for recording goods that had been taxed (1728
242) Parchment was also used in the manufacture of pocket-sized memorandums (Sibly
1808 67) while parchment off-cuts were often used for the manufacture of glue (Smellie
1771 456 Sibly 1808 112) With parchment being the material used for such a huge
variety of products it appears clear that the industry must have remained of fairly
considerable size particularly with the rapid population increase between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries (see Wrigley and Schofield 1981) Furthermore the nature of
the documents recording property acts of parliament tax apprenticeships licenses
and so on likely means parchment was a material of high status it being almost
exclusively reserved for high status documents These were also documents often
required to be kept for a long period of time testifying to the view of parchment as a
high status material and one of greater state of cultural and physical permanence
Furthermore the demand for the products listed above can only have increased over
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of the huge population increase that
occurred over these centuries and the commensurate rise in bureaucracy and litigation
As time went on however many of these documents were instead made of paper but as
we know for many modern large collections of parchment the process was perhaps
slower than many have presumed
32 Who was Selling the Skins
Unfortunately very little is recorded about the parchment industry in regard to the
processes prior to the manufacture of parchment from skins Exactly who was flaying
24
the skins and from whom parchment-makers were purchasing skins is challenging to
determine from the limited literature and primary evidence
In the seventeen twenties Houghton described skins for manufacturing parchment
being sourced from butchers (1728 326) suggesting that the butchers flayed the skins
which were then purchased by tanners and parchment-makers Similarly a number of
the laws passed during this period on the topic of flaying skins referred to butchers as
the primary sources for flayed skins For example in 1603 the lsquoAct concerninge Tanners
Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupyinge the cuttinge of Leatherrsquo refers to
butchers as those flaying animals though also refers to there being various other trades
that involved the cutting of leather (1 Jas I c22) In fact for nearly all the laws on flaying
that succeeded this Act butchers are referred to as those primarily flaying animals
Similarly in 1806 The Flaying Act Considered As Without Benefiting the Pubic most Severely
Oppressing the Butchers of London (An Impartial Observer 1806) details the damaging
effects of the flaying laws on the butchers of London The author refers to the
lsquoindustrious butchersrsquo being fined extremely large amounts of money for damaging
skins (1806 15) Finally in 1808 when the inspection of skins in London was reorganised
the Butchers Company were assigned to appoint seven people to inspect all skins (Chitty
1824 353) This law also included the Curriers Company and the Cordwainers but given
the many references to butchers and the power given to them in this law it seems very
likely that butchers were the primary flayers of carcases
A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto
with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents published in 1824 also specifically
refers to Butchers as those who flay and sell skins (Chitty 1824 347) It refers to
lsquobutchers and others who flay carcasesrsquo as desposing of the raw or salted skins to
tanners who then sell them on to other workers of skinned-goods (1824 347) However
it is not required that the skins be tanned prior to making parchment and so perhaps it
is more likely that the parchment-makers purchased their skins from the butchers or
fellmongers
Chambers (1728) however describes the process of making parchment as being lsquobegun
by the skinner and ended by the parchment-makerrsquo (1728 351) Similarly the 1771
Encyclopaedia Britannica suggests that the process begins with skinners (Smellie 1771
25
456) This could refer to butchers but a number of historical sources make a distinction
between skinners and butchers (Bailey 1784 Campbell 1747 332 339 Kent 1798)
Ultimately it can only be determined that the initial stage of the process is started with
the skinning of the animal by someone other than the parchment-makers though in the
majority of cases this was done by butchers
In regards to who sold the skins to parchment-makers the process in London is fairly
well understood In 1842 Charles Knight elaborated on the processes that occurred in
London discussing who actually sold the skins after they had been flayed He states that
the skins were sold to the various manufacturers such as the wool-staplers
leather-dressers and parchment-makers by fellmongers in the area (Knight 1842 29)
These dealers of skins were found throughout England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries Baileyrsquos (1785) directory lists over 20 listed fellmongers across
England though it was likely there were a great deal more 1
A decade later Poole wrote that the skins of sheep were lsquocarried loose from the
abattoirs and slaughter-houses to the tanneries either loose or in casks without
heading for the purpose of being tanned into leather which is used in various ways as
covers for books parchment harness ampcrsquo (1852 275) This description of the process
remains somewhat odd as parchment was not actually tanned during its manufacture
However Knight also describes these skins being transported through London stating
lsquoWho is there that has not at some time or other had his ears dinned and tormented in
the London streets by a cart rattling and rumbling over the rough stones and laden
with sheep-skinsrsquo (Knight 1842 26) Whether this occurred exclusively in London or
more widely across Englandrsquos towns and cities is difficult to determine However it does
offer another example of fellmongers plying their trade purchasing flayed skins and
selling them on the streets of London
1 It is also worth noting that a few of the fellmongers listed in Baileyrsquos 1784 directory are often listed as being both fellmongers and skinners
26
It appears that skinners and butchers almost exclusively flayed the skins and then sold
the skins either directly to tanners parchment-makers or to skin salesmen and
fellmongers who would then sell on the skins Unfortunately there is little in the
literature on the exact process It appears that many people could be involved in the
sale of parchment and skins with the materials passing through many places (and
presumably geographical locations) prior to reaching the stationer However the records
that do exist show that the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then
sold either directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell In
London in particular skins were purchased from slaughter-houses and then sold
throughout the city by skin salesmen
It also appears that in many instances fellmongers would also be parchment-makers
Despite laws preventing tanners from selling skins (see section 72) the laws did not
extend to parchment-makers The insurance policies shown in section 35 show the
secondary occupations of those listed Of the 17 individual parchment-makers listed
around 47 of them were listed as also being fellmongers This would have been of a
significant benefit to parchment-makers as they would then have access to the specific
skins required for the manufacture of high quality parchment Furthermore it would
have allowed for two sources of income a position not available to many others in the
various skin trades and perhaps necessary given the low incomes of many
parchment-makers
In conclusion the skins were flayed primarily by butchers and skinners then sold either
directly to the manufacturers of skin-goods or to fellmongers to sell There are also
many instances where the parchment-makers were both source the skins and use them
to manufacture parchment
27
33 How was Parchment Manufactured
lsquoGood parchment must be thin strong yet flexible and have a smooth surfacersquo
(Ryder 1991)
There are a number of historic texts on how parchment was manufactured although
there are discrepancies in some of the more precise details A particularly detailed
description of the process from the period under discussion can be found in Husbandry
and trade improvd being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle
coals hops wool ampc (Houghton 1728 325-328) which has been summarised below
As stated this is perhaps the most detailed outlining of the manufacturing process
during the eighteenth century However it is worth comparing these details with a
variety of other descriptions from various sources in order to highlight possible
variations in the process
The first step is rarely mentioned in primary texts besides an 1838 article in The
Saturday Magazine which states that the skins are first de-haired then smeared with
28
quick-lime on the flesh-side and then were lsquoFolded once in the direction of their length
laid in heaps and left to ferment for ten or fifteen dayslsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838
134) The initial step of allowing the skins to deteriorate before removing the wool is also
a standard step for modern parchment-makers and appears unavoidable both then and
now as a necessary step allowing for the wool to be removed more easily Hanging the
skins and scrapping the wool were the same as the standard process for tanning
leather They are are also steps taken in the manufacture of modern parchment
samples as well as being steps outlined in a variety of other historical texts (Yeomans
2006 33 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Smellie 1771 456)
One improvement in the manufacturing process that did occur was the lsquosplitting
processrsquo which involves splitting the skin and using only the flesh-side for parchment
(Plenderleith amp Werner 1971 45 Ryder 1991 31 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134)
though this was a change that appears to have occurred very early in this period In fact
parchments lacking follicle remains with lsquoan open mesh of coarse collagen fibres
suggesting the flesh side of a split skinrsquo have been found in samples as early as the
thirteenth century though becoming common from the sixteenth century onwards
(Ryder 1969 534-535)
Putting the skins in a lime pit washing them and then stretching the skin over a frame
were also clearly standard steps in making parchment and are confirmed elsewhere in
the literature (Reed 1991 26 Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1983 730-731 Hagadorn 2012 169 ) However
many washed skins on site while others appear to have cleaned skins in fresh running
water This appears true at least in 1619 when complaints are recorded about
parchment-makers washing skins in Northamptonshire rivers (Page 1930 26-30) This
may explain the evolution towards the increased usage of pits for cleaning skins There
is also an example of an individual named Mr Cogan who washed skins in running fresh
water in Bristol claiming that although slower this would sufficiently soften the skins
(Ballard 1882 70) Although seemingly not the norm at least in London this may have
been adopted by many in the English countryside though presumably not in major
cities due to the issue of severe pollution of local water supplies
29
There are only a small number of sources that detail how long the skins were required
to be in the pit (or pits) with the overall amount of time varying depending on the skins
used Watt (1906) describes having to leave greasy skins in a lime-pit for a week or even
ten days (Watt 1906 439) suggesting the period of time they were left in these pits
would have been variable depending the levels of grease in the skins Also modern
parchment-makers lime the skins for a far shorter period than three weeks and yet it
appears the manufacturing process despite mechanisation has remained very similar
The skins were limed numerous times and in different pits or the same pit with
different solutions and the process seems to have been clearly understood by writers
both then and now however the time taken liming the skins appeared to differ
significantly
The final steps in the process from stretching the skins to the pumice are described in a
number of other texts (see Smellie 1771 456 Yeomans 2006 33 Ballard 1882 65-66
The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Ryder 1969 532 Plenderleith and Werner 1971 45)
However the time it would have taken for the skins to dry was dependent on the
weather and the skins used
In conclusion the range of literature offers a very clear and detailed overview of the
history of the manufacturing process of parchment with the process remaining very
similar over time However the profession of parchment-maker was a difficult and
required a great deal of skill and training
30
34 The Socio-Economic Position of the Parchment-Maker
Unfortunately there are very few primary sources that allude to the socio-economic
position of parchment-makers However it is also important to consider that perhaps
most parchment-makers were located outside of major cities (discussed section 43) and
so would have proven difficult for writers of the time to judge the scale and revenue of
the industry
Campbellrsquos lsquo The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades
Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and
Westminsterrsquo offers overviews of the sums given with apprenticeships the cost of setting
up as a Master and the working hours on a wide variety of professions in London
However even in a text as thorough as this even Campbell confesses to his inability to
determine the incomes of journeymen parchment-makers (Campbell 1747 321)
Campbell does however list some key figures that may prove useful (see Table 1) His
data shows the fees surrounding parchment-making as being some of the lowest of any
London-based skin-related profession This data combined with the quote from
Campbell (1747 321) appears to show the profession was one of little financial merit
with Campbell describing the profession as requiring lsquoneither strength nor ingenuity nor
is there much profit attending it and very little of it manufactured in town so little at
least that after the strictest enquiry I cannot find what wages is given a Journeymanrsquo
(Campbell 1747 321) However parchment-making was clearly a fairly highly-skilled
trade with prior apprenticeship training and an in-depth knowledge of the production
31
required to partake in the profession Campbell however was unlikely to have actually
known the parchment manufacturing process it being a widely protected trade secret
and so his opinion appears conjectural However Campbell does clearly show that
parchment-making at least within the city of London was a profession of relatively low
income
This conclusion is further supported by The Book of Rates which shows the excise licence
for parchment-makers cost as little as pound1 which was far lower than most professions
and again lower than related professions (Anon 1787 109) though this may be due to
the already high stamp duty set on parchment (discussed section 51) However any
aspiring oil leather dressers would have had to pay double the rate of a
parchment-maker and a tawer of leather would have paid five times this amount (1787
109) However the fact the government felt capable of issuing both licensing costs and
stamp duty indicates the market still made enough money firstly to survive the costs
but also that it made enough money to profitably enforce nationwide licences and tax
However when comparing the costs with similar professions of the time it seems safe
to conclude that for many parchment-makers the profits remained relatively small
The incomes shown in the Witherby data (see appendix 1) do however show some
parchment-makers were making huge sums of money by the end of the eighteenth
century Perhaps a huge spectrum existed for profit-making potential with small and
large parchment works coexisting however it may also suggest that the incomes of
parchment-makers increased significantly during the eighteenth century with a rise in
litigation and legislation However perhaps a more likely situation is that the already low
incomes of parchment-makers coupled with the intensive taxation and regulation of the
market may have forced smaller parchment works out of business Overall despite a
lack of data on this area it is possible to see either an increase in profits for the period
or a huge range in the levels of production of the various parchment firms
32
35 Effects of the Growing Paper Industry
It is important to note that the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries were a time that
most writers consider to have seen the steady decline of the use of parchment and the
beginning of the dominance of the paper industry (Lyall 1989 11-29 Ryder 1991 26
Reed 1991 217) Though this is not necessarily a reflection of the socio-economic status
of parchment which as shown earlier was still widely used for a variety of purposes
most of which were documents of major significance However it is often remarked for
example that after the introduction of paper the quality of parchment declined and the
parchment industry fell into serious decline (Rogers 1887 601 M L Ryder 1964 Ryder
1991 Clarkson 1992) It is rarely disputed that a causal relationship exists here however
a widespread number of other factors appear to have been ignored after the finding of
such a lsquoneatrsquo correlation in the historical data This decline could also be the result of a
forced change in manufacturing methods a change in the quality of the source
materials used in its production government policies or due to a decline in demand for
specifically high-quality parchment and shift to a more homogenous product
Furthermore more recent research has shown that the quality of parchment appears to
have actually increased between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries followed by a
second sudden decline in quality around the turn of the eighteenth century (see
Appendix 2) indicating the introduction of paper and the subsequent decline of
parchment is not the whole story Certainly the introduction of paper could explain this
initial decline however answers still need to be found for this second fall in quality for if
parchment quality and the state of the industry is intrinsically linked there are clearly
other factors that contributed to the eventual collapse of this industry
A direct link is often drawn between the rise of the paper industry and the subsequent
decline of the parchment industry However as Trolander states lsquoactually what drove the
rise in paper initially was improving economic conditions in England during the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries which created demand for skilled religious and
state administrators who relied on paper as a medium for record keepingrsquo (Trolander
2014) Furthermore if accepted that there were consistently around 15 million living
sheep each year (as stated in Apostolides et al 2008 43) then it could have proven
cost-effective to have produced parchment during this period with the huge supply of
33
skins lowering the cost of this key source material Also although the rise of paper
would have naturally affected what some parchment-makers were producing many
began developing new uses for their parchment lsquoTo meet this sudden new challenge of
the printed book parchment-makers of the sixteenth century found an outlet for their
product by using it as a full binding material to cover the early paper editions an activity
which they themselves largely undertook and developedrsquo (Reed 1991 217) Parchment
was still heavily involved in the production of books and yet there still exists lsquoa chasm in
our knowledge of the origins of the skin materials used in the construction of booksrsquo
(Neate et al 2011) which is further evidence of the importance of this research Finally
the significant population increase between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Brownlee 1915 221-222 Wrigley and Schofield 1989 577 Wrigley 2011 170-171)
needs to be considered Provided that parchment maintained any remotely significant
usage during these centuries the demand for the product was likely to have increased
substantially Again understanding what parchment was used for during seventeenth to
nineteenth centuries is therefore very subsequential
Overall it is clear that traditional parchment products were in decline during a period
when the use of paper was increasing across England The term lsquotraditional parchment
productsrsquo being key here as it appears parchment was beginning to be used in different
ways in order to survive though the extent of what parchment was actually used for
remains mostly unknown This also brings into question the traditional view of the
parchment industry falling into decline as a direct result of the widespread introduction
of paper A review of the changing parchment quality transaction sizes and number of
parchment-makers would answer many of the questions surrounding this debate In
fact a review of these details would offer a far clearer picture of the widespread
introduction of paper across England as well offering more information for those
studying the changes occurring in the English book trade Furthermore the traditionally
held view of the widespread adoption of paper being the direct and final cause of the
decline of the industry should be questioned
34
36 The Price of Parchment
The price of parchment is a source of data rarely used by writers when discussing the
agricultural revolution despite its value in offering insights into an entire unstudied
industry the value of livestock and the various leather and skin trades However despite
the potential gains there exists two key issues with the data on parchment prices Firstly
that parchment prices from the eighteenth century are difficult to obtain and secondly
that parchment often came in a variety of quantities making comparisons of price over
time difficult For example some sales were of individual parchment skins some by the
dozen and others by rolls a legally defined term meaning twenty skins (The Saturday
Magazine 1838134) This being said there is a number of fairly comprehensive datasets
on parchment prices
361 JET Rogers Parchment Prices
Rogerrsquos lists a significant number of parchment transactions before 1682 but none
thereafter (Rogers 1887 575-606) This perhaps reflects the decline of the parchment
trade and a belief that the later prices were not important enough to include or perhaps
that the industry moved away from production for universities from which Thorold
received most of his prices (Rogers 1887 v) Similarly it could be a result of prices were
no longer recorded in the same materials and sources as after a 1711 act (9 Ann c11)
parchment prices were being set by the government with the government also
becoming the almost sole buyer of parchment (discussed in section 51)
Figure 2 presents a graph of the parchment transactions in Rogerrsquos work with the values
converted into pence in order to better illustrate the changes over time and to allow for
simpler data comparisons Furthermore transactions of vellum have been removed as
well as two transactions for parchment rolls (though they can be found in Appendix 3)
35
36
The transactions collected show the price of parchment to have increased though at at
a fairly slow rate (see figure 2) There are a number of very high transaction values
perhaps being the sale of very high quality parchment for specialist products
Unfortunately with transactions as small as these significant variability can occur
However Rogers does state that there was a 114 increase in the price of parchment
between his collection of 1541 to 1582 parchment transactions and his 1583 to 1702
data (Rogers 1887 794) though did not publish these transaction values in any later
volumes
Ultimately the prices collected by Rogers show that the price of parchment could vary
quite significantly with some transactions showing a dozen skins selling for considerably
more than others though the price of parchment seems to have remained stagnant for
much of this period Even the 114 increase does not constitute a huge increase when 2
compared to other price rises of the time When adopting the same periods of
comparison to Clarkrsquos collection of prices (Clark and Lindert 2006) mutton increased by
14972 between 1541 to 1582 prices compared to the 1583 to 1702 prices Barley
increased by 10546 and oats by 9084 However if the price of parchment had failed
to increase by any significant amount by 1682 (as shown in figure 2) and then increased
by 114 by 1702 parchment must have had a very sudden increase in price
362 Gregory Clark Prices
These prices are from a spreadsheet compiled by the economic historian Gregory Clark
from the University of California a document later re-formatted and converted to metric
by Professor P Lindert (Clark and Lindert 2006) Unfortunately the original source of
parchment prices has not been listed with the only other instance of these prices being
presented by Professor Clark were in an unpublished conference paper titled lsquoTowards a
Global History of Prices and Wagesrsquo (Clark 2004) This collection of prices is however one
of the most comprehensive collections available and spans admittedly with some gaps
from 1274 to 1706 (see figure 3)
2 It is also worth considering that the variability of prices was perhaps an indication of the variability of parchment quality
37
38
Similar to the results of Rogerrsquos 1887 work the prices shown in Clarkrsquos work present a
long history of a slowly ascending price for parchment followed by a sudden price
increase by the end of the eighteenth century This sudden increase perhaps being an
increase in prices being set by parchment-makers as a result of the advent of new forms
of taxation on some parchment products However Hughes (1941) writes lsquothe contracts
have been made with only two or three great stationers or others entered into
partnership with them who engross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it
in their power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo with this
being true at least until 1711 (Hughes 1941 248) Unfortunately the prices end 1706 and
a review of the original source material could help to shed light on these dramatic price
changes and the sudden lack of parchment prices There is likely some connection
however with the High Treasury beginning to set prices in 1711 as well as becoming the
exclusive purchasers of parchment To conclude however the market appears fairly
stable with the prices only increasing slowly and furthermore appear to support the
prices collected in Rogerrsquos listed transactions
Even when comparing Clarkrsquos prices to the inflation in the prices of goods from the
period as well as the average wages of the period the increase in the price of
