IT' 055 697

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INSTITUTION

PUB DATENOTEAVAILABLE FROM

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RC 005 630

Borrego, John G.; And OthersA Study oc. New Mexico Migrant Agricultural

Workers.Design and Planning Assistance Center, Albuquerque,

N. Mex.Aug 7175p.Design and Planning Assistance Center, 2414 Central

Avenue S.E., Albuquerque, New Mexico 87106 (free

while supply lasts)

MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29*Agricultural Laborers; *American Indians; Cultural

Factors; Economically Disadvantaged; EducationallyDisadvantaged; Federal Programs; Health; Living

Standards; *Mexic.an Americans; *Migrant Problems;

*Migrants; Rural Areas; State Agencies; State

Programs; Urban ImmigrationIDENTIFIERS New Mexico

ABSTRACTThe intent of this report, as stated, is to bring

about an awareness of the kinds of problems faced by migrant

agricultural workers (Mexican Americans and Navajos)6 by farmers, and

by agencies offering services to these migrants in New Mexico. An

overview of the national and state migrant situation is presented, as

well as case studies of various New Mexico counties, a discussion of

the overall lifestyles of the Mexican American of northern New Mexico

and the Navajos on the reservation, economies of the 2 groups, and

the role of technology and mechanization. Agency services aredescribed in terms of such areas as housing conditions, health and

sanitation, education, economic conditions, social services, labor

management and crew leaders, and transportation. Migrant problems

discussed include wages (annual average wage of $922); child labor

(25% of the migrant work force are under age 16); education (average

grade level was 8.6 in 1967, with 17% of these being functionally

illiterate); health (per capita health expenditure in 1967 was $12

compared to $200 for the total population); inadequate housing; and

benefits (exclusion of unemployment insurance, Social Security, and

Workmen's Compensation). State resources, a listing of state

agencies, and a bibliography are appended. (JB)

A STUDY OF NEW MEXICOcr%

MIGRANT AGRICULTURAL WORKERS1411Lel

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH.EDUCATION & WELFARE

C:1 'FICE OF EDUCP.TIONTHIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEF' REPRO-DUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROMTHE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG-INATING IT, POINTS OF VIEW OR OPIN-IONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILYREPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDU-CATION POSITION OR POLICY

published August 1971

prepared by the

DESIGN AND PLANNINGASSISTANCE CENTER2414 Central Ave. S.E.Albuquerque, New Mexico 87106

project team

John G. BorregoGerald Smith ide CutierrezMarsha Verploegh

acknowledgments

We are grateful to Mr. Joe Cowles of Cold Type Services of New Mexico for hisassistance in preparing the report and Mr. Jose Yguado of Yguado Associatesfor printing this report.

ctz

additional copies of the report may be obtained from the Pesign and

)Planning Assistance Centcr.

(le

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. Statement of Purpose

I. National Overview

Regional and State Overview

IV. State of New Mexico

A. Methodology

B. Case Studies

1. Doha Ana Countya. Las Cruces area

2. Lea Countya. Hobbsb. Lovington

Eddy, Chavez Countiesa. Roswellb. Artesiac. -Hagermand. Carlsbad

4. Roosevelt, Curry, Quay Countiesa. Portalesb. Clovisc. Melrosed. San Jon

5. Torrance Countya. Moriartyb. Estancia

6. Horne-Pased Migrantsa. Mos, Rio Arriba Counties--Spanish Americanb. McKinley, San Juan Counties--Navajo

7. Nutritional Planning Project-SUNM School of Medicine

C. SUmmary

I. Overviewa.. Economicsb. 'Role of Technology and Mechanizationc. Migrant Education

2. ImplicationSa. Role of Technology and Mechanizationb. Rural-to-Urban Migration Patternsc. Psychological and Cultural Effects of Urbanization

V. Appendix

A. National Background--General OverviewB. Regional Background

C. Life Styles of Migrant Agricultural WorkersI. Mexican Spanish American2. Navajo3. Other

D. State Resources

E. Listing of State Agencies

F. Bibliography

Statement of Purpose_

The need for research into the area ofmigrant agricultural workers has been broughtabout as a result of the important role whichthe migrant agricultural workers have playedin the overall development of our nationaleconomy. For years, Federal, State andprivate agencies in the Southwestern region ofthe United States have been concerned withthe plight of the migrant worker.Consequently, many of these states have beendeveloping programs to meet the complexneeds of this segment of the population.