parchment appears fairly substantial (see Appendix 4) However when comparing the
percentage increase in the average value of Clarkrsquos 1541 to 1582 parchment prices with
the average value of his 1583 to 1702 prices in a similar method to Rogers the value of
the parchment actually decreases by 98 There is however a spike in the prices of
parchment in Clarkrsquos work similar to the Rogerrsquos price spike with Clarkrsquos appearing to
occur around 1683 with the following year seeing a 100 increase in the price of
parchment Both of these datasets seem to show the price of parchment as being
stagnant for hundreds of years before a quite sudden spike roughly around 1683-1684
This considerable stagnation in prices may indicate a decline in the demand for
parchment and in part a decline of the industry more broadly It may also however
show an ability by parchment-makers to dramatically lower prices through increasingly
efficient methods of production and drastically increasing supply or lowering quality
though this appears unlikely given manufacturing methods remained consistent for
39
several centuries The results of this section will be revisited in the conclusion to
understand these changes within the context of other changes occuring in the market
40
363 Witherby Publishing Group Data
This section will review the data from the Witherby Publishing Group (see appendix 1)
collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018) The records show a
number of transactions that occurred with four parchment-makers during the
eighteenth century with fairly significant sums of money being exchanged
The data appears to show that a very different type of parchment market had emerged
by the end of the eighteenth century with parchment-makers generating very significant
incomes Unfortunately there is no information on the quantities of the parchment
being sold but even if one grants a significant increase in the price of parchment the
four individuals listed are clearly making a considerable quantity of parchment This is in
stark contrast to the few dozens being sold in various parts of the county as shown in
Rogerrsquos 1887 work
Furthermore it indicates that the price of parchment must have increased for if the
price of parchment remained stagnant and the price of parchment skins remained
similar to earlier centuries these four individuals would be making incredibly vast
amounts of parchment For example the average price of a single sheet parchment
during the seventeenth century according to Rogers data (1887) was just under a
shilling If the value for parchment had remained similar until the later eighteenth
century Noah Crook for example a parchment-maker from the Witherby data would
have been manufacturing between 7000 to 10000 sheets of parchment a year
The Witherby data provides a clear indication that the price of parchment must have
increased during the eighteenth century Furthermore it shows a possible changing
market structure in the industry The four individuals from the Witherby data were
making very significant sums of money and producing very large quantities of
parchment and yet prior to the eighteenth century the transactions sizes appear to
have been far smaller and from a variety of parchment-makers Perhaps this marks the
rise of larger parchment works and a move away from smaller-scale parchment-makers
41
364 Conclusions
Overall the nature of the records on the prices of parchment is sporadic containing
fairly substantial gaps in information The general consensus across the datasets
however shows a fairly stagnant market until towards the end of the seventeenth
century when there appears to have been an increase in the price of parchment Even
when compared to the general inflation in the prices of goods from the period the
increase in the scale of parchment production at least per site appears fairly
substantial Unfortunately the prices available in the literature stops a few years prior to
new legislation being enacted whereby parchment prices were to be set by the High
Treasury
The setting of prices coupled with the implementation of various laws surrounding the
production of parchment that were being set throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries appear the likely culprits of the increasing prices as inferred from the Witherby
data Furthermore a nineteenth-century writer under the pseudonym lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo wrote that these laws surrounding the quality control of parchment
production and the flaying of skins was expected to reduce the price of goods but that
instead they caused a number of goods to increase in price (An Impartial Observer 1800
20)
42
37 Salt Prices
The price of salt would have been a major influencer on the development of the
parchment industry Without the application of salt to skins the majority would have
only lasted between two to three days before they would become unusable Each skin
at least in more modern skins requires roughly two cups of salt for every pound of hide
and each skin to be salted twice (Churchill 1983 20) This is a fairly considerable quantity
of salt
In 1643 a Board of Excise was created an issued an early tax on salt This tax appears
likely to account for the early rise seen above It was withdrawn 1660 but reinstated in
1693 (6 Wil amp Mar c7) This tax was then continued and in some particular cases were
increased in 1696 (7 amp 8 Wil c31) The tax was then extended again 1698 (Pulteney
1731 8 ) In 1702 the salt commission was founded which overlooked and enforced the 3
tax on salt This tax on home produced white salt was by this point several times its
market value and was twice the rate on imported foreign salt (The Salt Association
2018)
3 This law was passed under 9th and 10th years of King William however I have yet to find the exact chapter pertaining to this extension of the law for this period of time There are however many extensions made in the 9amp10 Wil c44 law and so perhaps it is this law to which Pulteney refers
43
In 1730 the commission was ceased and the salt tax ended (3 Geo II c20) and this
would explain the very sudden dip in the price of salt around this period shown in figure
4 Lord Carteret when speaking in the House of Lords stated that in regards to the
various taxes set up and the effects they had on the lsquomanufacturers and artificiersrsquo of the
country stated lsquono tax lay so heavy upon them as this tax upon saltrsquo (Parliament House
of Lords 1742 66) After the country was lsquofree from such a heavy burdenrsquo (Parliament
House of Lords 1742 67) the prices again rose to pre-taxation prices Then despite
protests the duties on salt were reinstated in 1732 (5 Geo II c6) this being the likely
cause of the return to high salt prices post-1732 In 1798 the salt commission was
abolished and in 1825 the tax on salt was removed though the price remained fairly
high during this period most likely as consequence of the Napoleonic Wars
The high prices for salt during this period likely restricted many parchment-makers to
sourcing skins locally with any skins sourced further than a days travel likely being in an
unusable state by the time it arrived
44
Chapter 4 Data on the Location of Parchment-Makers
This section will present 676 records of parchment-makers between 1600 and 1900
from a variety of record-sets including apprenticeships probate records baptisms
directories marriage records records on crimes militia lists data from the Witherby
Publishing Group an unpublished site report and a variety of references to
parchment-makers from various authors The records go beyond 1650 and 1850 scope
of this project in order to further assess the validity of pre-census materials assessing
whether the numbers prior are particularly low or show any clear record-keeping biases
41 Review of Sources
Overall it is the census data that provides the most significant proportion of the records
in the data collected (see appendix 5) However these records only cover the period
after 1851 Prior to this period probate records and baptism records constitute the
majority of the records employed in this study the latter being used in preference to
probate records where possible with baptism records being produced when the
parchment-makers were still alive and engaged in the trade
The majority of all these records have been sourced from the ancestry website
Findmypastcouk Websites of this nature constitute perhaps the most significant
participation in the digitisation of the historic record turning the process into a
financially viable business model As such many of these sites now almost exclusively
own access to the digitised forms of these records which although present the issue of
paywalls to research projects of this nature provide the opportunity to collect and
interpret huge datasets in a relatively short period of time Until the archives sector or
academic community finds a viable method to digitise these records and make them
more accessible to the general public and academic institutions use of ancestry
websites such as Findmypastcouk are almost unavoidable However as this project
hopes to show use of sites such as this present the incredible importance of lsquobridging
the digital gaprsquo as termed by The National Archives in their current national digitisation
project (The National Archives 2018)
45
The records collected of the eighteenth century are primarily made up of apprenticeship
and probate records (see Appendix 4) These two records types are consistently found
throughout the various periods Partly as a result of the various duties associated with
such documents but also due to the importance of inheritance land and the nature of
parchment-making as being a highly skilled profession However there is the issue of
geographical bias in these records One such example may be York which holds a very
significant number of apprenticeship records due in part to the City of York Freemen and
Apprentices records that span over eight centuries This may bring into question the very
significant number of records found here prior to the eighteenth century however with
the records being kept all the way up until 1930 the later lack of records does offer
further validity to the eventual decline of the northern parchment industry at least in
the Yorkshire region
The eighteenth century records offer a greater variety of records types This is mostly in
part to the new and improving forms of records being kept and issued This allowed for
the use of more baptism and marriage records as oppose to probate records with the
former offering greater historical validity having been recorded when the
parchment-maker listed would have still been alive Regardless these probate records
do offer some insights into the socio-economic position of parchment-makers during
the time period with a seeming trend appearing to show a growing number of wealthy
parchment-makers over time however a more detailed analysis of these documents is
required There is also an increase in directory records with the recording and
publishing of trade directories becoming an increasingly common undertaking during
the period However there is an significant lack of parchment-makers being listed in
these directories both national (see Appendix 6) and local (see Appendix 7) This
highlights two key points Firstly the lack of parchment-makers in major towns and
cities where most trade directories covered And secondly it further highlights how
lsquohiddenrsquo parchment-makes are in the historical record and the need for the use of
digitised local record sets
Finally the nineteenth century offers the largest number of records with 424 records
during this century alone The records collected do go beyond what is considered the
46
scope of this project (1650-1850) however this use of later higher volume of records
should highlight any errors with the data that immediately preceded it
42 The Scale of the Industry
Upon on first glance 676 parchment-makers listed over a 300 year period seems rather
few at least when considering that the 1841 census lists 5957 tanners and 6982
tanners operating during 1841 alone (A Vision of Britain 2018) Furthermore parchment
is still being used for a wide variety of products during this period (see section 31)
There are are a variety of possible reasons for this figure It may be a lack of
representation of parchment-makers in the historical record Already it has been shown
parchment-makers were rarely mentioned in various trade directories (see Appendix 6
and 7) This appears significantly in part due to parchment-makers operating outside of
major towns and cities This appears very likely given the various smells and pollutants
involved in parchment production as well as the need by many for a fresh water supply
meant many were restricted to operating outside of major cities Parchment-makers
were also required to send the finished products to inspectors on the outskirts of towns
and cities (see section 52) and so there may have been little benefit to actually
operating within larger towns and cities to pay higher rents and to then send the
product out of town for inspection then taxation in London and eventual sale by
stationers What forms of record-keeping existed during this period being even more
sparse in the English countryside The only major cities in which parchment-makers
were consistently found in the historical record namely Salisbury York and London we
find a significant number of records
Furthermore perhaps many did not list their occupation as a parchment-maker Unlike
butchers curriers and tanners it was legally permissible that parchment-makers
glove-makers and a number of other light leather producers could work other
professions such as tanning cutting or selling skins or manufacturing other leather
goods (see section 52) For example many parchment-makers listed in section 45 were
also fellmongers There was also strong connections between parchment-makers and
glove-makers Many were organized together in various guilds in many locations over
long periods of time For example York between at least 1144 and 1419 (Hoffman 2011
184 Saxl 1954 18) Salisbury between 1613 until at least 1757 (Haskins 1912 80 204
47
737) London (Saxl 1954 18-19) Norwich (Crouse 1768 175) Chester (Freemen of
Chester 1992 18) Warwick (Craig 1960 287) and Paris (Fitzsimmons 2010 13) are just
some places where parchment-makers and glove-makers had been organised together
Glove-makers would have had in most cases the necessary tools while also using
similar types of light skins primarily sheepskins Finally parchment manufacture was a
highly skilled occupation though many of the laws of the period allowed for those
without apprenticeships to work on parchment provided they were under the
supervision of trained parchment-makers Perhaps many people working on parchment
were listed as lsquolabourersrsquo or lsquoservantsrsquo and were not themselves listed as
lsquoparchment-makersrsquo in the historical record
However the number of parchment-makers collected in the data presented in section
43 appears to actually represent a fairly accurate overview of the number of
parchment-makers These numbers after all do not offer insight into any changes in the
scale of production in various parchment works The 1841 census for example only lists
297 parchment-makers over the age of twenty in all of Great Britain with only two
operating in Scotland (A Vision of Britain 2018) There is no huge increase from the data
collected and this census data Furthermore this number is fairly significant when
compared to the paper industry The 1841 census lists 933 paper-makers Paper now
produces the majority of materials for the book trade and as the primary writing
material However Trolander estimates only one third of paper was produced for these
purposes with the rest being produced for other products (Trolander 2014 27) It is
perhaps a surprise then that an industry producing a material for so many uses
producing across the country (2014 28) unlike the parchment trade only employed just
over twice the number of producers Especially considering the fairly laborious process
that was still involved in paper production during the period (see Campbell 1747
125-126)
The Witherby data (appendix 1) also shows parchment-makers of the period producing
very high volumes of parchment Furthermore the parchment industry employed a
fairly significant number of manufacturers in spite of the industry only operating out of
a relatively small number of production centres The various economic motivations for
larger parchment works particularly the contracts between the High Treasury and larger
firms shows that the scale of production increased (discussed in chapter 5) In other
48
words the number of listed trained parchment-makers may be relatively low in the
historic record however the levels of production at these firms may have increased
significantly
Overall the data shows that the parchment industry was remained an industry of
significant economic importance There remained a significantly large highly-skilled
workforce operating in England The scale of this industry further highlights the need for
this research and highlights a significant source of future data and historical
information
49
43 Map of Parchment-Makers
This section reviews the maps made on the database created All the maps are shown
below however an interactive map is also available online at
httpsdrivegooglecomopenid=1cYHpfVWXK77s8yffkx3q6gN4ho8j8Eu6ampusp=sharing
An overview of the data is also available in appendix 8 with a detailed tabled of the
specific towns and cities recorded in appendix 9 and the types of records used during
each period is located in appendix 4
50
51
52
431 Review of the Data
The maps highlight several key aspects of the data Firstly a lack of parchment-makers
in the far south-west and the north of England In particular it appears there were a
fairly significant number of parchment-makers operating in York until the end of the
seventeenth century though there was a very sudden decline in these numbers over
time This likely suggests a decline in what was once a fairly major centre of parchment
production perhaps unsurprising due to a once flourishing book trade (Palliser and
Selwyn 1972 207) and the once high number of those purchasing legal and religious
materials in the region (see Winters 2012) The subsequent decline of the parchment
industry was perhaps therefore related to the decline of the book trade industry that
had occurred in the region however there a number of other possibilities are discussed
in the second half of this project
Secondly the data shows a fairly consistent number of parchment-makers in the
Midlands The figures here are not significantly high however they remain relatively
constant during between 1601 and 1900 The parchment industry may have survived in
this region due to the number of developing urban centres however if population
density and demand for local parchment supplies were directly correlated it would be
expected that this trend would continue in the more northern regions It could be stated
that this is the result of bias within the documentary records however the trend
continues very clearly in the later census data of 1851 and 1861 Perhaps the most
significant early conclusion that can be made is that there is no correlation between
developing urban centres and centres of parchment production
The data instead shows some very clear centres of production in the south of England
primarily in the regions stretching from Somerset to Middlesex and between Middlesex
through to Cambridgeshire and Suffolk In fact there appear to have been some very
clear towns and cities that were centres for the production of parchment between 1650
and 1850 (see Appendix 9) The top ten locations with records of operating parchment
works account for just under 44 of all parchment records from all the data collected
The parchment-makers listed in Salisbury Sherborne Marlborough Malmesbury and
the neighbouring town of Charlton represent a significant proportion of the data with
115 of the parchment-makers for these five locations alone Salisbury in particularly was
53
consistently a city with relatively significant number parchment-makers and was famous
for its production of parchment at least during the nineteenth century (Aubrey and
Britton 1847 95) Malmesbury also had a history of parchment-making being an area
which around c1800 had very few industries of significance besides lsquothe manufacturing
of leather gloves parchment and glue (Moffatt 1805 162 167) Aubrey and Britton offer
a possible theory that this was the result of lsquostrong watersrsquo in the region well-suited for
the washing skins (1847 95)
Sawston Cambridgeshire and Bury St Edmunds also offer interesting results Sawston
for example shows very few records being found for parchment works in the region
until the nineteenth century after which the data suggests the development of relatively
large parchment industry emerged A similar trend exists with the town of Bury St
Edmunds with only one record appearing between 1601 and 1800 though with 20
records appearing in nineteenth century It appears something has occurred that has
either allowed for or supported the growth of two large centres of production during
the nineteenth century
The persistent number of records in Middlesex and Surrey (primarily Bermondsey and
Southwark) is however of little surprise The boroughs inside the City of London offered
significant benefits to parchment producers being able to source from local abattoirs
as well as providing access to a incredibly vast trade network both nationally and
overseas The city also had a significant local market being the one of the largest cities
in Europe with a large demand for legal documents particularly from the central
government However a significant tanning industry had long been associated with the
settlements just beyond the outer reaches of London Yeomans highlighted the
eighteenth and nineteenth century existence of a parchment industry in this area as well
as its two major periods of production (Yeomans 2006) These industrial suburbs were
outside the punitive guild taxes enforced in the city of London offering even greater
financial benefits to parchment-makers and other workers of skinned goods
Overall the data shows a number of very clear centres of parchment production over
the period as the nexus for a fairly significant parchment industry across the country as
a whole Despite the traditional belief that the parchment industry fell into significant
decline following the widespread adoption of paper (as discussed in section 34) it
54
appears a significant number of parchment-makers were still operating at least until the
late eighteenth century The majority being located in South West England the Fenlands
regions and London or at least in very close proximity to London
55
44 Sun and Royal Exchange Insurance Policies
A key source of information on the locations of parchment-makers can be found in The
British Book Trades 1775-1787 which lists a number of insurance policies taken out by
parchment-makers with the Sun Fire Office and The Royal Exchange insurance companies
(Maxted 1992) These records are by no means extensive the records only cover twelve
years during the last quarter of the eighteenth century and they also only represent
two of the insurance companies during a time when at least six were operating in
London and eight in the provinces (Maxted 1992 vi) However these policies state
where the parchment-makers were located as well as offering a more detailed insight
into the value and size of the firms and any secondary occupations the individuals held
Interestingly they further validate a number of the centres of production presented in
section 33 with Salisbury Malmesbury and St Margarets (in Marlborough) all listed
Coventry (10 parchment-makers) and Leicester (7) are also listed these also being areas
with a slightly higher than average number of parchment-makers (see Appendix 8)
Perhaps more surprisingly is the number of parchment-makers listed with high value
insurance policies Particularly as although different for the Royal Exchange the Sun Fire
Office only insured against fire until the end of the nineteenth century (Dickson 1960
110) This means that five individuals (records 10 12 16 17 21) held fire insurance
policies of a very high value particularly when compared to a number of other
insurance policies of those in other professions (see Maxted 1992) The value of these
policies is a clear indicator of the size and value of some of the parchment works in
operation during this period as well as further highlighting a number of key centres of
production
56
57
45 Parliamentary Papers 1844
To further test the validity of the previous data collected from primary sources (section
43) below are figures published by HM Stationers Office (HMSO 1844 1-237) This data
shows there to have been relatively few parchment-makers operating throughout
England during the nineteenth century identifying 357 parchment-makers though only
302 of them being over the age of 20 likely due in part to the number of young
parchment-makers in training as apprentices This data supports the location of many of
the major centres of production across the south east below a line from the Wash to
the Bristol Channel It further shows the lack of any parchment manufacturing industries
in the North of England or the south West The spreadsheet containing this information
is available on the CD included in this project
-
58
Chapter 5 Parchment Laws
Despite the often sporadic nature of many of the records of the seventeenth eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries there still remains a reservoir of information in records
pertaining to tax and law The history of parchment industry can be in part ascertained
from what is found in these records The significant events and changes that occured in
the parchment industry as well as many of the main economic pressures of the period
can be determined by a review of this information The period was marked by increasing
levels of government regulation of various industries and the parchment industry was
no exception Taxation in particular played a key role in driving market forces and with
the growing development of early capitalism and the improved trade and transport
networks all these areas will have played key roles in shaping the parchment industry
during this period
51 Parchment Taxation
The 1688 revolution had plunged the country into lsquofinancial commitments on a level
previously unimaginablersquo (Beckett 1985 287) and as such the period of 1650 to 1850
was subject to a plethora of new and extensive taxation laws in order to raise money for
the crown In 1694 the Bank of England was established and this can perhaps be seen
as the focal point from which after a wave of various money-making government acts
were created primarily centred around the implementation of temporary taxation laws
the majority of which were later extended or made permanent
However no review of the laws specifically pertaining to the taxation of parchment
exists As such a review of all laws pertaining to parchment has been conducted and an
overview of parchment taxation laws can found in appendix 10 with a table of acts in
appendix 11 This history of these laws must first be understood before reviewing the
effects they had on the market
The laws passed implementing duties on various parchment-based products similar to
many products and materials taxed during this period were very extensive There were
a number of laws passed during the seventeenth century with many legal documents
59
being subject to various stamp duties along with strict organisational changes only
allowing trained individuals to partake in certain skinned-based activities for example
tanning flaying and parchment-making However the most significant and extensive act
occurred in 1711 during the ninth year of Queen Annersquos reign (9 Ann c11) As stated in
appendix 10 all parchment would now be taxed and was required to be sent to London
for inspection and the issuing of duties Furthermore the movement of skins the
network of the parchment trade and the market value of parchment was now all
essentially under the total control of the government
This is hugely significant in the development of the parchment industry Any
parchment-maker situated in or around London was now at a great advantage After
this act stationers would now purchase parchment (set at a fee fixed by the High
Treasury) and have the parchment issued with the necessary duties in London and then
distribute the parchment across England sending the parchment to one of the many
stationer offices set up across the country With the distribution network of parchment
almost exclusively owned and run by the government and with the market value set far
lower the survival of a parchment work could only be achieved with an increased
market share reduced production costs and a steady demand for parchment from a
local government-run stationer The reduction in production costs being of particular
significance and a standard only achieved with an increased scale of production a local
supply of high quality skins (likely purchased in relatively high quantities) the improving
efficiency of the manufacturing processes (though combined with a likely reduction in
parchment quality) and minimal land rents and local tax rates
Stationers were also certainly capable of stockpiling parchment supplies further
increasing government control of the market The industry was therefore likely subject
to great fluctuations in the levels of demand with the now almost exclusive purchaser of
parchment (the government) offering beneficial treatment to larger parchment works
The government could control how much it purchased and at what price and
consequently at least from the parchment-makers perspective the market was likely to
have been incredibly volatile with huge barriers to entry
Over the next century the laws covering the taxation of parchment became increasingly
extensive (see appendix 10) The result of these increasing duties and various attempts
60
to improve their implementation would have placed further strain on the smaller
parchment works and further incentivising the development of southern-based larger
parchment works capable of increased economies of scale and of providing a steady
supply to government stationers
However the actual success of these laws must be questioned The persistent re-issuing
of old duties the development of new duties stamps and regulations as well as the
continuous attempts to strengthen the governments market control brings into
question the success of previous laws Conversely with the necessity that all parchment
be stamped and the continued implementation of new stamps and increasingly difficult
to bypass regulations any black market would likely have declined significantly over
time
Furthermore it must also be considered that the extent of these laws and the incredible
amount of government investment may
instead indicate the success of these laws
By the early nineteenth century the
amount of money being made from stamp
duties on various products made almost
exclusively from parchment was
considerable (see figure 13) and with the
government controlling the value and
production of parchment very large sums
of money were clearly made The fact that
these laws were continuously enforced and
reissued over the course of a century
under the separate rule of four separate
monarchs may be a testament to the
success of profit made by the government
and the continuous attempts to access
further profits in already lucrative market
though at the likely expense of the success
of the industry itself The highly regulated
and difficult conditions were only
61
completely abolished in 1815 likely as a result of widespread social unrest of the period
and the various petitions made by many of the various members of the workers and
traders of skinned goods (see appendix 12) and not due to any failing in regards to the
funds raised for the government budget
62
52 Laws Surrounding the Manufacture of Parchment
lsquoThe examiners have attained the faculty of discovering the most trifling and frivolous reasons
for inflicting punishment for unavoidable offences insomuch that the said fines are now
nearly doubledrsquo
(An Impartial Observer 1800 23)
From the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century the implementation of a
series of increasingly intrusive laws surrounding the flaying of animal skins is apparent
A detailed overview of these laws had been conducted and is available in appendix 12
as well as a table outlining the specific laws available in appendix 13
The act of 1603 was the first act regulating the quality of skins and various skin-based
products and remained the only major defining regulatory act for over a century (1 Jac
c22) The law was likely a response to the decline of the guilds as well as the
significantly declining overall quality of parchment that had occurred in the previous
century (see Appendix 1) The steady improvement of parchment over the seventeenth
century and the lack of any newly issued laws regulating parchment manufacture
appear a testament to the success of this law
However the later eighteenth century manufacturing regulatory acts appear a response
to the 1711 law (9 Ann c11) the act essentially granting control of the movement price
distributors and tax rates of parchment giving government almost complete control of
the market The implementation of these laws was likely to enforce the maintaining of
high quality parchment despite a reduction in the market value of parchment overall
Essentially the government put parchment-makers in the position of being legally
required to produce high quality parchment but for a far lower price However the
persistent failure of the laws success with the decline of parchment quality during the
eighteenth century (see Appendix 1 Rogers 1887 601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70
Clarkson 1992 5) may be the likely cause of the reissuing and intensification of the
various regulatory measures
The repeated implementation of similar laws also seems to show the persistent failures
of the laws preceding them or at least that this was the belief of the governments of
the time These laws were likely to have deeply affected the parchment market as
63
growing government regulation of the various professions involving the manufacture of
goods from animal skins grew exponentially during these two centuries setting strict
manufacturing guidelines and limitations as well as the implementation of widespread
fines This period in general saw an ever-increasing level of intervention by government
in various industries and markets the various laws surrounding the flaying of skins were
therefore part of a larger regulation of standards and markets by government
Unfortunately even in spite of the incredible magnitude of the changes that occurred
over the following century it was clear the changes were not sufficient to see any
significant improvement or even maintaining of parchment quality (see Appendix 1) In
1806 a book was published by lsquoAn Impartial Observerrsquo titled The Flaying Act Considered
As Without Benefiting the Public most Severely Oppressing the Butchers of London
(1806) This text widely criticised the 1803 law (43 Geo III c127) introducing the new
fines and inspections to London stating all parchment must be taken to Leadenhall
Market for inspection if manufacture within a 15 mile radius of the site The Act also
instituted a fine of 2s 6d for anyone in possession of neglected or damaged skins with
an extra half penny for every damaged skin Below is a quote from lsquoAn Impartial
Observerrsquo on the subject of these fines
lsquoNothing stronger proves the inattention of the industrious butcher to what was passing
parliament than the very great disproportion of fines this act enforces for it will hardly be
credited that sheep and lamb-skins which (independent of wool) are on a fair average
worth only seven-pence halfpenny from the butcher to the purchaser are liable to a fine of
three-pence which with the salesmanrsquos charge and inspectors fee amounts to four-pence
farthing while the severity of the examiners has been extended to censure nearly one-third of
all brought before themrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 15)
The laws had clearly made the production of leather and parchment very risky affairs
due to the incredibly severe fines The author of this text continues to discuss the failure
of the law to understand the parchment-making process They describe the operation of
converting sheep skins to parchment as lsquoa very delicate operationrsquo and one that causes
lsquofrequent cuts and gashesrsquo (An Impartial Observer 1806 19) This being considered as
well as the fact that inspectors were paid for every skin found to have been damaged
(Chitty 1824 351) it appears very likely these laws would have resulted in a great
64
number of (often unwarranted) fines The law incentivised officers to consistently find
cuts and blemishes on skins in an industry where cuts and blemishes were almost
inevitable Defects in the skins were not always immediately visible depending on the
physico-chemical treatment that had been applied in the vat however in many cases the
defects could only be recognised later when the material was actually put to use
(Minard 2011 150) The smaller parchment works of the period particularly those
without large contracts with stationers must have struggled significantly during this
period If only a small number of skins were considered damaged the parchment works
would receive very significant fines and the possible seizure of much of their stock
It is also worthy of note that the lsquoImpartial Observerrsquo also refers to many of the flayers
outside of London as being often untrained and consequently being the primary source
of damaged skins (An Impartial Observer 1806 5-6) This may indicate the high level of
specialisation in London and the failure of early laws to ensure high quality flayed skins
outside of London However it may also have simply proven pragmatic to state this as
the author may be attempting to have the 1803 law retracted while hoping to continue
profiting from the highly intrusive laws affecting the rest of England
By the time these laws were eventually repealed (after a significant number of petitions
from various groups) the effect on the parchment industry must have been substantial
Even if laws preceding the 1800 act (39 amp 40 Geo III c67) which implemented the
creation of inspection points be set up outside each city had been widely ineffective the
effect on the industry between 1800 and 1815 at a minimum must have been very
significant A huge number of smaller parchment works must have collapsed or been
forced to merge with other firms The widespread fines and inspections and the
incentivisation of inspectors to find damaged skins would have put further strain on the
market with only the larger firms capable of creating a more homogenous product and
able to afford the inevitable fines capable of surviving
53 Who is enforcing these laws
The 1603 act (1 Jac I c22) states that all leather goods within three miles of London
must be inspected and sealed before they can legally be sold Eight individuals were
therefore appointed to inspect and tax skins and hides these individuals were
65
designated the role ofrsquo lsquosearcher and sealerrsquo and these individuals were changed each
year They would each record all sales of leather hides and skins as well as recording
the name of the buyer and seller the price of the leather and any issues regarding the
quality of the products Any individual selling products sold that had not been lsquosearched
and sealedrsquo would have their goods confiscated In the event of goods being seized the
company of cordwainers the company of curriers and the company of tanners would
each elect two individuals with no connection to the accused who would examine the
goods and determine whether the goods were lsquosufficient and serviceablersquo Strangely
however the law does not discuss the maintaining of these laws beyond the three mile
radius of London set out in the act suggesting those outside of London were perhaps
beyond the scope of any government regulation of product quality If true there would
have been a fairly significant incentive to produce parchment outside of the city of
London
Then in 1694 the Treasury established a number of offices (see appendix 14) and hired a
number of commissioners to distribute stamped parchment throughout the country in
order to maintain this new tax they were what Hughes calls lsquoretailers of stamped paperrsquo
(Hughes 1941 247) It is fortunate that it appears the first list of these distributors was
recorded (see Appendix 15) According to the Calendar of Treasury Books there were
thirty-six distributors of stamped parchment and paper across England and Wales
spread across almost every county However it appears there may have been a number
of stampers an even smaller number of officers and only a single inspector of
parchment (see Shaw 1935 636-648) As a result of this system it appears the Treasury
would sign contracts with certain parchment-makers to insure the steady supply of
parchment throughout England (Hughes 1941 248-252) The contracts were made with
only two or three great stationers and others who entered into partnership with these
stationers who lsquoengross thereby to themselves the whole dealing and have it in their
power to put higher prices upon the office than they otherwise couldrsquo (Hughes 1941
248) These contracts greatly benefited the stationers however claiming an allowance of
six percent of each stamped paper or parchment batch sold while many of these
distributors lsquotransgress muchrsquo in charging higher prices than was permitted (1941 252)
It appears to have been a grossly inefficient system and one fraught with corruption
though one that greatly encouraged the reduction of parchment production costs
66
Each county had an office with a commissioner of stamps and these commissioners
were reported to have stamped all the parchment and paper legally used in England at
this time as well as to have made a record of such activities An investigation into these
individuals and the volumes of parchment they stamped in their respective counties
would offer further evidence of key centres of parchment production and usage in
England though as of yet it has not been possible to locate these documents Also for
most of this period it seems all parchment was required to be inspected at least once a
day for quality and tax purposes (Leadbetter 1755 339 Ashworth 2003 246) and so
perhaps even more data exists The nature of these laws also highlights the high
volumes of parchment still used across England a point further supported by the fact
that as late as 1714-1715 parchment was still generating huge sums of money from
stamp duties (see Shaw and Slingsby 1957 385)
The 1710 act (9 Ann c11) offers greater clarification on this issue This law states that
officers were appointed to weigh the skins and issue the necessary duties as well as
mark the hides skins and parchment to denote the charging of a duty The act does not
however specify if these officers are inspecting the quality of the skins though a later
text indicates this to be the case In 1778 a text titled Instructions for Officers of the Duties
on Hides in the Country details how the excise officers at this time were instructed to
inspect the skins (Great Britain Commissioners of Excise 1778) It was instructed that
the excise officers must lsquoinsert in an entry-book which is to be kept at the Excise Office
copies of all the entries made by tanners tawers ampcrsquo (1778 5) and furthermore that
they must weigh and mark the skins (1778 7) However it appears these officers were
also required to investigate the quality of the skins lsquoWhen you discover that any Tanner
Tawer or Oil-dresser ampc has diminished shaved or impaired his skins contrary to law
between the time of taking them out of the materials and weighing them or has
neglected to keep his hides or skins that not been duly markedrsquo officers must in such
cases lsquogive notices therof as soon as possible to your Collector or Supervisor that the
offenders may be prosecuted as the law directsrsquo (1778 7-8)
Unfortunately it cannot be said with complete certainty if these officers were inspecting
the skins quality prior to this however it appears to have been a long history of those
taxing the parchment to also inspect it going back to the lsquosearchers and sealersrsquo of
67
London Furthermore as early as 1671 the English government had created offices for
excise officers places where officers who would examine and stamp skins would be
based (Hughes 1941 247) A later text even details how the excise officers of the early
nineteenth century would inspect skins quality and then stamp the skins with either an
lsquoSrsquo marking them as acceptable skins or lsquoDrsquo for damaged skins (Hughes 1941 351)
Overall then those in charge of distributing the duties on these goods were also
inspecting the materials and goods for quality This being the case a great number of
skins and parchment goods would have been inspected in London due to the number
of goods that were required to be transported there for tax purposes (see section 61) as
well as the large market for parchment in the city
However the 1800 act (39-40 Geo III c66) saw to the creation of a number of places
outside of major towns and cities specifically for the examination and inspection of
skins It was written that these assigned locations will not exceed three miles nor be less
than two miles from each city or town to which they are assigned (Chitty 1824 348) The
inspections of London also changed slightly in 1808 when it was determined that the
inspectors would be named by the Butcherrsquos Company the Currierrsquos Company and the
Cordwainers (Chitty 1824 353) who would each appoint seven individuals Ultimately
however this did not last long with the various regulations and inspectors being
removed from English law during the nineteenth century This act marks the last
attempt by the government to control the development of the parchment industry until
the repeal of the various acts between 1808 and 1815
54 Effects on Parchment Quality
There is a general consensus that parchment between the seventeenth and eighteenth
century was of far lower quality than parchment of the medieval period (Rogers 1887
601 Ryder 1960 131 Ryder 1964 70 Clarkson 1992 5) Current research by Sarah
Fiddyment at the University of York offers further clarity on parchment quality
(Appendix 1) This research involves reviewing a large number of parchment samples to
assess changes in quality over time based on the development of a Parchment Quality
Index (PQI) measuring the levels of damage that occurred to parchment during the
manufacturing process This research shows two very clear period of decline in the
quality of parchment
68
The first sudden decline begins around the fifteenth century and has many possible
causes though Fiddyment has presented a clear correlation with the changing
proportion of parchment to paper used in the market based on the data presented by
Lyall et al (1989 11-29) The sudden influx of paper led to the steady dismantling of the
infrastructure of the parchment-making industry and would in part explain this sudden
decline However the detrimental effects of the plague must also be considered
Parchment-making was a highly skilled profession with knowledge of the various
processes having been well-kept secrets within the profession and the dramatic
population decline in the mid-fourteenth century likely saw the loss of much of the
inherited knowledge It may have taken many generations before this knowledge was a
disseminated across England once more
However the cause of the second sudden decline between c1710 and c1830 remains
something of an historical anomaly (see appendix 1) There are a number of possible
causes for example the continued competition with paper though it appears unlikely
to have caused such a sudden decline so late The effects of the influx of the new
breeds which were generally far less suited to the production of high quality parchment
presents another plausible theory However as stated earlier the majority of the major
parchment works in the country were primarily located in regions where the older more
suitable breeds remained Furthermore the decline appears to occur before the new
breeds such as those of Ellman and Bakewell had made any noticeable impact on
English agriculture Finally there is the possibility of European wars causing the decline
in quality France in particular was a significant producer of parchment (Massey 1763
58) and a major exporter of parchment to England for a number of centuries (see
Gullick 1991 154-156 The Saturday Magazine 1838 134 Chambers 1728 351 ) However
there is no evidence French parchment was of significantly better quality than English
parchment and England was still importing lsquovast quantitiesrsquo of parchment around 1728
If the higher quality parchment of previous centuries had been that of French origin
then it would be expected the quality would have risen significantly again by 1728
(Chambers 1728 351)
However the most plausible primary cause of this sudden decline was the 1711 Act (9
Ann I c11) as well as many of the laws that followed it Firstly the yearly setting of
69
prices by the High Treasury was likely very detrimental to the quality of parchment In
order to set the price of a product a universal measurement needed to be established
Prices could have been set to a certain quantity of parchment for example one piece of
parchment which was set to a duty of 6 d in this Act Similarly it could be set to the
weight of parchment This being possible as all inspectors were required to weigh
parchment before denoting a duty but they would also record the value of the
parchment after weighing (9 Ann I c11) Each method fails to take into consideration
the quality of the parchment a subjective characteristic one not mentioned in any law
during the period
The results over time would be little incentive to produce high-quality parchment as
parchment-makers would receive the same price for a low quality piece of parchment as
they would from a high quality product Furthermore being unable to improve profits
with increased prices firms could now only do so with an increased market share and
reduced production costs Over time competition over a reduction in production costs
was likely more significant than any competition over parchment quality
Furthermore the strict regulations set on the production of parchment would have
great discouraged the production of higher quality parchment The risk associated with
finely flayed skins as well as over-liming skins the removal of wool the scraping of skins
and removal of fat deposits would be so high as any damaged skins would result in high
fines and the seizure of parchment and skins that it seems likely to have greatly
discouraged the production of high quality parchment The quality of parchment only
increases (see Appendix 1) after the repeal of the variety of acts pertaining to the setting
of prices and the extensive regulations surrounding the production of parchment that
occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century (see section 34) This difficult period
was likely best navigated by larger parchment works capable of producing large
quantities of a more standardised quality of parchment that though perhaps not of
great quality met the strict criteria set out in these acts while reducing production costs
55 Conclusions
Overall the various laws on taxing parchment clearly played a key role in the
development of the industry With all parchment moving through London one might
70
expect the industry to be larger in the south given the huge price implications for
transporting parchment from the more northern regions Secondly clear deals were
being struck between the Treasury and stationers and between stationers and
parchment-makers in order to make large amounts of parchment more cost-effectively
(at least in theory) Larger manufacturers and larger trade routes meant increased
economies of scale but perhaps more importantly allowed for a more efficient method
for taxation The whole system appears to have greatly incentivised the development of
larger parchment works declining parchment quality and a geographical shift to the
southern regions These developments are likely to have forced the small-scale
parchment works to either develop a partnership with larger parchment works in order
to be a part of the huge deals that existed at the time or to stop manufacturing
altogether Also the percentage based charges set on each bulk of parchment sold the
economies of scale related to industry and the steadily developing systems for
processing and distributing large amounts of parchment will have greatly shaped the
parchment industry between 1711 and 1815
71
Chapter 6 The Location of Sheep Breeds
61 Sourcing Sheepskins
lsquoThese skins are difficult to describe in general terms for they differ enormously in size fat
content general quality of the fibre network and the types of epidermal structures they
elaborate depending on a multitude of biological factors of which breed age environment
diet and conditions of rearing are the most obviousrsquo
(Reed 1972 41)
The skins most ideal for the manufacture of parchment had specific characteristics that
made them better suited for the manufacturing process The quality of the skins could
be affected by a variety of possible factors Therefore it must be determined which
skins were best for the production of parchment and which breeds of sheep under
which agricultural system would be best suited to producing skins used in the
manufacture of parchment Furthermore having established the significant financial
benefits of sourcing skins locally as well as the high risks involved with using low quality