The State of New Mexico has also beenconcerned with developing programs to meetthe needs of the migrant population, butunfortunately, there has been a lack ofinteragency coordination; that is to say thatprograms do exist to meet some of thesocio-.economic, cultural, and educational'needs of migrant agricultural workers;however, these agencies operatequasi-independently of each other, and aretherefore somewhat limited to their ownparticular fields of interest, whether it behealth, education, housing or other relatedareas.

The intent of this report is to bring aboutan awareness of the kinds of problems facedby migrant agricultural workers, by farmersand by agencies, offering services to thesemigrants in the State of New Mexico. To fullyunderstand the complexity of the migrantagricultural situation, it is necessary tounderstand what is happening both nationallyand regionally and to use this as a basis inunderstanding what is happening within theState of New Mexico.

An attempt will be made to document thekinds of services offered by agencies dealingwith such areas as:

a. housing conditionsb. health and sanitationc. migrant educationd. economic conditions6. social servicesf. labor management/crew leadersg. transportation

Hopefully, this will serve as a resource lotonly for (1) agencies presently working withmigrants, but for (2) farmers and growersworking directly with these workers, and (3)the migrants themselves. Primarily, it is anattempt to define the interrelationships be-

een these three groups.

The structure of this report is organized inthe following manner:

A. New Mexico case studiesan attempt toidentify existing resources in the state whichaffect directly or indirectly the migrant agri-cultural worker.

B. Summary of overall migrant conditionsin the state, including:

1. Analysis of current programs affectingmigrant workers.

2. A section on the role of technology,particularly the implications of increasingmechanization and the possible consequencesfor the migrants; e.g., rural-to-urban migra-ti9.m.

1

Rural-to-UrbanMigration

We feel that the Migrant AgriculturalWorker is part of a disinfranchised groupwhich has resulted from many forces, themain one being the urt Anization processtheconcentration of centers of production anddistribution. A subsystem of urbanization isurban migration.

The process of rural to urbanmigration "includes on one hand theentire complex of interrelatedfactorssocial, economic, politicalthatdefine the rural areas and influence thedecision to leave, and on the other hand,the complex of factors in the urban areathat define the city and influence theimmigrant's adjustment to and future inthe city.

Before a rural resident undertakes torelocate himself or his family to anurban area, he must first be aware of theexistence of a problem, a lack, or acondition in the rural area that has anegative effect on him or that makes himfeel uncomfortable. In other words he

must feel a need for a change incircumstances. Second, he must feel thatleaving the rural area offers some hopeof meeting this need. Third, he must feelthat leaving the rural area is a choice thatis both realistic and available to him.

SKI LLS

Ag. Urb.

Fourth, he must feel that an urban area(rather than another rural area) will offergreater opportunities for the change incircumstances that is required or desired.(Assimilation of Migrants into UrbanCenters, Rural Growth in the U.S.A.,Donald Schon, O.S.T.IWithin this context we find several op-

tions for the rural person leaving his homebase:

(1) The agricultural migrant exists be-cause he was unable to make the transitionfrom rural areas to urban centers because ofinadequate education, skills, capital, etc. Therural person is "pushed" from the rural areasbecause of lack of opportunity, but mit"pulled" by the opportunities within theurban center.

(2) Another option open to the ruralperson and the migrant agricultural worker isthe urban center's barrio .which he hopes willlead to eventual assimilation into the urbancenter's social and economic system. Thischoice is of course possible if he has adequateskills, education, but limited capital.

(3) With adequate education, skills and.capital, the rural person may find an easiertransition to the urban center.

Movement between alternatives 1-4, pre-sented in the following model, are based onadlequacy or inadequacy of: (1) skills, (2)Education, (3) Capital, (4) Employment Op-portunities, (5) Social Services & (6) Environ-mental Quality.

,EDUCATION

EMPLOYMTCAPITAL OPP3RT.

Ag. Urb.

SOCIAL ENVIRONMEOSERVICES QUALITY

MIGRANT

URBANBARRIO

URBANMIDDLECLASS

By understanding this overall process wecan identify the context of the migrantagricultural workers in New Mexico. Thisof course, would be modified according tothe specific situation: i.e., cultural back-ground, etc.

1

RURALAREA

00\Ceoe;c.

p.V 40.C%(1

weak cultural ties to home

2

1MIGRANT

AGRICULTURAL !