skins due to possible damages to the final product establishing which breeds were best
suited to parchment-makers is vital to a study of this nature
611 Fat Content
lsquothe surface should be firm free from grease of good even colour and as smooth as possiblersquo
(Reed 1972 125)
The fat content of an animal drastically affects the quality of the skin for its use in
manufacturing parchment During the manufacturing process parchment-makers
remove the fat hypodermic layer of the skin in order to make a smooth surface free
from grease Failure to remove the grease from the skins results in the discolouration of
the final product (Reed 1972 21-24 Saxl 1954 6) as well as the possibility of marked
ridges on the parchment (Reed 1972 132) Removal of all fragments of grease is a
difficult and time-consuming task (Reed 1972 132) particularly before the
mechanisation of the parchment manufacturing process (Saxl 1954 31-32) Significantly
72
fatter sheep would have caused even great difficulties as in many cases the fat cells
could infiltrate the connective tissue residing in the dermal layer of skin which would
have proven an even greater challenge to parchment-makers (Reed 1972 30) Reed also
stated that fat can cause weakness at the epidermal junction causing the dermal and
epidermal layers of the skin to split (1972 43) However this appears to be of most
concern in skins sourced from older sheep though one might presume that skins
originating from fast-maturing sheep may suffer from this defect at an earlier age given
the lsquorelatively unstablersquo collagen development in some fast-maturing breeds (Henrickson
et al 1984 168) The removal of grease if not completed after the initial exposure to the
lime pits many craftsmen would use gesso quicklime powdered bones or chalk (see
Reed 1972 148-149) though the most common solution was the application of
additional treatments of lime (Yeomans 2006 33) Overall the more grease that had to
be removed the longer it would take to make parchment and the process would be
more costly The increased workload may also have increased the likelihood of the
damaging of skins a particularly significant issue given the various laws surrounding
skin and parchment quality between 1650 and 1850
The fat content of sheep between the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries was likely to
have varied significantly and determining which breeds produced usable skins and
which did not is a difficult task Even today both the overall fat content and the
distribution of fat in sheep appears to be very variable (see Palop 2016 7) It also
appears very likely that parchment-makers were unable to avoid using fatter breeds of
sheep over time as many of the breeds in England and Wales grew in size during this
period due to changes in breeding practices and husbandry (Davis and Beckett 1999
Henderson 2016 25-31) Ryderrsquos work may also support this as the eighteenth century
parchment samples he reviewed were of a greater thickness (1991 31) and studies have
shown a correlation between skin thickness and diet Sheep fed on a diet of lower
nutritional value can see a reduction in their skin thickness over time while sheep
intensively fed larger diets will keep thicker skins (Williams and Thornberry 1992 140) It
can be concluded that the skins of fattier faster-maturing breeds were likely to have
been spurned by parchment-makers in favour of smaller breeds with lower deposits of
grease
73
612 The Age of Sheep
Another key factor in determining the quality of a sheeprsquos skin is the age of the animal
Younger animals tend to have higher quality skins for parchment-making due to their
finer grained surface (Reed 1972 35-36) Older animals however despite being larger
and providing more skin per animal tend to have inferior fibre networks and increased
chances of skin defects and irregularities (Reed 1975 35-36) They are also more likely to
have far greater deposits of fat due to longer lives of eating and depending on the
breed and farming system very little exercise They are also more likely to have greater
deposits of fat spread throughout their entire bodies including their skin causing great
difficulty to parchment-makers With greater age also comes a greater propensity for a
variety of pathological conditions and connective tissue disorders as well as damage to
the skin from mites insects and physical trauma (Reed 1972 35-37)
Even when considering the issues connected with older sheep the harvesting of lamb
skins is a far more costly enterprise Lambs produce far less usable material for
parchment-makers and yet require very similar levels of skill time and production costs
as full-grown sheep
Another key area in regards to the effects of ageing on sheepskins is the difference
between the older native breeds of England and the so-called lsquonew breedsrsquo which
reached maturity far quicker A clear example being that of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester
sheep a breed that matured in only two years and had a far greater propensity to fatten
(Youatt and Weld 1837 25-26) In these faster-maturing improved breeds the dermal
collagen grows far more quickly than in the skins of the native breeds This rapid growth
of collagen results in the collagen becoming lsquorelatively unstablersquo and therefore the
lsquoleather obtained from intensively fed animals had a lower breaking point strength than
those obtained from regularly fed animalsrsquo (Henrickson et al 1984 168) Similarly it has
been argued that the lsquoincreased growth rate must be accompanied by increased
collagen degradation or reduced collagen synthesisrsquo and lsquothis is true whether the
increase results from nutrition or from selection for growth ratesrsquo (Lawrence et al 2012
44)
Unfortunately given the wide variety of breeds from the resulting cross-breeding from
the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries it is difficult to determine which breed exactly
74
presented a significant problem However it can be concluded that the skins of
fast-maturing intensively-fed breeds were overall more delicate than those of the more
lsquonaturallyrsquo raised sheep and therefore it seems likely that parchment-makers would have
avoided sourcing their skins from sheep farmed intensively for their mutton
613 Diet and Environment
lsquoa larger carcass inevitably meant longer heavier and coarser woolrsquo
(Wykes 2004 51)
Diet clearly affects the quality of skin with over-feeding resulting in issues of collagen
development and a weak fibre network as well as higher levels of grease (Henrickson et
al 1984 168 Reed 1972 37) However there are a variety of agricultural systems with
different foodstuff and feeding methods which Reed (1972) reviewed to assess the
impact of diet on the skin quality (Reed 1972 36-42)
Firstly Reed concluded that stall-fed sheep typically have looser thinner hides
compared to sheep that roam pastures for their food This is partly due to the lack of
exercise a common issue with the larger sheep as in the words of the
nineteenth-century land survey John Middleton lsquoanimals that are intended to be
fattened with the most speed the least food and the greatest profit are or ought to be
kept still and as free from exercise as possiblersquo (Middleton 1807 436) It is also due to
the diet of stall-fed sheep These animals would have experienced lsquoartificial feedingrsquo for
example barley oil-cake potatoes and food-waste and this diet as Reed states results
in skins that are often softer and more spongy in character (1972 37)
Reed goes on to write that the woolled downland sheep generally had large skins
lsquouniform in texturersquo though with large deposits of grease (1972 41) This was in stark
contrast to the mountain and hill-reared sheep which typically produce stronger
higher quality skins (1972 37) They also have thinner skins with a tighter dermal
network with a finer grain and far less grease (1972 41) The hilly and mountainous
districts have great tracts of uncultivated lands which provided rough grazing for a
number of sheep (Fussell 1964 49) The mountain and hill-reared breeds found in these
areas often had slower rates of maturity (relative to the improved breeds) and they
75
generally had increased levels of exercise as they roam for their food (1972 42) These
factors help to create a tighter dermal network and consequently stronger thinner
skins more ideal for making parchment
The environment and diet of sheep plays an integral part in developing high quality
skins and as Reed describes the more lsquonaturalrsquo the conditions in which the sheep are
raised the better (1972 37) We can therefore conclude that the parchment-makers
using the skins of the naturally fed roaming sheep (typically hill-reared) would be
producing the highest quality parchment and given the increased strength of the skins
(resulting in fewer defects) and the reduced levels of grease would be producing
parchment faster and with fewer damages to the material and with less wastage
76
614 Wool Sheep
lsquoBreeding for mutton however and breeding for wool are distinct and different objects and will in some measure depend on situation for those soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of mutton and on the other hand those soils which
fatten most in equal proportion deteriorate the woolrsquo
(Rudge 1807 306)
Between 1650 and 1850 there were a great variety of sheep
breeds with a varying range in the quality of their fibre
networks and types of epidermal structures At either end of
this spectrum existed the two extremes of wool breeds
Firstly the woolled sheep with epidermal growths of fine
soft and curly wool (Reed 1972 41) The latter breeds were
the lsquohair typersquo (often referred to as heath sheep) which had
coarse thick and tough fibres (1972 41)
The woolled type of sheep produced the worst skins for
parchment-makers Sheep with a high number of follicles
particularly those with a high ratio of secondary to primary
follicles such as the Merino sheep produced skins that were
loose in texture of a poor quality to parchment-makers The
extensive glandular structures would prevent the dense
packing of the connective tissue fibre networks (1972 41)
Furthermore the persistent shearing of sheep has an effect on
sheepskin thickness (Lyne 1961 152 Wodzicka 1958
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska 1960 197) an issue mostly affecting
sheep bred primarily for their wool Overall the better the
sheep for producing finer wool the worse it would be for
manufacturing parchment
The latter breed the lsquohair typersquo on the other hand had thick
fibres and fewer follicles therefore producing a far more firm fibre network (Reed 1972
41) and therefore better skins for parchment (see figure 14)
77
There were of course a greater variety of sheep breeds than those purely bred for wool
and the purely hair-type of sheep There were also medium-woolled sheep producing
fewer follicles with a lower ratio of secondary to primary hair follicles (see figure 14)
These sheep were primarily the downland sheep bred for the production of mutton The
larger carcass resulting in longer heavier and coarser wool (Wykes 2004 51) the skins
were generally thick and fairly uniform in texture (Reed 1972 42) though unfortunately
still proving difficult for parchment-makers due to their high deposits of grease Overall
the ideal breed for parchment-makers was one that had not succumbed to either
extreme of specialisation for either wool or mutton production The hill-reared sheep of
Britain therefore developed favour amongst many producers of light leathers (eg
gloves) and presumably therefore parchment-makers These sheep produced thinner
skins with tighter dermal networks (Reed 1972 41) and were therefore of the highest
quality for parchment-makers
Overall however there was a huge variety of sheep breeds but the studies into fibre
and follicle networks show that sheep with tighter and firmer fibre networks were best
for making parchment These were generally less woolly sheep with lower grease
deposits ones not subject to extreme specialisation unimproved sheep with the fatter
improved breeds promoted by Bakewell and others for either intensive mutton
production having skins that were too greasy and the wool-producing sheep having
skins that are too loose in texture
6141 Historical Survey of Sheep Used
Ryder (1960) reviewed the diameter of fibres and follicles in a variety of parchment
samples ranging from twelfth to the nineteenth century The results found that most of
the fine-wool samples came from the medieval period while most of the medium-wool
samples came from the sixteenth century onward and finally the coarsest samples
appear to have been from the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) This work also
shows that throughout these centuries there were still attempts to use lsquohair sheeprsquo This
is similar to Hedwig Saxlrsquos results (1954) which reviewed the development of sheep
breeding and a variety of samples and concluded that there was a progression from
medieval times which saw sheep with very few hair follicles to more modern
78
sheepskins which showed a great number of crowded hair follicles The results of this
paper similar to results of Ryderrsquos work suggest that sheep were being bred to produce
more wool over time or that producers of parchment were being more selective over
the skins they used
It is also worthy of note that according to Ryderrsquos work hair sheep were used in all
centuries including the eighteenth century (Ryder 1960 131) However when discussing
the hair-bearing sheep an eighteenth century writer stated that lsquothe pure breeds of this
sort are scarcely anywhere to be found among manufacturing nationsrsquo (Anderson 1797
320) However Anderson also states that sheep such as these have often not been
separately categorised and have lsquoalmost entirely escaped the notice of naturalists and
othersrsquo (Anderson 1797 320) It appears likely then that many of these sheep were still
being used in the English agricultural system though were often overlooked by the
agricultural writers of the time who were more concerned with the breed capable of
producing high levels of mutton or wool Anderson even goes on to write that lsquothere is a
much greater proportion of the hair-bearing race among the breeds of sheep in the
southern parts of the islandrsquo and that a Mr Lisle had heard of these sheep under the
name lsquorowety-woolrsquo (Anderson 1797 330) The word lsquorowetyrsquo means a poor area of land
either an area recently harvested andor having been left unploughed for some time
(see Lisle 1757 157 Fussell 1966 39 Bath amp West of Eng Agr Soc 1792 85) These
sheep were therefore likely found in lands of high levels of lsquowastersquo with little attention
paid to the quality of the breeds being farmed
In general however despite clear benefits of using the skins of coarse woolled sheep
during the eighteenth century many parchment-makers were either becoming less
concerned with parchment quality or in most cases did not have a supply of the more
sheepskins from coarse-woolled breeds
615 Conclusion
It appears the best sheepskins for the manufacture of high quality parchment come
from sheep that have not been intensively farmed to produce quantities of mutton or
wool The most suitable sheep are most likely the hair-type of sheep as they have
tighter dermal networks Similarly sheepskins from smaller hardy sheep ones that
79
roam for their food and mature at the slower rate to many of the improved breeds of
the period would have been greatly advantageous to parchment-makers The areas of
England which did not follow the route of intensive sheep farming and did not employ
the improvements of farmers such as Barkwell and Ellman seem likely to prove best
sheepskins for making parchment These sheepskins would have also been subject to
fewer possible damages a hugely advantageous factor during a period of intensive
manufacturing standards and high fines
80
62 The Location of Sheep Breeds
lsquoThe different races of sheep in England are variously distinguished for uncommon size goodness of flesh and plenty of fineness of woolrsquo
(Aikin 1795 19)
This section of the research will attempt to outline the rural landscape between 1650
and 1850 looking primarily at the location of various sheep breeds throughout England
as well the iconic features of these breeds It will highlight whether there was any link
between the geographic distribution of breeds and the location of parchment works A
link that seems possible particularly given the wide variety of breeds and their effects
on the manufacturing quality (discussed in section 61) Furthermore the ability to
purchase skins from great distances was greatly limited by the high costs of salting skins
(see section 37) but also due to the high transport costs of the period that acted as a
lsquomajor constraint on economic activityrsquo (Gerhold 2014 1)
This section should also highlight when and where the new breeds like those promoted
by Ellman and Bakewell were used in the agricultural system the timing of
stockbreeding also being an issue of great consequence that is still relatively poorly
understood Perhaps unsurprisingly as the sheep farming industry during this period
has been widely overlooked by many economists historians and archaeologists As a
result this section constitutes a much-required review of sheep breed locations based
on various tours reports and works of agriculturalists though primarily the results of
this work are based on the reports produced by the Board of Agriculture
It is important to consider that the majority of the historical reports were published
around the turn of the nineteenth century This was an important period in sheep
farming coming at the end of nearly thirty years of determined efforts to lsquoimproversquo the
national agricultural base including the improvement of sheep breeds on a national
scale (Ryder 1983 487)
This chapter will now establish which regions of England were subject to any major
changes in sheep farming or wider agricultural objectives Combined with the
81
conclusions of section 61 this section will determine which regions had access to
supplies of high quality skins
621 The DownlandsSouth
lsquoFrom this central core long fingers of chalkland stretch out north-eastwards through the
Marlborough and Berkshire Downs and on into the Chilterns while south-westwards the
chalk downs extend across Cranborne Chase into Dorset reaching the English channel coast
between St Aldhelmsrsquos and Abbotsburyrsquo
(Thirsk 2000 27)
The chalk downlands have had a long history of agriculture and an absence of
large-scale industry (Thirsk 2000 29) For most of the period under examination this
region was under lsquosheep and corn husbandryrsquo whereby a system of grain production
was sustained by maintaining large sheep flocks that were fed on the unenclosed
downlands or waste by day and folded by night on the arable lands to enrich the thin
chalkland with their dung (2000 30) This system was continued even after the
introduction of new systems and crops in other counties as the soil of the chalk
lowlands was often too shallow to support the introduction of legumes Furthermore
many of these regions were particularly late enclosed Much of the high downland in
Berkshire Wiltshire Dorset and Sussex remained entirely open and unenclosed at the
end of the eighteenth century (2000 43) A particularly interesting factor as enclosures
are often seen as a necessary prerequisite for the instigating of new selective breeding
techniques and the adoption of the larger coarser-wooled breeds (Ryder 1991 455
Ryder 1964 70)
This system dominated these regions until the production of new artificial fertilisers in
the nineteenth century (Overton 1996 193) The livestock practices in these counties
were therefore sustaining the hardier breeds capable of travelling great distances in
order to fertilise the land supporting the popular lsquosheep and cornrsquo system of the region
Thirsk offers the following overview of this system and the subsequent breeds
lsquoHere sheep were specially selected not for their propensity to yield mutton or wool but for
their folding qualities Over the centuries prolonged selection have given rise to the distinctive
Wiltshire and Hampshire breeds and so a Berkshire strain known as the Berkshire Knott
82
These animals were large lanky and hardy producing a thin but fine fleece and a small
quantity of sweet mutton Their great advantage was that they were able to range the Downs
all day and had a propensity drop their dung and urine at night when penned in the fold
They require little water taking most of what they needed from the grass they grazed as this
too was an important advantage on the bare open Downs were where streams and wells
were few and far betweenrsquo
(Thirsk 1984 329)
This lsquosheep and cornrsquo system was particularly prevalent in Wiltshire Dorset the
Hampshire downs and Berkshire Wiltshire in particular had a lsquovast quantity of sheeprsquo
(Davis 1813 137) with Defoe estimating around 2-3 million prior to 1724 which though
perhaps an inflated figure highlights the prevalence of sheep in the region (Cited in
Fussell and Goodman 1930 146) There was an abundance of one particular breed a
small native breed lsquoof middling size and moderately fine woolrsquo (Aikin 1795 282) widely
used to fertilise the land during the period (Davis 1813 137) In 1813 Davis offered a
concise overview of some of the key issues pertaining to the sheep in the region
describing lsquothe peculiar aptitude of the soil and climate to sheep the singular use of
sheep-folding on arable land naturally light and loose the necessity of making sheep the
carriers of dung in situations where the distance from home and the steepness of the
hills almost preclude the possibility of carrying it by any other modersquo (Davis 1813 137)
As a result much of this land was limited to lsquorough pasturersquo until the later introduction of
later fertilising agents (Aikin 1795 332) making sheep a necessity in many areas and
making the improvement of the carcass not the primary objective for the region (Davis
1813 139) In fact the use of livestock to fertilise the land was commonplace across
much of the Wiltshire in particular (Aikin 1795 281 Cobbett 1912 40) with much of the
land not being enclosed until after c1750 Attempts were made to cross the New
Leicester with the widespread black-faced hill sheep of the period with a disastrous loss
of hardiness (Ryder 1983 487) Instead the smallness of an animal was a major
recommendation lsquoin a country where summer food is scarce and winter food raised
with difficultyrsquo (Davis 1813 147) These lands also had small enclosed fields and the
livestock were often left to graze with the minimum of attendance (Thirsk 1984 339)
Despite attempts to increase the size of the downland Wiltshire breed the new strain
possessed many serious shortcomings resulting it its eventual degeneration (Copus
83
1989 40)
Berkshire was home to a lsquopure breedrsquo sheep that had survived for hundreds of years
called the Berkshire Nott The longwool Berkshire Nott was bred throughout the county
for much of the seventeenth century (Trow-Smith 1951 161) and despite the
considerable changes the breed went through (Mavor 1813 381) it remained a common
breed in the region (see Mavor 1813 387-390) as it was well-suited to the sheep and
corn system due to its ability to travel long distances to fertilise the land (1813 382)
However the Berkshire Agricultural Society also supported the breed by disapproving of
crossing breeding until at least 1813 though it was stated that crossing was still fairly
common (Mavor 1813 387-390)
The breed was well-adapted to the chalk downlands according to writers of the time
however it had a poor quality fleece and produced relatively small quantities of mutton
(1813 381) Despite its previous success Mavor writes that around the turn of the
nineteenth century much of the livestock on the downs had been widely replaced by the
Southdown breed (Mavor 1813 381) this being either a reflection of an improvement in
the Southdown breed or a change of agricultural system on the lower downs Attempts
were made to introduce the new Leicester breed to the region though these sheep
lsquomade but little progressed being confined to a few select flocks onlyrsquo (Mavor 1813 391)
The Berkshire Nott survived in the Chiltern Hills even into the nineteenth century
(Ryder 1964 17) due to the continued reliance on lsquosheep and cornrsquo husbandry
The large Dorset and Mendip breeds were closely associated with the lowlands of
Dorset which under the right circumstances were known to produce very good mutton
(Youatt 1810 84) The Dorset breed was described as lsquotall and light of body somewhat
resembling the camel in shape and proportionlsquo and was only subject to improvement
towards the end of the eighteenth century (Anderson 1778 168) Nevertheless It was
known for producing a lsquorelatively finer woolrsquo (Ryder 1983 488) though this wool was
clearly not so fine to attain a high value at market compared to many of the other
breeds of the period (see table 3)
84
The chalk lands of Hampshire also required the use of hardy sheep to sustain the
sheep-corn system (Copus 1989 39) with breeds conditioned for the wet and cold
conditions of the woodland clays (Vancouver 1810 360) Despite the later increase in
popularity of the Southdown sheep in the region over the old Hampshire breed (Aikin
1795 286) there were still a great number of locations in the region where the older
breeds remained Attempts were made during the century to cross the Hampshire with
the old black-faced Berkshire and later with the Southdown though the latter did not
occur until around the mid-nineteenth century (Ryder 1964 11)
85
These chalk downlands also extended through Sussex Despite this region primarily
producing sheep for wool produce breeding sheep of lsquovery competitive excellencersquo
(Young 1808 296-297) many flocks were still used on the chalky hills primarily to
manure the land (1808 348) The sheep on chalk-hills were primarily fed on wheat
(1808 143) as the turnip was not a viable option There was a great variety of sheep in
the county however the main breed to occupy the chalk downlands was the Southdown
(Young 1808 300)
Finally Thirsk describes the chalk downland farming of Kent Despite the county being
primarily a region producing sheep for their mutton (Aikin 1795 222) the North and
South Downs of Kent practiced other agricultural systems due to the hilly nature and
chalk soils of the regions Instead of the large Romney-Marsh breed widely adopted in
the Kent lowlands the Southdown breed was farmed in the hilly chalk regions of the
county (Boys 1805 175) On first appearance this appears slightly odd as the
Southdown breed often disliked in similar regions due to its inability to walk great
distances (Billingsley 1798 243) however they were still relatively hardy animals and
perhaps the narrow nature of the North and South Downs meant these animals were
not required to walk quite as far to the fold as many of the breeds discussed above
However the more common use of this animal may in part explain why so few
parchment-makers were located in Kent until the nineteenth century when Canterbury
became a major centre of production (see section 43)
However it is important to consider that these clear systems did not last forever the
high prices set on arable crops during the Napoleonic Wars led to the establishment of
new farmsteads and the further spread of enclosures over the regions (Thirsk 2000 44)
and enclosures were used to convert land previously unsuitable for profitable arable
farming The availability of the kinds of sheep discussed in section 61 were very likely to
have declined quite dramatically during the Napoleonic Wars However for the majority
of the period these downland regions had an abundance of hardy sheep and failed to
adopt the new breeds of Ellman and Bakewell on any significant scale As a result many
of the breeds in this region would be have been particularly ideal for the production of
parchment based on the requirements set out in section 61
86
622 The Wolds
Thirsk defines the wold regions as hilly with relatively lightly spread woodland though
that the variety between the English wolds can be quite significant
The Yorkshire wolds in the East Riding were formerly known for two distinctive breeds in
this region the Holderness and the Wold breed both small hardy animals (Strickland
1812 231) However farmers in this region began crossing with the New Leicester breed
very early with the principal objective of the lsquospeedy fatteningrsquo of lsquogreat numberrsquo of
sheep (1812 51-52) Strickland writes lsquo great expense and pains are bestowed by many
in their endeavours to concentrate every good quality observed in the species in one
breed in order to bring this useful animal to a state of perfectionrsquo (1812 52) Clearly the
aim of this region was to specialise in the breeding of the largest sheep
Secondly the Lincolnshire Wolds which were particularly well known as a grazing
country producing animals of great size and weight (Aikin 1795 130) perhaps most
notably the widespread adoption of Bakewellrsquos New Leicester breed (Young 1799 365)
The New Leicester having been described as lsquoan indolent animalrsquo one lsquoindisposed to
actionrsquo and requiring pasture where it can collect its food with little exercise (Duncumb
1805 122-123) It was also said to have been subject to some peculiar disorders and as
such required much care and attention in the management (Duncumb 1805 122-123)
They were incredibly large animals (see Marshall 1793 229-232) capable of being
folded at less than a year old and which lsquowhen highly finished they appear as a solid
lump of fleshrsquo (Marshall 1793 229 233) It was certainly not an animal likely to produce
the skin necessary for high quality parchment
Finally the Cotswolds which Aikin described at the end of the eighteenth century as lsquoa
long tract of high ground for the most part bleak and bare yet affording in many places
a short fine grass for the feed of sheep and at present principally devoted to the
growth of cornrsquo (1795 163) Despite the use of turnips not being of first importance in
farming improvements in the neighbouring Wiltshire Somerset and to a lesser extent
Gloucester they were widely employed across the Cotswolds (Crittal 1959 43-64)
Turnips likely being used as a winter fodder that supported the growth of the heavier
stocking of livestock Mixed farming had generally been the standard however livestock
87
became increasingly important between 1640 and 1750 with experiments in the use of
Bakewellrsquos breeds occurring as early as the first half of eighteenth century (Thirsk 1984
320-321)
Overall the various wold landscapes appear to have introduced the newer breeds of
Bakewell and Ellman relatively early-on and farmers in these regions were widely
adopting the newly specialized forms of livestock management stocking a great number
of larger breeds for the purposes of producing mutton
623 Lowland Vales
The Lowland Vales are prominent across the centre of the country occupying large
parts of the counties of Buckinghamshire Bedfordshire Oxfordshire Leicestershire
Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire as well as more patches in
Hertfordshire Essex East Anglia Central Yorkshire and through parts of the Berkshire
vale (Thirsk 2000 78) The pastures of the vales were primarily based on the production
of mutton as well as the production of second-grade wool (2000 91) supported by the
widespread introduction of the turnip though in most counties in the Midlands the soil
was better adapted to the farming of cattle (Marshall 1793 217) Enclosures had spread
across many of these regions far earlier than many of the other parts of England
(Roberts et al 2016 129) with a renewed burst of enclosures between 1755 and 1780
(Thirsk 2000 91) In many of the grazing districts the larger farms had been divided up
with enclosed lands offering greater control over breeding practices As such it was the
New Leicester and Southdown breeds that were lsquocentral to the improvement which
swept across Lowland England in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(Walton 1983 175-176) However the Midlands was still breeding a number of sheep
Marshall describes as lsquothe small and hardy mountaineersrsquo a short-wooled breed kept
on the commons and fields of the region
Buckinghamshire had high quality soil that supported large quantities of crops with only
little manure (Aikin 1795 323) as well as the production of fat lambs for the London
market (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) The fattening of lambs for London markets
appears to have been an objective shared by many counties in close proximity to
London
88
Leicestershire had quantities of rich grazing land (Aikin 1795 135) with the eastern and
south-eastern regions breeding a great number of cattle to very large sizes while the
northern grazing tracts supported great numbers of sheep (1795 135-136) The
principal sheep breeds of the county were the Old and New Leicester breeds (Pitt 1809
245) and these Leicestershire breeds were lsquovery large in size without horns and clothed
with thick long flakes of soft wool particularly fit for the worsted manufacturersrsquo (Aikin
1795 136) Lincolnshire also bred a large number of New Leicester sheep as well as the 4
long wooled large Lincoln breed (Young 1799 365) It is of little surprise that Lincoln and
Leicester exported large quantities of wool (Aikin 1795 66) Nottinghamshire was also
an area with widespread enclosures with turnip husbandry being widely adopted in the
enclosed regions (Lowe 1794 11) and consequently the enclosed areas began to see
the adoption of the Lincolnshire and New Leicestershire breeds (1794 33) However the
sheep kept on fallow lands were lsquoa poor breedrsquo described as a mixture of the forest and
Lincolnshire pasture sheep (1794 11) a breed which may have perhaps proven viable
for parchment However these breeds were by no means widespread The New
Leicester was also found in Warwickshire principally a feeding and dairy county (Aikin
1795 151) with great attention paid by farmers to improve the wool and mutton of their
sheep Many breeders were said to have purchased the lsquofinest Leicestershire ramsrsquo at
lsquothe most extravagant pricesrsquo to cross with their best shaped ewes (Murray 1815 161)
Hertfordshire which Thirsk describes as having lsquopatchesrsquo of these Lowland Vales though
primarily an arable county (Young 1804 194-195) The primary breeds were the
Wiltshire and the Southdown breeds the former a possible contender for sourcing
parchment materials though these too were not found in any great numbers Essex also
only had lsquofew breeding flocksrsquo (Young 1807 308) and generally fattened lambs for spring
and ewes for sale at the end of summer (Young 1807 308) Oxfordshire also primarily an
arable county (Davis 1794 7) with the fertile lowlands in particular having long
produced wheat and malt for London market (Havinden 1961 73) The northern tip of
Oxfordshire however had extremely fertile soil (Young 1813 5) with cattle and sheep
important to the region (Havinden 1961 74) with a large profitable local breed (Page
4 The establishment of the New Leicester in this county attesting to the regions success
in sheep farming
89
1907 279-292)
Overall these regions were quite varied though in the majority of cases many of these
regions were not farming a significant number of sheep Furthermore in most cases the
breeds found here were often the newer larger Leicestershire breed However many
farmers in many counties were still opposing the introduction of these improved breeds
for example Warwickshire Northamptonshire Rutlandshire and Leicestershire were all
counties with graziers opposing the new breeds (Marshall 1793 224)
624 Woodlands and Wood Pasture
Although conceding that there is no single agreed term to define the agricultural
systems of this region Thirsk more broadly defines these areas as lsquowood pasturesrsquo and
lsquopastoral lowlandsrsquo providing a somewhat clearer idea of the regions The region
primarily stretches from parts of Cheshire to Dorset Typically these areas were widely
enclosed with enclosures continuing throughout the sixteenth seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries as a result of agreements rather than as a result of parliamentary
acts (Thirsk 2000 117)
The primary product of Cheshire during the eighteenth century was dairy while lsquoless
attention is paid to sheep in this than in most countiesrsquo (Holland 1813 286-287) Only a
few farmers in the region had the Leicester flocks and paid some attention to their
breeds while there were also some Southdown sheep lsquoin the hands of a few gentlemenrsquo
(Holland 1813 287) An eighteenth century writer described three fourths of the land
being dedicated to pasture with the grass of the region used in part to feed horses but
in most cases fed to milking cows with little attention paid to fattening cows (Aikin 1795
92) Shropshire too had few breeding flocks though the sheep that were kept were said
to have varied from the small Welsh breeds to the far larger Leicestershire breeds of
Leicestershire (Plymley 1803 259) A great number of experiments occurred in this
region with almost all farmers of different districts having tried almost all the improved
breeds (1803 260-261) However in general the low parts of the county were primarily
used to feed cattle used widely for production of cheese while the hilly tracts were for
the breeding of sheep producing a fine wool (Aikin 1795 98-99) The Old Shropshire
sheep were prevalent a very hardy animal that Plymley claimed did not require food
from farmers during the winter nor did they generally drink or require any attention
90
from the shepard (Plymley 1803 260)
Staffordshire was also lsquonot a great feeding countyrsquo (Pitt 1817 69) though the beast was
horned cattle and the primary product of the county was milk (1817 66) However of
the sheep kept in the region the main breeds lsquodeserving of particular attention were the
native Cannock-heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds breeds from Leicestershire and the
Southdown breedrsquo (1817 70-71) The native breeds were under certain management
well disposed to fatten and lsquoproduced mutton equal to that from any other breedrsquo (1817
71) and produced a fine wool (Pitt 1817 71 Pitt 1796 136) while the breeds bred for
wool were lsquorefined and improved in a high degree upon principles introduced by the late
Mr Bakewell of Dishley (Pitt 1817 71) The region did however continue to breed the
older smaller black-faced horned varieties many of which had died out in most
counties by this time (Russell 2007 173-174 Plot 1686 109) and possibly these
un-improved breeds were well-suited to parchment (Russell 2007 174)
Herefordshire was similar in many respects with wool a primary export of the county
with the sheep of the region generally small lsquoaffording a fine silky wool in quality
approaching the Spanishrsquo (Aikin 1795 105) This county had previously employed the
farming of sheep to collect lsquofood from situations where no other animal was capable of
subsistingrsquo but Duncomb suggests that by the end of the eighteenth century lsquoan
opposite system has been adopted and many thousand acres of the best tillage ground
have been converted into pasture of sheeprsquo (Duncumb 1805 122-123) This allowed for
the adoption of breeds such as the New Leicester however many of the breeds already
bred in this region produced a finer wool and in greater quantities (1805 123)
Worcestershirersquos primary products were lsquocorn cattle fine wool hops cyder and perryrsquo
(Aikin 1795 157) with the sheep of the region being described as being lsquoof no particular
breedrsquo except the sheep on the commons and wasteland which were breeds of the
same origin as the Staffordshire Cannock Heath and Sutton Coldfield breeds (Pitt 1810
216) The north and east of the country were described as primarily farming flocks of the
Leicester and Cotswold sorts though widely crossed with the New Leicester breeds (Pitt
1810 217) However the wastelands and hills of the south were generally stocked with
Cotswold sheep (1810 217-218) The northern regions bred sheep generally ideal for the
butcher (Pitt 1805 217)
91
The majority of the land of Warwickshire was also committed to the breeding of
improved breeds as the following concise summary offered in the Board of Agriculture
report states lsquoThe great attention that has been paid by many eminent breeders in
Warwickshire to improve the wool and mutton of this animal by selecting the finest
Leicestershire rams and paying the most extravagant prices for them only for a season
to cross with from a selection of the best shaped ewes in the country has now produced
a breed of sheep equal if not superior to most counties in Englandrsquo (Murray 1815 161)
There were large numbers of the New Leicester and Wiltshire sheep in this region
though also with a number of the Southdown Merino and Welsh breeds on the
commons (Murray 1815 161) Ultimately the county was not producing breeds of sheep
most ideal for parchment in any great number however the breeds here were varied
and with small Welsh breeds creating a possible supply for local smaller parchment
works
Gloucester was almost exclusively home to what Marshall describes as lsquomountain
sheeprsquo however the county swept them away during the summer 1782 (Marshall 1789
208) Following this summer the county developed a wide-range of the improved breeds
by the end of the eighteenth century There appears to be very differing methods for
breeding sheep in the county (see Rudge 1807 307-312) though with only two clear
objectives either producing large quantities of fine wool or significant weights of
mutton As a result the Cotswold breed an animal primarily bred for its mutton and the
principal breed of the county was widely crossed with the Southdowns in an attempt to
improve the fineness of wool (Rudge 1807 305) The pure Cotswold breed had however
become lsquoscarcersquo by the end of the eighteenth century with the introduction of the new
Leicester being used to improve the breed to create a finer (though also shorter) wool
and a more compact and fatty carcase (1807 306)
A number of woodland lowland areas in Wiltshire Dorset and Somerset all followed the
same paths as many of the counties listed above and were widely enclosed The result
being the introduction of a number of improved breeds However these regions were
small due to the type of agriculture commons in these counties For example much of
south Wiltshire avoided enclosure with the lsquopeculiar shape of many of the manorsrsquo and
the lsquogeneral application of the landrsquo made enclosures impractical (Davis 1813 44-45) In
92
Somerset too there was great resistance to enclosure in the hilly regions The issue of
enclosure was so significant in this county in fact that the Board of Agriculture report
dedicates thirty pages to attempting to disprove the perceived disadvantages of the
local population (Billingsley 1798 48-78) an issue not so intensely discussed in the
majority of the other reports There was also a widespread aversion to improved
breeds the key belief being that the lsquodeficiency in the fat of the inside would so disgrace
their sheep in the eye of the butcher that they would have lost their old customersrsquo
(Billingsley 1798 243) Despite Billingsley describing the aversions to the the improved
breeds as lsquofallaciousrsquo he later discusses the instance of a Mr Lowman crossing sheep
with the Leicester breed and the significant issue of the new breeds being unable to
walk far to the fold finally concluding that rsquoif they cannot walk a mile to the fold they will
never gain much ground in this countryrsquo (1794 255) This might explain why so many of
the hilly regions of county did not adopt the new improved breeds (see Billingsley 1798
76)
Finally the county of Dorset shared many of the same characteristics listed above The
region was said to have sheep very similar to those in Somerset (Stevenson 1812 393)
though primarily for the purpose of selling lambs to the London market (Stevenson
1812 393 Aikin 1795 297) The differing agricultural system of Dorset to many of the
neighbouring counties the system of pastoral farming likely allowed for the later
improvement to the breeds that occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century
(Stevenson 1812 393) Overall however Dorset may have produced a number of viable
sheep for parchment with the local breed being described as lsquotall and light in bodyrsquo as
later as 1778 (Anderson 1778 168) as well as the late introduction of the turnip being a
testament of the regions refusal to adopt new farming methods (Stevenson 1812 251)
By the end of the eighteenth century the majority of these regions were not producing
viable sheep for parchment production besides a few of the more southern counties It
appears much of the woodland regions described by Thirsk was enclosed and quickly
began to adopt the improved breeds of the time
625 Fenlands
Thirsk describes lsquotrue fenlandsrsquo as existing widely across England the most extensive of
93
which being the mosses of Lancashire and Cumbria and the Eastern Fenlands of
Cambridgeshire and south Lincolnshire (Thirsk 2000 167) describing the regions as
having lsquocountless drainsrsquo and lsquowatercourses criss-crossingrsquo wide-scale cooperation
amongst farmers in the regions
Westmorland and Northumberland appear to have shared the same breeds of sheep
with Bailey and Culley (1797 126) and Walls (1901 141) listing the same three major
breeds of the region None of them particularly fat or woolly (Pigot 1834 144) Firstly
the Cheviot breed a short woolled lsquohardy and valuable mountain sheeprsquo bred in the
north-west of the county (Pigot 1834 144) Secondly the heath sheep otherwise
referred to as the hair-type of sheep (Ryder 1983 496) A lsquopure breedrsquo sheep typically of
a smaller size and as described in the earlier section (section 61) as an ideal breed of
sheep for manufacturing parchment Walls even claimed that the heath breed was
actually the most common breed in Westmorland (Walls 1901 141) Finally the Lincoln
and New Leicester breeds though these were primarily found in the enclosed grazing
lands and did not represent a significant proportion of the sheep population in these
counties Similarly most of the Cumberland farmland was populated by a significant
number of sheep in the hilly regions (Aikin 1795 38 73 Pigot 1995 15) many of which
were said to travel great distances often unsupervised for long periods of time (Pigot
1995 16) However the Cumberland downlands primarily bred cows certainly to a larger
degree than Westmorland and Northumberland
The primary breed of sheep in the flat fenlands of south Lincolnshire and
Cambridgeshire region was a cross between the Leicester and the Lincoln breed (Gooch
1811 272 Young 1799 365) Cambridgeshire in particular although mostly farming the
Leicester and Lincoln cross breed had a very significant range of breeds including
Norfolks West-country Cambridgeshire Berkshire Hertfordshire South Down Lincoln
and Leicester (1811 272) Despite a clear propensity for breeding larger breeds
Cambridgeshire still bred some smaller hardier breeds for some time and remained
one of the few regions to farm sheep with coarse wool over fine wool (Ryder 1964 77)
This region therefore may have still bred sheep ideal for parchment production
however there were still a significant number of the newer larger breeds in this region
These fenlands then seem to have produced a number of viable breeds though in a
94
greater quantity in the more northern regions while eastern fens instead produced a
wider variety of sheep of a wide variety of weights and wool weights (see Gooch 1811
273) particularly around the southern tracts of Lincolnshire (Aikin 1795 189) and the
northern region of Cambridgeshire (Aikin 1795 205) Overall the variability of farming
objectives in these regions make a definitive conclusion difficult however most of the
locations appear certainly capable of supplying local parchment-makers with a relatively
significant number of viable skins However the systems adopted here were certainly
not as beneficial to local parchment-makers as the regions adopting the lsquosheep and cornrsquo
system a system far more likely to incentivise the growth of a far more lucrative
parchment industry
626 Moorlands
This section will cover the uplands of the Pennines the North York Moors as well as the
uplands of Exmoor Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor These regions have varying
agricultural outputs with some at this time being entirely uncultivated covered in peat
or tall inedible grasses (Thirsk 2000 188) while others were accessible regions or
reasonable agricultural outputs
The northern tip of the Pennines stretches through west Durham a region of peaty soils
accompanied with lsquoyellow orchrey clay or white sand both of them certain indications of
unproductivenessrsquo (Bailey 1810 10) The south of Durham however bred a significant
number of sheep and was formerly famed for having the largest breed of sheep in the
kingdom (Bailey 1810 248) though these were being overtaken by the New Leicester
which were slowly being introduced to the region (1810 248)
The west- and north-ridings of Yorkshire both farmed sheep of possible significance The
North Riding being home to the lsquoold stock of the northern part of the Vale of York and of
Clevelandrsquo sheep that were lsquovery large coarse boned slow feeders and the wool dry
and harshrsquo (Tuke 1794 64) While the West Riding of Yorkshire bred a large quantity of
Scotch sheep (Rennie 1799 186) However though these sheep were perhaps viable
options for parchment production both the regions were subject to widespread breed
improvement along the principles of Robert Bakewell (Tuke 1794 64 Rennie 1799 186)
The native breed of Devon was the Exmoor (Vancouver 1808 338) while Cornwall was
95
home to the Exmoor the Dartmoor and many other breeds while the pure Cornish
sheep had become very rare by the beginning of the nineteenth century (Worgan 1811
148) Despite the surviving native breeds farmers in both Devon and Cornwall had
attempted to introduce a wide breadth of different breeds as well as attempting to cross
the local sheep with the new breeds such as the New Leicester by the first decade of the
nineteenth century (Vancouver 1808 341 Worgan 1811 148) Cornwall in particular was
said to be breeding lsquoflocks of sheep as any count either as to form weight of fleece
hardiness of constitution aptitude to fatten quickly at an early age or flavour of
muttonrsquo (Worgan 1811 148) Devon despite the many attempts at crossing with the
New Leicester breed still appeared have a number of native breeds though many were
still bred for their wool growing properties (Vancouver 1808 342) and the Exmoor its
native breed was a longwool breed of fairly considerable size Overall there is again a
possibility that there were some breeds in this area were viable options for
parchment-makers but ultimately the objectives of many of the farmers in the two
counties were in stark contrast to what was required
The moorlands in general were not areas of any significant agricultural output and
unlikely to support any great parchment industry Even the counties in which Moorland
farming took place generally adopted agricultural objectives in contrast to farming
sheep most viable for parchment production
627 Londonrsquos Hinterland
The final section deals with a region not defined in most agricultural histories however
most of the counties surrounding London appear to share a similar agricultural output
in the production of lambs of the London market The defining feature of many of these
counties being their proximity to London rather than any shared agrarian
characteristics Many of the farmers located nearer to London primarily farmed sheep
to sell lambs into London included Sussex (Davis 1813 140 Pitt 1810 216-217 Young
1808 297) Buckinghamshire (Priest and Parkinson 1810 307) Essex (Young 1807 308)
and a number of the farmers of Middlesex (Middleton 1813 434) as well as the farmers
of Surrey breeding Dorsetshire sheep (Stevenson 1809 536) which were a very popular
breed amongst farmers producing lambs for the London market
The sale of lambs was likely a difficult and expensive occupation requiring the transport
96
and sale of a very delicate and relatively expensive commodity The counties therefore
in close proximity to London were at a great advantage Another reason for the large
lambing market in this region was also perhaps the inability of the region to compete in
the specialised breeding of sheep for mutton and wool with the Midland and northern
regions due to topographical restraints
628 Conclusion
Andrew Copus stated that sheep had three major uses within in the English agricultural
system the production of mutton and tallow the production of wool and the
fertilisation of arable land (1989 36) Having reviewed the agricultural regimes of the key
regions and the types of sheep preferred it has become clear that those using sheep
for the fertilisation of arable land were the most suited to providing skins for parchment
making These regions appear to be predominantly in the lsquosheep and corn regionsrsquo with
particular emphasis on the south-west of England and some of the fenland farming
regions Also as Copus states lsquoany attempt to provide fattening fare would have been
incompatible with the other objective of the sheep-corn farmer of that time maximizing
cereal outputrsquo (Copus 1989 39) with the poor soils heavily reliant on the use of sheep to
produce satisfactory crops (Cook and Williamson 1999 185) This being important as the
main area for high cereal production appears to have been the south-west (1989 39)
likely due to the history of the specialisation of this market but seemingly also due to
the soil quality in the region The systems in these heavy clay areas relied heavily on the
use of sheep for fertilising arable land while the objectives in the region appear to be in
contrast to the supporting of larger breeds An article in the Farmerrsquos Magazine offers a
short summary of the fodder grown in these heavy clay regions
lsquoClover vetches and cabbages are the only crops which can be raised as food for
sheep or cattle on the latter and cabbages cannot be eaten off by sheep on such land
There is more expence in the production and consumption of the crops on wet clay
land than on a dry friable soil and therefore the expence of improving such land is
greater The crops must be carted to be consumed in the yard by stock and the dung
carted again into the field besides the injury done to the land in wet weather by
carting off the corps is great Vetches and clover may however be folded by sheep in
97
the summer months on clay soilsrsquo (The Saturday Magazine 1838 188)
The Midlands and more northern regions (though excluding most of Cumberland
Northumberland and Westmorland) were generally better suited to the specialised
breeding of sheep for either mutton and wool production This was due in part to the
prevalence of enclosures which gave greater control to the selective breeding practices
of landowners though also due in part to the topography of the regions For example
the diets and levels of exercise of the sheep could greatly affect the quality of the wool
(see section 634) Lisle writes that clover-grasses cause sheep to develop coarser-wool
while lsquothe better the hayrsquo the finer the wool Lisle particularly recommends the
hill-county hay (Lisle 1757 358) Furthermore the growing of legumes according to Lisle
in his book Observations on Husbandry and particularly the cultivation of the turnip
resulted in better conditions allowing shearing to take place earlier than normal (cited
in Ryder 1983 485) The soil in any region would greatly dictate the type of breeding
that could take place for example in the Board of Agriculture report on Gloucester
there is a concise description of the severe limitations of certain soils
lsquoThose soils which produce the finest wool are not adapted to raise the greatest weight of
mutton and on the other hand those soils which fatten most in equal proportion
deteriorate the wool it being a fact ascertained by experience that wherever fine woolled
sheep have been introduced on more luxuriant soils than they were bred or accustomed to
the wool has increased in quantity but become coarser in qualityrsquo (Rudge 1807 306)
The primarily mutton producing regions emerged in areas of enclosures where it was
possible to grow large quantities of winter fodder which allowed for intensive
year-round feeding Also the ability to separate their sheep across a lot of land (Young
1796 489) and keep the level of exercise in these animals to a minimum with small
enclosed fields and artificial feeding
As stated in an 1838 article in The Farmerrsquos Magazine
lsquoThe quantity of food produced by turnips and by two years of clover and vetches will enable
the farmer to keep and fatten a large quantity of sheep on the ground which will by their
trampling and by the manure left on it give to this kind of soil the best preparation for the
succeeding crops of cornrsquo (The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 188)
98
In conclusion the objectives of the farmers in the south-west (excluding the West
County) the eastern fenland and most northern regions of England for many years
hindered the adoption of the newer breeds which were spreading across England
under the banner of lsquoimprovementrsquo Breeds in these regions were crossed with other
sheep though appear to have remained hardier animals not being bred primarily for
either wool or mutton However the introduction of many artificial fertilisers in the later
nineteenth century (Cook and Williamson 1999 193) and the more economically
preferable position of mutton and wool over cereal following the levelling of prices in
the 1820s (Copus 1989 44) may have resulted in some farmers changing systems
Overall though for the majority of the period under discussion the agricultural systems
in these regions appear to have been breeding sheep better suited for parchment
production and until at least the first half of the nineteenth century the south-western
and fenland counties were likely to have produced the most viable sheepskins for
parchment-makers
This is greatly significant as parchment-makers with a high supply of local viable skins
were at a great advantage As discussed parchment-makers for much of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries could not compete over price (see section 51) and were held
accountable to incredibly strict manufacturing standards standards particularly difficult
to attain with the use of fatty or weak skins The parchment works with a local supply of
quality skins were therefore likely producing a higher quality product at a lower cost and
therefore able to bargain for the lucrative contracts offered by the High Treasury during
the period Furthermore the likelihood of parchment works being able to transport
skins from distant locations is questionable given the increasing prices for salt the strict
laws controlling the movement of skins and parchment and the high transport costs of
the period As a result it is unsurprising that the regions with a higher supply of high
quality skins are in the majority of cases the locations with a higher number of
parchment works (see section 43)
99
Chapter 7 Conclusions
71 Conclusion
This work has provided the first systematic studies of the post-medieval parchment
industry shedding light on a previously unknown industry It has highlighted that it was
not only of significant size but survived the influx of paper during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries producing high volumes of parchment up until at least 1850 This
work also includes the first major collection and review of a significant number of both
historical and modern literature on the post-medieval parchment industry tying
together hundreds of years of information and presenting a plethora of historical texts
on which to develop future research
Overall the parchment industry went through very significant changes between 1650
and 1850 The industry appears to have developed from a large collection of small firms
operating across England with parchment-makers of relatively low income or turnover
engaging in small-scale production and transactions Between the sixteenth and
nineteenth centuries the increasing regulation increasing taxation and a drastically
increasing population resulted in the control of production being shifted to a smaller
number of larger firms These firms primarily aimed to compete through a reduction in
production costs and the manufacture of a more homogenous product resulting in the
slow decline in parchment quality over time The results of this research also highlight
that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming nation
clinging onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and where
older hardier breeds survived
Finally the work has highlighted the extent and significance of government intervention
on a number of skin-based industries during this period The collection and
interpretation of a number of parchment taxation laws and of laws on the regulation of
manufacturing standards has also been the first of its kind The results of this particular
analysis offer a primary cause of the sudden decline in parchment quality during the
eighteenth century as well as the eventual decline of the parchment industry requiring
100
the reconsideration of the traditional view of the widespread introduction of paper
being the sole cause
This project has answered all the questions set out in its aims and objectives though
has also highlighted the importance of future research on this previously unstudied
industry Furthermore it has provided the first detailed overview of post-medieval
parchment production and determined the key factors influencing its development
while also presented a number of key indicators that can be researched to enrich our
current understanding of the post-medieval period Overall the results accrued have
widespread applications and this project has shown that there exists a plethora of
literature and historical data capable providing a basis for further investigation
72 Discussion
This work highlights some key issues in any models used for post-medieval hDNA
studies that find any relationship between when parchment was dated and when it was
produced Furthermore it highlights the issues of determining the manufacturing origin
of parchment from any stamp duties or stationers marks with parchment often being
moved great distances for tax purposes before being distributed across England by a
series of stationers offices Thankfully this work does present some clear centres of
parchment production as well as a more widespread geographical shift of parchment
firms to the south of England over time Any post-medieval parchment samples
analysed in any hDNA study are in most cases likely representative of the regions last
to adopt agricultural changes associated with an lsquoagricultural revolutionrsquo Any future
hDNA studies on the period between 1650 and 1850 must now consider these results
Such studies are unlikely to represent any agricultural changes in the north of England
or in most cases any regions adopting the intensive production of mutton or fine wool
However any hDNA research that finds a shift in the types of animals being farmed can
now more confidently state when the period of agricultural improvement had spread
across the majority of England for the regions from which skins were collected for
parchment production were primarily the regions that were late to adopt these
changes
The results of this research are not only significant to hDNA studies but also contribute
to the debate of agricultural improvement particularly in regards to determining the
101
timing of the adoption of new sheep breeds and stockbreeding techniques though also
the chronology and geography of agricultural improvements more generally Firstly if
there was a lsquosuddenrsquo agricultural revolution that occurred between 1650 and 1850 it did
not result in any sudden or major changes to the parchment industry The changes that
did occur primarily in regards to livestock improvement occurred over a 200 year
period and were variable depending on geographical location and the agricultural
objectives within that region These results strongly suggest that no such sudden change
occurred particularly as mutton was a more important resource than beef during this
period (Kerridge 1967 303 Mathias 1969 65) and with any sudden improvement likely
to have strongly affected this particularly important market Furthermore the results
indicate that the industry shifted as agricultural improvement moved across the farming
nation it clung onto areas where livestock improvement was slow to take hold and
where older hardier breeds survived As a result this research can offer further
clarification on the development and geographical movement of agricultural
improvement between 1650 and 1850 with an emphasis on the changes in sheep
farming another industry often overlooked in modern literature
Furthermore from the results of this research it is also now understood that the decline
of parchment quality that occurred at the turn of the eighteenth century was primarily
due to legal changes and the subsequent changing market processes rather than as a
direct result of the introduction of new breeds of sheep This should contribute to the
current work of Sarah Fiddyment but also to studies on parchment quality more
broadly It also highlights the danger of drawing a causal relationship between
agricultural improvement and any industries decline during this period with growing
government intervention also being a hugely significant though often overlooked factor
likely affecting the development of a number of industries
In regards to the size of the industry and the growing scale of production future
research on the specific large scale producers of parchment would be greatly beneficial
In many of the parchment centres of production clear family-led parchment firms
appear to own and run a number of parchment works for example the Crook family
with Noah Crook Thomas Crook John Crook Snr and John Crook Jnr all operating
different parchment works in Wiltshire during the eighteenth century A more detailed
review of the sources used in this project combined with a review of local resources of
102
Wiltshire would offer greater detail on the development of the scale of production of
parchment during this period but also the development of a monopolistic market
structure in certain regions This work should constitute a firm basis on which future
investigations can be conducted
Overall the significance of this research should drastically affect the interpretations of
any hDNA studies on the post-medieval period Any changes found in the hDNA data
during this period can now be interpreted within the historical context Correlations can
now also be drawn between the data and the various historical changes that occurred
during this period This work has also contributed to a number of debates and currently
held theories on the period while also highlighting the importance for further study in
this area and demonstrating the value of digitised local records
103
Appendices
104
Appendix 1 Witherby Publishing Group Data Collected by Sean Doherty of the University of York (Doherty 2018)
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Noah Crook Abingdon 1795 Twice a month pound30 pound386 Orders placed about 15 months in advance Paid in advance
1796 Twice a month pound26 pound265
1797 Twice a month pound30 pound164
1798 Once a month pound40 pound225
1799 Once a month pound40 pound96
1803 Once a month pound40 pound140
1804 Once a month pound40 pound597
1805 Once a month pound40 pound94
pound2038
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Crook Marlborough 1795 Three times per month pound26 - Orders placed about lt1 months in advance Paid in advance Incomplete years Last two years
1796 Three times per month pound30 pound674
1797 Three times per month pound26 -
1799 Four times per year -
1800 Four times per year pound637
1802 Four times per year pound206
pound1517
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Thomas Rake Salisbury 1796 Once a month pound30 pound120 Incomplete years 1797 Once a month pound30 pound169
1798 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound65
1801 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound58
1802 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound85
1803 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound221
1804 Oncetwice a year pound40 pound247
pound966
105
Name Location Year Supplying how often Av value Total value Notes
Samuel Bishop Bristol 1798 Twicethree times per year pound21 Only a few purchases across the year but multiple years Specialist certain type of parchment
1799 Twicethree times per year pound47
1801 Twicethree times per year pound39
1804 Twicethree times per year pound41
1805 Twicethree times per year pound34
1806 Twicethree times per year pound21
pound205
Stamped Parchment Sold - (LMA) Witherbys 4682E01001 (page 21-22) 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806
J nd 794 769 995 827 874 799 859 932
F nd 782 1047 936 929 1047 1034 851 1092
M nd 855 727 1030 1179 814 1098 1002 1106
A nd 903 1000 941 1028 1005 910 946 1279
M nd 972 1312 1230 1012 1100 1001 1147 1263
J nd 1036 879 1236 1151 1139 1077 1128 1117
J nd 780 1251 1182 1069 1031 867 1061 1058
A nd 763 789 676 779 810 761 906 920
S nd 711 849 549 660 722 913 667 686
O 933 996 904 928 972 933 1054 977 nd
N 813 1283 896 950 1136 914 821 1040 nd
D 1119 788 1033 851 822 928 704 1056 nd
Total 2865 10663 11456 11504 11564 11317 11039 11640 9453
106
Appendix 2 Parchment Quality Source Fiddyment 2018
107
Appendix 3 List of Rogerrsquos Parchment Transactions Source Rogers 1887 575-606
Mendham 1585 4 Parchment Skins 7 Worksop 1588 Skin Parchment 6 Eton 1589 2 Rolls Parchment 18 Oxford 1590 Skin Parchment 6 Gawthorp 1592 2 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1592 2 Skins Parchment 6frac12 Oxford 1593 Sheet Parchment 8 Oxford 1594 5 Skins Parchment 8frac12 Gawthorp 1595 1 Skin Parchment 7- Oxford 1595 Parchment Skin 9- Oxford 1599 9 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1601 16 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1602 8 do Parchment 7 Oxford 1603 8 Skins Parchment 8
Eton 1604 4 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1605 3 Skins Parchment 10 Oxford 1607 2 Skins Parchment 6 Oxford 1608 2 Skins Parchment 6 Cambridge 1609 1 Skin Parchment 8 Oxford 1610 4 Skins Parchment 4frac12- Chatham 1624 Parchment 5 doz 6 Oxford 1629 Parchment 8 doz 6- Oxford 1632 Parchment 15 doz 6- Winchester 1644 4 Skins 7- 3 Bridles 14 Winchester 1645 4 Skins 6
Oxford 1646 10 Sheets Parchment 32 12 Skins 7 Winchester 1648 8 Skins 6 Oxford 1649 78 Skins 12
Eton 1651 6 Skins 8 Winchester 1656 Parchment 3 doz 9- Winchester 1657 Parchment 4 doz 9- Winchester 1658 Parchment 1 doz 9- Winchester 1660 16 Parchment 10 Winchester 1661 2 Rolls 12- Winchester 1663 8 Parchment 1- Winchester 1665 Parchment 2 Doz 9- Winchester 1667 Parchment 1 Doz 9- Winchester 1668 16 Skins 9- Winchester 1672 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1673 12 Parchment 10 Winchester 1677 7 Parchments 50 Cambridge 1682 20 Sheets 13-
108
Appendix 4 Cumulative Percentage Increase of Products and Wages
109
Appendix 5 Types of Records Collected
1601-1901 Record Type No
DeathWill 145
Baptism 129
Directory 27
Marriage 71
Apprenticeship 49
Reference 13
Census 242
Total 676
110
Appendix 6 National Directories
111
Appendix 7 Local Directories
112
Appendix 8 Overview of Parchment-Maker Data
County 1601-1650 1651-1700 1701-1750 1751-1800 1801-1850 1851-1900 All Periods
Bedfordshire 0 0 1 1 1 0 3
Berkshire 0 0 0 0 9 7 16
Buckinghamshire 1 1 7 5 3 9 26
Cambridgeshire 2 0 0 1 31 21 55
Devonshire 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
Dorset 11 8 0 0 4 0 23
East Riding of Yorkshire 0 0 3 0 0 0 3
Gloucestershire 3 0 1 3 0 11 18
Hampshire 0 0 1 3 8 20 32
Hertfordshire 0 0 0 3 5 4 12
Kent 0 1 0 1 1 12 15
Lancashire 0 0 0 0 5 0 5
Leicestershire 0 1 1 3 5 1 11
Lincolnshire 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Middlesex 1 2 1 1 10 26 41
Norfolk 1 0 0 0 0 1 2
North Riding of Yorkshire 30 6 0 1 0 0 37
Northamptonshire 2 0 3 4 4 30 43
Nottinghamshire 0 1 0 0 0 5 6
Oxfordshire 0 1 0 2 2 9 14
Rutland 0 0 0 1 0 4 5
Shropshire 1 0 1 0 1 0 3
Somerset 2 5 2 7 12 3 31
Staffordshire 0 1 1 0 4 0 6
Suffolk 1 0 0 0 14 6 21
Sussex 0 0 0 0 0 5 5
Surrey 0 1 8 5 20 42 76
Warwickshire 1 1 2 5 2 0 11
Wiltshire 16 37 18 12 36 16 135
Worcestershire 0 2 0 3 4 10 19
Total 73 68 50 61 182 242 676
113
Appendix 9 Parchment-Maker Records by Location
Location No Location No
Abingdon England 5 Lambeth England 20
Andover England 1 Leicester England 7
Ayleburton England 1 Leicestershire England 1
Aylesbury England 3 Lenton England 5
Barrowden England 5 Lichfield England 1
Barton St David England 1 Lingfield England 4
Basingstoke England 2 Little Weldon England 7
Bassingbourn England 1 Liverpool England 5
Bath England 4 Longparish Hampshire England 1
Bedford England 2 Lyncombe England 1
Bedminster England 3 Malmesbury England 10
Bengeworth England 5 Marlborough England 29
Bere Regis England 1 Marylebone England 1
Bermondsey England 48 Middlesex England 4
Beverley England 3 Milton Abbas England 1
Bexley Kent England 1 Motcombe England 0
Bottisham England 1 Newington England 2
Bristol England 7 Newport Pagnell England 1
Brokenborough England 2 North Cerney England 1
Buckingham England 5 North Petherton England 6
Buriton England 1 Northampton England 6
Burnham England 1 Northleach England 2
Bury St Edmunds England 21 Norwich England 1
Butleigh England 1 Nottingham England 1
Camberwell England 14 Oborne England 2
Canterbury England 13 Olney England 1
Castle Cary England 2 Oswestry England 1
Caversham England 6 Oundle England 1
Charlton Wiltshire England 6 Powick England 1
Cheltenham England 2 Preshute England 1
Chepping Wycombe England 1 Princes Risborough England 5
Chichester England 1 Ravenstone England 1
Chippenham England 3 Reading England 8
Clifton Gloucestershire England 1 Rotherhithe England 2
114
Compton Dando England 1 Saint Margaret Leicestershire England 2
Corfe Mullen England 1 Salisbury England 56
Coventry England 10 Sawston England 51
Crowle England 1 Shepton Beauchamp England 0
Darlaston England 1 Sherborne England 14
Deptford England 1 Sherston England 6
Devon England 0 Southwark England 12
Dorchester England 1 St Margarets Wiltshire England 1
Dorset England 4 Steyning England 3
Ealing England 1 Stockbridge England 9
Earls Barton England 8 Stourbridge England 2
Eastham England 1 Tewkesbury England 1
Ely England 1 Thame England 1
Emneth England 1 Tring England 5
Emsworth England 1 Trowbridge England 1
Evesham England 11 Walcot England 1
Exeter England 1 Walworth England 1
Finsbury England 1 Wantage England 3
Fugglestone England 1 Warminster England 4
Gloucester England 8 Weldon England 1
Great Doddington England 2 Wells England 1
Gretton England 10 West Wycombe England 1
Harrold England 1 Westbourne England 1
Havant England 11 Westport St Mary England 4
Heston England 1 Wheatley England 0
High Wycombe England 4 Whitington England 1
Highworth Wiltshire England 1 Wilby England 2
Hillingdon England 2 Winchester England 6
Hitchin England 7 Wisbech England 1
Holloway England 1 Witney England 5
Ipswich England 0 Wooburn England 1
Irthlingborough England 6 Wycombe England 3
Kennington England 3 Yeovil England 3
Kingswinford England 4 York England 37
Kintbury England 2 London 11
Knowle England 1 Total 676
115
Appendix 10 Parchment Taxation Laws
The first major relevant actor pertaining to the parchment industry occurred in 1603 (1
Jam c22) regulating the manufacturing process and the organisation of the industry
The first significant act between 1650 and 1850 however occurred in the aftermath of
the Great Fire of London after which Charles II introduced a variety of taxes in order to
raise funds for the rebuilding of London One of these laws enforced the taxation of lsquoany
charter or grantrsquo with the rate of 40 s for one skin of parchment and 20 s for every
additional skin (22 amp 23 Cha II c9) The act covered a number of other uses including
inter alia grants of lands or leases conveyances surrender or release documents writs
of covenant original writs or bills and pleas The vast number of documents taxed were
those typically used in court This came into force in 1671 and was instituted for the
period of 9 years and although only applied to a relatively small number of uses all
parchment that was to be used for any of these purposes had to be transported to the
head tax office at Lincolnrsquos Inn London to be stamped (see Glasse 1794 452)
These laws surrounding the taxation of parchment were more firmly established in 1711
(9 AnnI c11) The new act ensured the extension of many of the previous duties while
also setting higher rates on a number of other specific parchment-based documents
Most significantly however this act stated that all parchment would now be taxed and
therefore all parchment must be transported to London for stamping this included any
parchment or vellum imported into Great Britain For every dozen parchment sold there
was a duty of 6 d while the fee stood at 1 s for vellum The act went further however
stating that all parchment works were now to be inspected regularly by appointed
officers who were permitted to enter the place of work of any parchment-maker while
refusal to allow entry would result in a fine of pound10 Finally these acts set out that at least
once a year the Lord High Treasurer or the commissioners of the Treasury would set
the prices at which stamped vellum parchment and paper would be sold (an issue
discussed further in section 72 and section 82) with officers instated to weigh skins
and hides determine the duty that was to be paid and mark the products that been
charged appropriately
A 1712 act (10 Ann I c19) enacted further duties on parchment and vellum as well as
applying a number of duties to Scotland In 1712 (11 Ann I c26) and 1713 (12 Ann I c9)
116
further duties were set on parchment (with varying prices depending on the intended
use of the parchment) with indentures pardons appeals to high court or documents
granting any office or employment in Great Britain above the value of pound50 a few of the
major documents now taxed The extension and increasing of duties would be a
common feature of the market over the next century
In 1716 George I made the tax of 6 d on every dozen parchment a perpetual tax rather
than a temporary one (3 GeoI c7) Two years later another act was passed that set out
clear regulations to ensure the more efficient collection of the duties set on parchment
(5 GeoI c2) In 1725 additional stamps duties were put in place for the period of 16
years (12 Geo I c30) though these too were continued by a later act (9 Geo II c32)
Finally these duties were also made perpetual though not until 1749 (24 Geo II c12) By
1755 the standard duty for a dozen pieces of parchment was 1 s 6 s as taken from a table
given to officers of the period (see (Leadbetter 1755 134) Under George II and later
under George III there was a seemingly ever-growing number of parchment stamp
duties (see appendix 5)
In 1757 a 1 s duty was set on leases bonds and deeds (30 Geo II c19) In 1759 further
parchment documents used in court would have a duty of at least 6 s while laws copies
of laws writs and their copies depositions and pleas were just some of the documents
covered by new stamp duties (32 Geo II c35) In 1765 a number of other duties were
passed that now pertained to parchment used in the British colonies (5 Geo III c12) In
fact new duties were being continually introduced and many others were changed in
price over the following years For example in 1776 (16 Geo III c34) a new duty of 1 s
and 6 d was set on all parchment manufactured in Great Britain This act follows an
plethora of a number of new duties and fines with acts passed in 1777 (17 Geo III c50)
1779 (19 Geo III c66) 1780 (20 Geo III c28) 1782 (22 Geo III c33) 1783 (23 Geo III c7)
1791 (31 Geo c21 c25) 1794 (34 Geo III c14 c32) 1795 (35 Geo III c30) 1796 (36
Geo III c136) 1800 (39 amp 40 G III c67) 1801 (40 Geo III c86) and 1803 (41 Geo III c86)
Over time the duties increased to cover a increasing variety of parchment products
while various new attempts were made to improve the efficiency of the tax collection
methods In 1804 for example the greatest number of new acts were passed to
117
improve the efficiency of the various stamp duties This law made numerous attempts
to consolidate and simplify the process
Over the next few years however many of the laws surrounding parchment were
repealed The stamp duties set out in the 1804 (44 Geo III c98) 1805 (45 Geo III FINISH)
and 1806 (46 Geo III c43) laws were mostly all repealed in 1808 (48 Geo III c149) There
were still many exceptions however with newspapers almanacks pamphlets and
medicine forms and licences for those selling alcohol just some still in effect However
the majority of the documents that remained heavily taxed appear to be documents
more likely to have been made from paper with many of the parchment documents
(mostly documents used in courts) were no longer subject to stamp duty Finally in
1815 all the duties set out in 1808 (48 Geo c149) as well as the those that remained
from the the 1804 act (44 Geo III c98) and those instated in the 1810 act (50 Geo III
c35) were repealed These laws marked the end of over a century of widespread
government intervention in the parchment industry
118
Appendix 11 List of Parchment Taxation Laws
Year Law Title Law Reference
1671 An act for laying impositions on proceedings at law 22 amp 23 ChaII c9
1694 An act for granting to their Majesties several duties upon vellum parchment and paper for four years towards carrying on the war against France
5 amp 6 WampM c21
1696 An Act for granting to His Majesty several Duties upon Paper Vellum and Parchment to encourage the bringing of Plate and hammered Money into the Mints to be coined
8 amp 9 WampM c 7
1697 An act for making good the deficiencies of several funds there-in mentioned and for enlarging the capital stock of the bank of England and for raising the publick credit
8 amp 9 Wil III c20
1698 An act for granting to his Majesty his heirs and successors further duties upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
9 amp 10 WilIII 25
1702 An act for making good deficiencies and for preserving the publick credit 1 Ann I c13
1702 An Act for preventing Frauds in her Majestyrsquos Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper 1 Ann I c22
1705 An act for laying further duties on low wine and for preventing the damage to her Majestyrsquos revenue by importation of foreign cut wholebone and for making some provisions as to the stamp duties and the duties on births burials and marriages and the salt duties
4 Ann I c12
1706 An act for continuing the duties on low wines and spirits of the first extraction and the duties payable by harkwers pedlars and petty chapmen and part of the duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and the late duties on sweetsfor the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and seven and other uses therein expressed
5 Ann c19
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Ann I c11
1711 An Act for licencing and regulating hackney coaches and chairs and for charging certain new duties on stampt vellum parchment and paper and on cards and dice and on the exportation of rock salt for Ireland
9 Ann I c23
1712 An act for laying several duties upon sope and paper made in Great Britain or imported into the same and upon chequered and striped linens imported and upon certain silks callicoes linens and stuffs printed painted or stained and upon several kinds of stampt vellum parchment and paperhellip and for better securing her Majestyrsquos duties to arise in the office for the stampt duties by licences for marriages and otherwise and for relief of persons who have not claimed their lottery tickets in due time
10 Ann I c19
1712 An act for laying additional duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment and new duties on starch coffee tea drugs gilt and silver wire and policies of insurance to secure a yearly fund for satisfaction of orders to the contributors of a further sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds towards her Majestyrsquos supplyhellip
10 Ann I c26
119
1713 An act for laying additional duties on soap and paper and upon certain linens silks callicoes and stuffs and upon starch exported coals and upon stampt vellum parchment and paper
11 Ann I c9
1716 An act for redeeming the yearly fund of the South-Sea companyhellipand for making the said new yearly fund and annuities to be hereafter redeemable in the time and manner thereby prescribed (National Debt Act)
3 Geo I c7
1718 For continuing the duties on malt mum cyder and perry for the service of the year 1719 and for enlarging the time for entring at the exchequer such assignments of reversionary annuities as are therein mentioned and for better securing the duties on hides and skins vellum and parchment
5 Geo I c2
1725 For the relief of th suitors of the high court of chancery 12 Geo I c33
1735 For continuing for the purposes therin mentioned the additional duties uon stamped vellum parchment and paper laid an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the First
9 Geo II c32
1750 An act for making good a deficiency upon the revenue of the office of keeper or clerk of the Hanaper and for preventing any future deficiency therein to answer the publick services provided for out of the same and for augmenting the income of the office of master or keeper of the rolls
24 Geo II c25
1756 An act for granting to his majesty a duty upon licences for retailing beer ale and other excisaable liqours for establishing a method for granting such licences in Scotland and for allowing such licences to be granted at a petty session in England in a certain cafe therein mentioned
29 Geo II c12
1757 For granting to his Majesty several rates and duties upon indentures leases bonds and other deeds and upon news papers advertisements and almanaks and upon licences for retailing winehellip
30 Geo II c19
1759 An act for augmenting the salaries of the puisne judges in the court of Kingrsquos Bench the judges in the court of Common Pleas the barons of the cois in the court of Exchequer at Westminster the judges in the courts of session and Exchequer in Scotland and justices of Chester and the great sessions for the counties in Wales
32 Geo II c35
1776 An act for granting to his Majesty several duties on coaches and other carriages therein mentioned and several rates and duties upon indentures leases bods and other deeds and upon cards dice and news papers and for raising the sum of two millions by annuities and a lottery to be attended with annuities
16 Geo III c34
1777 An act for granting to his Majesty certain duties on licences to be taken out by all persons acting as auctioneers and certain rates and duties on all lands houses goods and other things sold by auction and upon industries leases bonds deeds and other instruments
17 Geo III c50
1779 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for better securing the stamp-duties upon indentures leases deeds and other instruments
19 Geo III c66
1780 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties on advertisements and certain duties on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions or the custom of any province or place
20 Geo III c28
1782 An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand
22 Geo III c33
120
1783 An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts
23 Geo III c49
1783 An act to explain and amend an act made in the last session of parliament intiruled An act for repealing an act made in the twenty-second year of his present majesty intitled An act for charging a stamp-duty upon inland bills of exchange promissory notes or other notes payable otherwise than upon demand and for granting new stamp-duties on bills of exchange promissory notes and also stamp-duties on receipts and for indemnifying all persons who have written or signed any bill of exchange promissory or other note or any receipt not stamped according to law
23 Geo III c7
1783 An Act for granting to his Majesty several additional new Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper and also for repealing certain Exemption from Stamp Duties
23 Geo III c58
1789 An act for granting to his Majesty several additional stamp duties on probates of wills letters of administration and on receipts for legacies or for any share of a personal estate divided by force of the statute of distributions
29 Geo III c51
1790 An act for repealing the duties upon licences for retailing wine and sweets and upon licences for retailing distilled spirituous liqours and for granting other duties in lieu therof
30 Geo III c38
1791 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional duty on certificates issued with respect to the killing of game
31 Geo III c21
1794 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on indentures of clerkships to solicitors and attornies in any of the courts in England therein mentioned
34 Geo III c14
1794 An act for enabling the commissioners of the stamp duties to stamp bills of exchange and notes in certain cases
34 Geo III c32
1795 An act for granting to his majesty several additional duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper and for repealing a certain exception as far as relates to bonds given as security for the payment of one hundred pounds or under contained in an act of the twenty-third year of hsi present Majestyrsquos reign
35 Geo III c30
1795 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on sea insurances 35 Geo III c63
1796 An Act for the more effectually securing Duties on Indentures Leases Bonds and other Deeds
37 Geo III c19
1797 An act for granting to his Majesty an additional stamp duty on deeds 37 Geo III c111
1796 An Act to enable the Commissioners of Stamp Duties to Stamp Duties to stamp Deeds and other Instruments Bills of Exchange Promissory and other Notes in Cases therein mentioned
37 Geo III c136
1798 An act for granting to his Majesty certain stamp duties on bills of exchange and promissory notes for small sums of money
c 107
1799 An act for altering the period of making up the annual account of the duties on stamped vellum parchment and paper
39 Geo III c92
1800 An act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland 39 amp 40 Geo III c67
121
1801 An act for granting to his Majesty additional Stamp Duties on cards and dice on Probates and Wills on certain Indentures Leases Bonds or other deeds
41 Geo III c86
1803 An act for granting to his majesty several duties therin mentioned to be levied by the commissioners for managing stamp-duties in Ireland
43 Geo III c127
1804 An Act to repeal the several Duties under the Commissioners for managing the Duties upon stamped Vellum Parchment and Paper in Great Britain and to grant new and additional Duties in lieu thereof
44 Geo III c98
1805 An Act for granting to His Majesty additional Stamp Duties in Great Britain on certain Legacies and also the several Duties granted by the Act passed in the Forty-sixth Year of His Majestys Reign intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to Appraisers in Great Britain
45 Geo III c28
1806 An Act for granting to His Majesty certain Stamp Duties on Appraisements and on Licences to appraisers in Great Britain
46 Geo III c43
1806 An act to repeal the several duties under the care of the commissioners for managing the duties pon stamped vellum parchment and paper in Ireland and to grant new and additional duties in lieu thereof and to amend the laws relating to the stamp-duties in ireland
46 Geo III c64
1808 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Law Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments andthe Duties on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in great Britain and for granting new Duties in lieu thereof
48 Geo III c149
1810 Act act for altering the Mode of collecting the Duty on Insurances against Loss by Fire upon property in His majestyrsquos Islands and Possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere beyond the Seas and for exempting certain Bonds and Receipts from Stamp Duty for giving Relief in certain cases of Stamps spoiled or misused and for explaining Part of an Act passed in the Forty eighth Year of His Majestyrsquos Reign for granting Stamp Duties in Great Britain
50 Geo III c35
1815 An Act for repealing the Stamp Duties on Deeds Laws Proceedings and other written or printed Instruments and the Duties on Fire Insurances and on Legacies and Successions to Personal Estate upon Intestacies now payable in Great Britain and for granting other Duties in lieu therof
55 Geo III c184
122
Appendix 12 Flaying Laws
The first act passed during the seventeenth century (Jac 1 c22) stated that earlier
statues had been passed on the topic of the flaying of animal skins but that lsquothe laws
and statutes formerly established and made for the true and just tanning currying and
working of leather have not taken that good effect which was expectedrsquo and had failed
to address the lsquodeceits and abusesrsquo that were lsquocommonly practised by the tanners
curriers and workers of leatherrsquo (see Britain and Pickering 1763 106) The act then
reiterated that no butcher or any other person could damage the skin of any ox bull
steer or cow though interestingly it does not state that the same laws apply to skins
more specifically to the skins of sheep Strangely however the law later defines leather 5
as any tanned skin of ox steer bull cow calf deer and fallow goats and sheep so
presumably the law did cover tanned sheep-skins It also states that anyone selling
sheep skins that did not adhere to this law should be fined 3s 4d This particular Act is
quite difficult to interpret so much so that a later act (14 Cha II c7) offers clarification as
to what animal skins were actually covered as well as clarifying that the law pertained to
all of Great Britain and not just England It certainly brings into question the efficiency of
this tax system provided that there were clear misinterpretations (or explorations) of the
law by some for nearly sixty years
The law also began to create legally protected professions For example only a trained
tanner with a tan-house could tan any hide after the passing of this law while no tanner
could cut the leather The law also set out clear instructions on how leather should be
manufactured stored and dried It was no longer permitted that any individual could be
both a butcher and a tanner and tanners were also not allowed to occupy any other
trade that involved the cutting or working of leather It was now illegal to work the jobs
of other professions simultaneously and furthermore to work any of the professions
pertaining to the working of skins Also the law reiterated the 1563 law stating
individuals must either gain an apprenticeship or must be hired as a servant of an
individual in that profession There were clear attempts by the government to create
separate legally protected professions in the hope of improving specialisation and
5 Interestingly it is also stated that no butcher shall kill to sell any calf under five weeks old or they will be fined six shillings and eight pence This then prohibits the use of very young calves in the production of vellum and brings into question the early use of the skins of very young calves were used for the production of vellum However this law was repealed in 1685 in another act (22 amp 23 Car II c19)
123
consequently the efficiency of a number of industries The law does not however list
parchment-makershellip ADD
This law also extended to the manufacturing process of all goods in the various
skin-based industries while extensive fines were also implemented For example there
was a fine of 3 s 4 d for any putrefied or rotten skin put up for sale (1819 1040) The law
also extended to ensuring high-quality wears and to reduce wastage Any attempt to
transport leather that was cut or unwrought for sale was now illegal Curriers would also
be fined if they attempted to sell leather that had not been sufficiently tanned No
leather could be sold that had not been lsquosearched and sealedrsquo in other words inspected
and taxed (further clarification in section 63) No tan fats before liming and skins must
not be left in lime pits for too long Skins must not be left to dry in frost nor in direct
sunlight Finally the fine for the sale of a dozen sheep skins that did not meet these high
standards was six shillings and eight pence This appears a particularly troubling issue as
many of the standards set were subject to the opinions of inspectors inspectors with a
monetary incentive to find as many damaged skins as possible The consequential
finding of a high volume of lsquodamagedrsquo skins would then be likely to further support the
need for further regulation
The 1662 Act (14 Cha 2 c7) was the next major law bringing about stricter laws
surrounding the exportation of skins and leather From 1662 no tanned hide or
untanned hide of any ox steer bull cow or calf was allowed to be exported out of the
country as well as a number of limitations regarding to the transport of hides within
Great Britain The law does however state that sheep-skins not dressed with wool may
be transported this was in keeping with the law stating that the exportation of wool was
also illegal at this time (see 14 Cha I c 18) The law also further details the punishment
of tanners who cut and raked the hides impairing them shall have their hides seized
The 1688 law(1 WampM c33) more clearly states what the previous statutes cover every
hide skin or piece of tanned leather shaved or liquored of whatever colour with any
liquoring or dressing Clearly then even if poorly enforced for some time the laws
pertaining to the flaying of skins the strict manufacturing processes and the
requirement of searches and seals all applied to the parchment manufacturing process
at least after 1689 Interestingly this law also states that individuals may now sell
124
leather hides or skins by weight This would allow for individuals to sell more
homogenised products with less emphasis on quality
The 1710 act (9 Ann I c11) was extensive although pertaining primarily to the taxation
of hides and skins it enacted even further laws and punishment surrounding the
manufacture and sale of skins and parchment Setting out clear punishments for those
lsquodefrauding the crownrsquo and most importantly further punishments were created for the
damaging of skins It is also the first law to specifically refer to the manufacture of
parchment The law also creates and clarifies a significant number of limitations and
instructions on the manufacturing process for a number of skin-goods For example
who may cut the skins how they were cut how the skins were dried when and if skins
could be transported and who shall inspect these skins It states that officers would now
inspect skins and various tanned products to review their quality This law seems to
highlight the failure of the previous laws as the laws of 1603 (1 Jac I c22) and 1689 (1
WampM c33) were also extensive and yet it was deemed necessary to enact further laws
and punishments as well as offering further clarification of the previous laws For
example it was considered necessary to clarify that previous laws had also extended to
Scotland in the 1784 act (24 Geo II c19)
As late as 1800 attempts were still being made by the crown to limit the number of
damaged skins (39-40 Geo III c66) This is a clear indicator of the failures of previous
laws as well as indicating the still widespread problem of damaged materials at least in
the opinion of government new lsquoproper and convenient placesrsquo were set up for the
examination and inspection of all raw hides for each city (Chitty 1824 348) This perhaps
indicates the lack of appropriate inspections outside of the city of London The act also
sets out new fines for the improper flaying of skins even greater than those preceding
them (Britain 1811 390-391) These fines were so high that only a year later a new law
was passed (41 Geo III c53) reducing the amount perpetrators were fined (Minard
2011 154) In 1803 (43 Geo III c 106) it was also deemed necessary to apply these more
thorough inspections to London a troubling sign considering the issues clearly still
pertained to London despite the significant size of the tanning industry and the
high-quality works expected to accompany an industry of that size
The 1808 law pertaining to London exclusively saw the reduction of these fines (Minard
125
2011 154) with the fine now being no more than 3 s though no less than 2frac12 d (Chitty
1824 353) This law also saw the reorganisation of the inspectors in London and the
requirement that all sheep and lamb skins be inspected either at the Woodsclose
Market the Borough Market or Whitechapel Market (Britain 1824 353) The timing of
these changes again shows the failure of the laws the preceded them and marks the
the beginning of the end for the intensive regulation of this market by the government
That same year a petition was put forward titled A Petition of Several Tanners of London
and its vicinity was presented (House of Commons 1808 120) attempting to repeal a
number of the regulations enforced on the various skin-working professions A few
weeks later on the 17th March the committee created to consider the petition decided
the acts ought to be repealed (1808 183) and on the 28th of March a bill was presented
(1808 218) In the same year a similar petition was put forward by Scottish tanners
(1808 271) and yet another by lsquocurriers and other dealers in tanned leatherrsquo (1808 286)
The previous laws had clearly been a failure and caused major issues across Great
Britain On the 20th of May 1808 a bill was passed to repeal some of the acts that
implemented strict requirements for those working with animals skins
The inspections remained however with inspections on the flaying of skins still
undertaken by the government though in 1824 this too was abolished The 1824 act (5
Geo IV c57) repealed the 1800 (39 amp 40 Geo III c66) the 1801 act (41 Geo III c53) the
1803 local act (43 Geo III ccvi) and the 1808 act (43 Geo III clxxi) (Williams 1824 90-91)
This 1824 act marks the end of two centuries of intensive government regulation
126
127
Appendix 13 List of Flaying Laws
Year Act Name Legal Abbreviation
1485 An act shewing the duties of a corwainer tanner or currier 1 Hen VII c5
1563 Statute of Artificiers (An act containing divers orders for artificiers labours servants of husbandry and apprentices)
5 Eliz I c 4
1603 An Act concerning tanners curriers shoe-makers and other artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather
1 Jac I c22
1662 An act to restrain the exportation of leather and raw hides out of the realm of England
14 Cha 2 c7
1689 An act for explaining part of an act made in the first year of King James the First concerning tanned leather
1 WampM c33
1711 An Act for laying certain duties upon hides and skins tanned tawed or dressed and upon vellum and parchment for the term of thirty two years for prosecuting the war and other her Majestyrsquos most necessary occasions
9 Anne c11
1784 An act for encouraging the manufacture of leather by lowering the duty payable upon the importation of oak bark when the price of such bark shall exceed a certain rate for a limited time and for extending several acts of parliament relative to the manufacture of leather to that of Great Britain called Scotland
24 Geo III c19
1800 Use of Horse Hides etc Act 39-40 Geo III c66
1801 An act to explain and amend an act passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth years of the reign of his present Majesty intituled An act to repeal so much of an act passed in the second year of King James the First as prohibits the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and for better preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
41 Geo III c53
1803 To extend the provisions of two acts passed in the thirty-ninth and fortieth and in the forty-first years of the reign of his present Majesty relating to the use of horse-hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw-hides and skins in the flaying thereof to and to alter and amend as to the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark and liberties therof and all places within fifteen miles of the Royal Exchange of the said city of London
43 Geo III ccvi (local act)
1808 For repealing an act made in the 43rd year of his present majesty for extending the provisions of two formers acts relating to the use of horse hides in making boots and shoes and preventing the damaging of raw hides and skins in the flaying thereof
48 Geo III clxxi (local act)
1808 An Act for repealing an Act passed in the First Year of king james the First intitled An Act concerning Tanners Curriers Shoemakers and other Artificiers occupying the cutting of Leather and also for repealing and amending certain Parts of several other Acts of Parliament relating thereto
48 Geo III c60
1824 An Act to repeal Four Acts of his late Majesty relating to the Use of Horse Hides in making Boots and Shoes and for better preventing the damaging of Raw Hides and Skins in the flaying thereof
5 Geo IV c57
128
Appendix 14 List of Stationers Offices 1694 Source Shaw 1935 671-672 (Originally sourced from Calendar of Treasury Books 1694)
The like of persons to be distributors of the [stamped] parchment and paper in all the counties of England and Wales and to be collectors of the duty thereby arising as follows
Berkshire John Paise of Reading
Beds Francis Brace
Bucks Charles Herle
Cambridgeshire William Percivall
Cheshire Richard Backwell and Robert Foulks
Cornwall Thomas Horwell
Cumberland Robert Jackson
Derbyshire Peter Gery
Devonshire Benj Robins
Dorsetshire Jos Watson and Peter Clinton
Durham William Roper
Essex William Wright and Francis Blythe
Gloucestershire Walter Marshall Edward Bulstrode and Thomas Wale
Hampshire Thomas Shory and Paul Burwood
Herts Francis Isaacson of Barnet
Herefordshire Thomas Mathews
Hunts John Mason
Kent Thomas Raworth of Dover and Thomas Cason of Maidstone
Lancs William Townsen of Lancaster and mdash Dodd of Preston
Leicestershire and Rutland John Cradock
Lincolnshire Edward Cowly
Monmouthshire Walter Marshall
Norfolk Edward Barnes and Henry Marriott
Northants Edward Butler
Northumberland Cha Sanderson and Samuell Wilson
Notts John Bury
Oxfordshire William Busby and John Langston
Shropshire William Leake
Somerset Humphry Burton of Tiverton and mdash Babb of Taunton
Stafford Geo Nevell and John Dunster
Suffolk Robert Warren
Surrey John Balchen
Sussex John Dee Richard Holmes John Newton of Lewes and Samuel Bruer of Battle
129
Warwickshire Jer Withers
Westmorland John Procter
Wilts Robert Cutler of Sarum
Worcestershire William Collins
Yorks Geo Maynard for the West Riding John Hall for the North Riding William Lyster for the East Ridinng
Town of Hull Jos Claver
Denbighshire John Lloyd
Anglesey Montgomery Merioneth and Carnarvon Samuel Howson and Richard Wright
Flintshire Robert Foulks
Carmarthenshire Cardiganshire and Pembrokeshire John Evans
Glamorganshire Edward Thomas
Radnorshire Cha Jones
Brecknockshiremdash Davys
130
Bibliography
Aikin J 1795 England delineated or a geographical description of every county in England and Wales with a concise account of its most important products natural and artificial for the use of young persons with outline maps of all the counties Third Edition London Printed for J Johnson
Anderson J 1797 Essays Relating to Agriculture and Rural Affairs Dublin Messrs P Wogan P Byrne and J Moore
An Impartial Observer 1806 XXXIX and XL Geo III c 66 The Flaying Act considered as without benefiting the Public most severely oppressing the Butchers of London By an Impartial Observer 30 June 1800 London E Thomas
Anon 1787 The Book of Rates Dundee Printed for George Milln
Aubrey J Britton J 1847 The natural history of Wiltshire Wiltshire Topographical Society Salisbury
A Vision of Britain 2018 1841 A Census of Britain Occupations Vision of Britain Available at httpwwwvisionofbritainorgukcensustableGB1841OCC_M[1] [Accessed June 29 2018]
Apostolides A et al 2008 English Agricultural Output and Labor Productivity 1250-1850 Some Preliminary Estimates University of Warwick Unpublished Working paper Available online www2 warwick ac ukfacsoceconomicsstafffacultybroadberrywpagriclongrun4 pdf Available at httpwwwbasvanleeuwennetbestandenagriclongrun1250to1850pdf [Accessed August 27 2017]
Ashworth WJ 2003 Customs and Excise Trade Production and Consumption in England 1640-1845 Oxford Oxford University Press
Bailey J 1810 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Durham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London R Phillips
Bailey J amp Culley G 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Northumberland With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement by J Bailey and G Culley London Sol Printed by S Hodgson and sold by M Robinson and G Nicol
Bailey W 1784 Baileyrsquos British Directory First Edition London Printed by J Andrews
Ballard E 1882 Report in Respect of the Inquiry as to Effluvium Nuisances Arising in Connexion with Various Manufacturing and Other Branches of Industry London HM Stationery Office
Bath and West of England Agricultural Society 1792 Letters and papers on agriculture planting ampc [electronic resource] Selected from the correspondence of the Bath and west of England Society for the encouragement of agriculture arts manufactures and commerce Vol IV The second edition Bath Printed by order of the Society by R Cruttwell and sold by C Dilly Poultry London and by the booksellers of Bath Bristol Salisbury Gloucester Exeter ampc ampc
Beckett JV 1985 Land Tax or Excise the levying of taxation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England The English historical review C(CCCXCV) pp285ndash308
Bicchieri M et al 2008 Inside the parchment Proceedings of Art pp25ndash30
Billing M 1855 Directory amp Gazetteer of Worcestershire 1855 Birmingham M Billing Steam-Press Offices
131
Billingsley J 1798 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Somerset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Bath R Cruttwell
Brownlee J (1915) The history of the birth and death rates in England and Wales taken as a whole from 1570 to the present time Public Health 29 pp211-222
Blanch J 1774 The art of tanning and currying leather with an account of all the different processes made use of in Europe and Asia for dying leather red and yellow London Printed for J Nourse
Blom P 2005 Enlightening the world Encyclopeacutedie the book that changed the course of history London Macmillan Publishers
Boys J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London B McMillan
Bower MA et al 2010 The potential for extraction and exploitation of DNA from parchment a review of the opportunities and hurdles Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 33(1) pp1ndash11
Burger J Hummel S amp Herrmann B 2000 Palaeogenetics and cultural heritage Species determination and STR-genotyping from ancient DNA in art and artefacts Thermochimica acta 365(1) pp141ndash146
Campana MG et al 2010 A flock of sheep goats and cattle ancient DNA analysis reveals complexities of historical parchment manufacture Journal of archaeological science 37(6) pp1317ndash1325
Campbell R 1747 The London Tradesman Being a Compendious View of All the Trades Professions Arts Both Liberal and Mechanic Now Practised in the Cities of London and Westminster London T Gardner
Chambers E 1728 Cyclopedia - Volume 1 London Printed for James and John Knapton John Darby Daniel Midwinter Arthur Bettersworth John Senex Robert Gosling John Pemberton William and John Innys John Osborn and Tho Longman Charles Rivington john Hooke Ranew Robinson Francis Clay Aaron Ward Edward Symon Daniel Browne Andrew Johnston and Thomas Osborn
Chitty J 1824 A Treatise on the Laws of Commerce and Manufactures and the Contracts Relating Thereto with an Appendix of Treaties Statutes and Precedents London A Strahan
Churchill JE 1983 The Complete Book of Tanning Skins and Furs London Stackpole Books
Clark G 2004 Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous Living Costs of the Rich versus the Poor in England 1209--1869 In Conference paperldquoTowards a Global History of Prices and Wagesrdquo Utrecht Available at httpswwwresearchgatenetprofileGregory_Clarkpublication246687497_Lifestyles_of_the_Rich_and_Famous_Living_Costs_of_the_Rich_versus_the_Poor_in_England_1209-1869links546e62200cf2b5fc176075b5pdf
Clark G 2007 The long march of history Farm wages population and economic growth England 1209ndash1869 The Economic History Review 60(1) pp97ndash135
Clark G amp Lindert P 2006 England_1209-1914_Clarkxlsx Global Price and Income History Group Available at httpgpihucdavisedufilesEngland_1209-1914_(Clark)xls [Accessed September 9 2018]
Clarke M 2001 The analysis of medieval European manuscripts Studies in Conservation 46(2) pp3ndash17
Clarkson C 1992 REDISCOVERING PARCHMENT THE NATURE OF THE BEAST Paper Conservator 16(1) pp5ndash26
Cobbett W 1912 Rural Rides in Surrey Kent and Other Counties London A Cobbett
132
Collins M J Fiddyment S Webb C OConnor T P Bradley D Teasdale M Doherty S Curtis A Vnoucek J Hall 2015 Reading the leaves sheep parchment as a 1000 year genetic resource Advances in Animal Biosciences p63
Cook HF amp Williamson T 1999 Water Management in the English Landscape Field Marsh and Meadow Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press
Copus AK 1989 Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in Southern England 1750ndash1900 The Agricultural history review 37(1) pp36ndash51
Craig H 1960 English religious drama of the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford Clarendon Press
Crittal E 1959 Wiltshire Volume 4 Other Industries In A History of the County of Wiltshire Volume 4 London British History Online pp 43ndash64 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchwiltsvol4 [Accessed July 29 2018]
Crouse J 1768 The History of the City and County of Norwich From the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time London Printed John Crouse and sold by M Booth
DrsquoAgata R et al 2007 The use of atmospheric pressure laser desorption mass spectrometry for the study of iron-gall ink Applied Physics A Materials Science amp Processing 89(1) pp91ndash95
Davis JM amp Beckett JV 1999 Animal husbandry and agricultural improvement the archaeological evidence from animal bones and teeth Rural history economy society culture 10(1) pp1ndash17
Davis T 1813 General View of the Agriculture of Wiltshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Dickson PGM 1960 The Sun Insurance Office 1710-1960 Oxford Oxford University Press
Doherty Sean 2018 The proteomic and isotopic analysis of parchment and their application to post-medieval sheep husbandry in Britain PhD Thesis University of York
Duncumb J 1805 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Hereford Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Fitzsimmons MP 2010 From Artisan to Worker Guilds the French State and the Organization of Labor 1776ndash1821 New York Cambridge University Press
Freemen of Chester 1992 Chester Freemen and Guilds Information and History Booklet Chester Chester City Record Office
Fussell GE 1966 The English Dairy Farmer 1500-1900 London Frank Cass amp Co
Fussell GE 1964 THE GRASSES AND GRASSLAND CULTIVATION OF BRITAIN I Before 1700 Grass and Forage Science 19(1) pp49ndash54
Fussell GE amp Goodman C 1930 Eighteenth Century Estimates of British Sheep and Wool Production Agricultural history 4(4) pp131ndash151
Gerhold D 2005 Carriers and coachmasters trade and travel before the turnpikes Oxford Phillimore
Glasse S 1794 The Magistratersquos Assistant Or A Summary of Those Laws which Immediately Respect the Conduct of a Justice of the Peace Continued to the End of the Session--1793 Gloucester Printed by R Raikes
Gooch W 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge London Sherwood Neely and Jones
133
Great BritainCommissioners of Excise 1778 Instructions for officers of the duties on hides in the country London
Gullick M 1991 From parchmenter to scribe some observations on the manufacture and preparation of medieval parchment based upon a review of the literary evidence In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 145ndash157
Hagadorn A 2012 Parchment making in eighteenth-century France historical practices and the written record Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 35(2) pp165ndash188
Haskins CH 1912 The ancient trade guilds and companies of Salisbury Kindle Salisbury Bennett Brothers
Havinden MA 1961 The Rural Economy of Oxfordshire 1580-1730 B Litt thesis Oxford University
Henderson S 2016 A Revolution in Sheeprsquos Clothing BA University of York
Henrickson RL Ranganayaki MD amp Asghar A 1984 Age species breed sex and nutrition effect on hide collagen Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 20(3) pp159ndash172
Her Majestyrsquos Stationery Office 1844 Reports from Commissioners Seventeen Volumes 13 London English Government Available at httpsmarketandroidcomdetailsid=book-jmoSAAAAYAAJ
Hoffman T 2011 Guilds and Related Organisations in Great Britain and Ireland a bibliography - Part 1 Unpublished Available at httpwwwbbkacuklibrarydownloadsguilds-part-1pdf [Accessed 28102018]
Holland H 1813 General view of the agriculture of Cheshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Houghton J 1728 Husbandry and trade improvrsquod being a collection of many valuable materials relating to corn cattle coals hops wool ampc With a complete catalogue of the several sorts of earths With many other useful particulars communicated by several eminent members of the Royal Society to the collector John Houghton The second edition London Printed for Woodman and Lyon
Hughes E 1941 The English Stamp Duties 1664-1764 The English Historical Review 56 (222) pp234ndash264
Hunt amp Co 1849 Hunt amp Corsquos Directory of Gloucester amp Bristol London BW Gardiner
Ibbetson J 1845 Ibbetsonrsquos Directory of the Borough of Bradford etc Bradford Printed and Published by J Ibbetson
Kent H 1798 Kentrsquos directory for the year 1798 containing an alphabetical list of the names and places of abode of the directors of companies persons in public business merchants of London and Westminster and Southwark etc 66th edn London Richard amp Henry Causton
Kellyrsquos Directories Ltd 1936 Kellyrsquos directory of stationers printers publishers booksellers papermakers amp c of England Scotland and Wales 18th edn 1936 London Kellyrsquos Directories
Kerridge E 2013 The Agricultural Revolution London Routledge
Kite M amp Thomson R 2006 The Manufacture of Leather Conservation of Leather and Related Materials London Elsevier Science amp Technology Ltd
Knight C 1842 London London Published by Charles Knight
Lawrence T Fowler V amp Novakofski J 2012 Growth of Farm Animals 3rd edition London CABI
Leadbetter C 1755 The royal gauger or Gauging made perfectly easy as it is actually practised by the officers of His Majestyrsquos revenue of excise London Printed for E Wicksteed
134
Lisle E 1757 Observations in Husbandry London J Hughs
Lowe R 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Nottingham With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London C MacRae
Lyall RJ 1989 Materials The Paper Revolution In J Griffiths et al eds Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375--1475 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 11ndash29
Lyne AG 1961 The Postnatal Development of Wool Follicles Shedding and Skin Thickness in Inbred Merino and Southdown-Merino Crossbred Sheep Australian Journal of Biological Sciences 14(1) pp141ndash156
Marshall M 1789 The rural economy of Gloucestershire including its dairy together with the dairy management of North Wiltshire and the management of orchards and fruit liquor in Herefordshire Glocester Printed by R Raikes for G Nicol Pall-Mall London
Massey W 1763 The Origin and Progress of Letters An Essay in Two Parts London J Johnson
Mathias P 1969 The first industrial nation The economic history of Britain 1700-1914 London Metheun and Co
Mavor WF 1813 General view of the agriculture of Berkshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
Mazoyer M and Roudart L (2006) A History of World Agriculture from the neolithic age to the current crisis London Earthscan
Maxted I 1992 British Book Trades 1775-1787 An Index to Insurance Policies (Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History) London JMaxted
Minard P 2011 Micro-Economics of Quality and Social Construction of the Market Disputes Among the London Leather Trades in the Eighteenth-Century Historische Sozialforschung = Historical social research Zentrum fur Historische Sozialforschung Koln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Informationszentrum Sozialwissenschaften Bonn 36(4) pp150ndash168
Moffatt JM 1805 The History of the Town of Malmesbury and of Its Ancient Abbey Together with Memoirs of Eminent Natives to which is Added an Appendix Tetbury JG Goodwyn
Murray A 1815 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Warwick with Observations on the Means of Its Improvement Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London B McMillan
Narayan S amp Rathore A 1964 Skin follicles and wool characteristics of seven breeds of Rajasthan sheep Research Studies-University of Udaipur 2
Neate S Howell D Ovenden R Pollard AM 2011 The Technological Study of Books and Manuscripts as Artefacts Research Questions and Analytical Solutions Oxford Archaeopress
Overton M 1996 Re-Establishing the English Agricultural Revolution The Agricultural history review 44(1) pp1ndash20
Page W 1930 A History of the County of Northampton In The borough of Northampton Trades London British History Online pp 26ndash30 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchnorthantsvol3pp26-30 [Accessed 30102018]
Page W 1907 Agriculture In A History of the County of Oxfordshire London British History Online pp 279ndash292 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukvchoxonvol2pp279-292 [Accesse 30102018]
Palop R 2016 Sheepskin and Cattle Hide Degreasing PhD University of Barcelona Available at
135
httpwwwcromogeniacomimagesnoticiasAF_LIBRO_DESENGRASE_english_bajapdf
Palliser DM amp Selwyn DG 1972 The Stock of a York Stationer 1538 The Library s5-XXVII(3) pp207ndash219
ParliamentHouse of Lords 1742 The history and proceedings of the House of Lords from the Restoration in 1660 to the present time London Ebenezer Tumberland
Parson WM amp White WM 1830 Directory of Leeds York and the Clothing District of Yorkshire Northowram Ovenden From Weaver to Web Northowram Calderdale Libraries Northgate Halifax West Yorkshire England
Pendred J 1785 The London and Country Printers Booksellers and Stationers Vade Mecum Moorfields J Pendred
Pigot 1995 National commercial directory Norwich Michael Winton
Pigot 1834 National commercial directory of the merchants bankers professional gentlemen manufacturers and traders in the counties of Chester Cumberland Durham Lancaster Northumberland Westmorland and York etc London Pigot
Pigot J 1825 Pigot and Corsquos New Commercial Directory of Scotland for 1825-1826Together with the most extensive Directory of London Manchester J Pigot and Co
Pitt W 1796 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Stafford With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G Nicol and sold
Pitt W 1809 A general view of the agriculture of the county of Leicester with observations on the means of its improvement London R Phillips
Pitt W 1817 A Topographical History of Staffordshire Including Its Agriculture Mines and Manufactures Memoirs of Eminent Natives Statistical Tables and Every Species of Information Connected with the Local History of the County With a Succinct Account of the Rise and Progress of the Staffordshire Potteries J Smith
Plenderleith HJ amp Werner A 1971 Papyrus Parchment and Paper In The Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art Treatment Repair and Restoration Oxford Oxford University Press pp 44ndash73
Plot R 1686 The Natural History of Staffordshire Oxford Printed at the Theater
Plymley J 1803 General View of the Agriculture of Shropshire with Observations Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole B 1852 Statistics of British commerce Being a compendium of the productions manufactures imports and exports of the United Kingdom London WH Smith amp Son Simpkin Marshall amp Co
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Priest SJ amp Parkinson R 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Buckinghamshire Drawn Up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement London Richard Phillips
Poole JB amp Reed R 1962 The Preparation of Leather and Parchment by the Dead Sea Scrolls Community Technology and culture 3(1) pp1ndash26
Reed R 1972 Ancient Skins Parchments and Leathers New York Seminar Press
Reed R 1991 Some thoughts on Parchment for Bookbinding In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thornbecke pp 217ndash220
136
Reed R 1975 The nature and making of parchment Leeds Elmete Press
Rennie G Brown R amp Shirreff J 1799 General View of the Agriculture of the West Riding of Yorkshire Surveyed by Messrs Rennie Brown amp Shirreff 1793 With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement and Additional Information Since Received Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement Edinburgh G Nicol
Roberts C David Roberts F amp Bisson D 2016 A History of England Volume 1 Prehistory to 1714 London Routledge
Rogers JET 1887 A History of Agriculture and Prices in England From the Year After the Oxford Parliament (1259) to the Commencement of the Continental War (1793) Oxford Clarendon Press
Rudge T 1981 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Gloucester London R Phillips
Russell N 2007 Like Engendrsquoring Like Heredity and Animal Breeding in Early Modern England Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Ryder M 1981 A survey of European primitive breeds of sheep Annales de genetique et de selection animale 13(4) pp381ndash418
Ryder ML 1963 A survey of the gross structural features of protein fibres Fibre Structure pp534ndash566
Ryder ML 1958 Follicle arrangement in skin from wild sheep primitive domestic sheep and in parchment Nature 182(4638) pp781ndash783
Ryder ML 1960 Follicle remains in some British parchments Nature 187(4732) pp130ndash132
Ryder ML 1969 Remains derived from skin Science in Archaeology 43 pp539ndash554
Ryder ML 1983 Sheep and man London Gerald Duckworth amp Co Ltd
Ryder ML 1991 The biology and history of parchment In von P Ruck ed Pergament Geschichte Struktur Restaurierung und Herstellung J Thurbecke pp 25ndash33
Ryder ML 1964a The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain The Agricultural history review 12(1) pp1ndash12
Ryder ML 1964b The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain (Continued) The Agricultural history review 12(2) pp65ndash82
Saxl H 1954 An investigation of the qualities the methods of manufacture and the preservation of historic parchment and vellum with a view to identifying the animal species used PhD University of Leeds
Sellet F 1993 Chaicircne opeacuteratoire the concept and its applications Lithic technology 18(1-2) pp106ndash112
Shaw W 1935 Entry Book June 1964 1-10 In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 10 1693-1696 London British History Online pp 636ndash648 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol10pp440-449 [Accessed 30102018]
Shaw W amp Slingsby FH 1957 Declared Accounts Stamp Duties In Calendar of Treasury Books Volume 29 1714-1715 British History Online pp 381ndash398 Available at httpswwwbritish-historyacukcal-treasury-booksvol29 [Accessed 30102018]
Sibly E 1808 Magazine of Natural History Comprehending the Whole Science of Animals Plants and Minerals Divided Into Distinct Parts the Characters Separately Described and Systematically Arranged London Chimpante and Withrow
Sims M 2004 Homewell Parchment Works Archaeological Report Available at
137
httplibrarythehumanjourneynet890 [Accessed 13082017]
Sketchley J 1775 Sketchleyrsquos Bristol Directory Bristol James Sketchley
Slater I amp Pigot 1857 Slaterrsquos - late Pigot amp cos - Royal national commercial directory and topography of the counties of Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire Rutlandshire amp Yorkshire the towns of Hull Leeds Nottingham and Sheffield embellished with beautiful maps of Lincolnshire Nottingham amp Yorkshire etc Manchester Isaac Slater
Slater amp Pigot 1852 Slaterrsquos Royal National Commercial Directory and Topography of Scotland etc 1852 Aberdeenshire Isaac Slater
Smellie W 1771 Encyclopaeligdia Britannica [electronic resource] or a dictionary of arts and sciences compiled upon a new plan Illustrated with one hundred and sixty copperplates By a Society of gentlemen in Scotland In three volumes Edinburgh printed for A Bell and C Macfarquhar and sold by Colin Macfarquhar
Smith F 2009 Smithrsquos Directory of Halifax Bradford Oldfield and Horsfall
Stevenson W 1812 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Dorset With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London G and W Nicol
Stevenson W 1809 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Surrey London J Phillips
Stinson T 2011 Counting Sheep Potential Applications of DNA Analysis to the Study of Medieval Parchment Production In F Franz C Fritze amp G Vogeler eds Kodikologie und Palaumlographie im digitalen Zeitalter 2 - Codicology and Palaeography in the Digital Age 2 Norderstedt Books on Demand (BoD) pp 191ndash207
Stinson TL 2009 Knowledge of the flesh using DNA analysis to unlock bibliographical secrets of medieval parchment Papers Bibliographical Society of America 103(4) pp435ndash453
Strickland HE 1812 A general view of the agriculture of the East-Riding of Yorkshire published by order of the Board of Agriculture author
Teasdale MD et al 2015 Paging through history parchment as a reservoir of ancient DNA for next generation sequencing Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London Series B Biological sciences 370(1660) p20130379
The Farmerrsquos Magazine 1838 The Rotation of Crops The Farmerrsquos Magazine 8 p188
The House of Commons 1808 The Journals of the House of Commons Volume 63 London Printed by Order of the House of Commons
The National Archives 2018 Bridging the Digital Gap technical traineeships in archives Available at httpwwwnationalarchivesgovuk [Accessed October 23 2018]
The Salt Association 2018 Salt amp the Salt Tax | Salt History The Salt Association Available at httpwwwsaltassociationcoukeducationsalt-historysalt-the-chemical-revolutioneighteenth-century-salt-making-salt-and-the-salt-tax [Accessed July 5 2018]
The Saturday Magazine 1838 The Saturday Magazine 12-13(402) pp129ndash136
Thirsk J 1984 The Agrarian History of England and Wales Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Thirsk J 2000 The English Rural Landscape USA Oxford University Press
Thomas S 1983 Leathermaking in the Middle Ages In Leather Manufacture through the Ages Proceedings of the 27th East Midlands Industrial Archaeology Conference (27) EMIAC 27 pp 1ndash10
138
Trolander P 2014 Literary Sociability in Early Modern England The Epistolary Record London Rowman amp Littlefield
Trow-Smith R 1951 English husbandry From the earliest times to the present day London Faber and Faber
Tuke J 1794 General View of the Agriculture of the North Riding of Yorkshire With Observations on the Means of Its Improvement London W Bulmer and Company
Vancouver C 1810 General View of the Agriculture of Hampshire Including the Isle of Wight London R Phillips
Walls GF 1901 Westmorland Agriculture 1800-1900 London Book on Demand
Walton JR 1983 The diffusion of improved sheep breeds in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Oxfordshire Journal of historical geography 9(2) pp175ndash195
Watt A 1906 The Art of Leather Manufacture Being A Practical Handbook in Which the Operations of Tanning Currying and Leather Dressing Are Fully Described London Kessinger Publishing
Williams TW 1824 A Compendious Abstract of the Public General Acts passed in 6 Geo IV London Printed for GWightman
Williams AJ amp Thornberry KJ 1992 THE SKIN THICKNESS OF MEDIUM WOOL MERINO SHEEP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WOOL PRODUCTION Proceedings of the Australian Society of Animal Production 19 pp138ndash141
Williams amp Co 1844 Williams amp Co Directory of York Printed by Edward Baines amp sons York
Winters J 2012 THE ENGLISH PROVINCIAL BOOK TRADE BOOKSELLER STOCK-LISTS C 1520-1640 PhD University of St Andrews
Wodzicka M 1958 Studies on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin of sheep ImdashDevelopment techniques New Zealand Journal of Agricultural Research 1(4) pp582ndash591
Wodzicka-Tomaszewska M 1960 Effect of cold on the thickness and chemical composition of the skin in sheep In Proc Aust Soc Anim Prod pp 195ndash198
Worgan GB 1811 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall London G and W Nicol
Wrigley E (2011) The Early English Censuses Oxford Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press
Wrigley E and Schofield R (1981) The Population History of England 1541-1871 Cambridge Mass Harvard Univ Press
Wykes DL 2004 Robert Bakewell (1725-1795) of Dishley Farmer and Livestock Improver The Agricultural history review 52(1) pp38ndash55
Yeomans LM 2006 A zooarchaeological and historical study of the animal product based industries operating in London during the post-medieval period PhD University of London Available at httpwwwacademiaedudownload30464459Yeomans_phdpdf
Youatt W 1810 A Treatise on the Choice Buying and General Management of Live Stock Comprising Delineations and Description of the Principal Breeds London B Crosby and Company
Youatt W amp Weld MC 1837 Sheep Their Breeds Management and Diseases London Baldwin and Cradock
Young A 1799 Experiments on the Winter and Summer support of sheep Annals of Agriculture and other
139
Useful Arts 34 pp414ndash425
Young A 1807 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary of the Board In Two Volumes Vol 2 London RPhillips
Young A 1804 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk London G and W Nicol
Young A 1797 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk Drawn Up for the Consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement By the Secretary to the Board London B Macmillan
Young A 1808 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex London R Phillips
Young A 1813 General view of the agriculture of Oxfordshire London Sherwood Neely and Jones
140