WORKER

q N....te;-79er

ties(0

101-17e 6

4se

1. Rural: village, pueblo, reservation (rurallower class)

Have: attachment of family and land.Have Not: Stable economy, adequate skilis,

health, education and social services.Result: Out-Migration.2. Migrant Agricultural Worker: Rural

Lower Class.Have: pieced together an economy.Have Note: Adequate socia7, services. May,

in fact be worse than rural areas (Lack welfareservices)

Result: Choose work where there is easyaccessno skills required. Maintain strongcultural ties.

4

AL.

URBAN BARRIOBEACH HEAD

URBAN CENTER,1 MIDDLE CLASS! .

3. Urban Barrio: Beach Head: Urban lowerClassmedium cultural ties.

Have: Access to more stable work andservices.

Have Not: Not as well off economically asthe rest of the middle class urban society.

Result: Select location with work, cheaphousing and good access to central services.

4. Urban Center: Urban Working or MiddleClassreject cultural ties.

Have: Economic stability and good accessto servicesquality environment. The myth ofthe urban middle class is breakingapartmany see value in maintainingoptionspluralism.

A discussion of the rural villages, pueblos,and reservations is contained within thisreport entitled "Lifestyles." Discussed is theoverall lifestyle cf the Mexican American orSpanish American of Northern New Mexico,and the Navajo on the Reservation, includingtheir cultural traditions such as folk beliefs,social and economic status.

The entire study has focused on the plightof the Migrant worker particularly in theState of New Mexico, discussing theirsocio-economic situation

A discussion of the Urban Barrio is alsocontained within the report in the sectionentitled "Socio-Political Implications" wherewe indicate sources which describe what hashappened to rural residents migrating into theUrban Barrio-Beachhead.

The Urban Ceriter-Middle Class transitionseldom occurs as it is very difficult to attainfor rural residents because of inadequLteeducation, skills, and capital. In manyinstances this transition is a goal to beattained, and not so much a reality.

The causes for rural residents moving intothe migrant agricultural stream has beenbrought about by social and economicnecessity, rather than by individual choice.Due to lack of employment in rural areas andlack of adequate services, the migrant workerseeks a better life by migrating. In manyinstances migrants become disenchanted withagricultural work and permanently return totheir home bases. This can be a result of theirstrong cultural and social ties to their rurallifestyle.

In other cases, rural residents migrate intothe Urban Centers with rising expectations ofobtaining adequate jobs and available services.Once in the Urban Barrio situation, theyrealize that jobs are not available and theymust make a decision as to whether or notthey should return to their rural lifestyle orseek welfare assistance. Again, this couldresult possibly because of their strong socialand cultural ties to their rural lifestyle.

Alternative StrategiesWhat choices do we provide to the person

who wishes to stay in a rural area; whatchoices are available to the person who

chooses the urban center? Presently thechoices to the rural resident are very limited.

For several generations the"traditional" or "natural state" processof rural-to-urban migration has beenimmensely effective in moving the ruralpoor to cities. But the process is

relatively and increasingly. ineffective inalleviating the poverty of the migrants orin utilizing their manpower potential.Yet, r ur al -to-urban migration willundoubtedly continue, due to furtherar.d predictable displacenient of farmworkers and the inability to provide inrural areas enough nonfarm jobs atappropriate skill and income levels tomeet the demand...for those who willmigrate, then, the critical programmaticproblem is how to intervene mosteffectively in the "control" or "natural"process of rural-to-urban migration inorder to increase the probability that themigration will, in fact, ,.esult in relief ofpoverty and new and improvedopportunities for productiveemployment....(Rural Poverty in theU.S., p. 280.)This preliminary studyPart I has attemp-

ted to outline the migrant agricultural work-ers' sltuation within New Mexico. The re-port is still a preliminary, and we are en-couraging any and all criticism and cornments. Part II will focus on exploringalternative strategies for expanding the oppor-tunities open to the disinfranchised peoplein New Mexicomany existing programs ap-pear to be oriented towards symptoms, futurestrategies must focus on causes as well.

The following table attempts to outlinepossible strategies which could be under-taken and their primary focus, whether theyare oriented toward cause or symptoms. Thisis being proposed as a way of limiting ourresearch in Phase II to those alternativeswhich seem to strongly respond to the rootcauses of the disinfranchised in our society(i.e., migrant agricultural workers, barrio resi-dents). In Phase II of this study we will focuson alternatives 2, 4 and 6, as they appear torespond to the causes of the problems (asopposed to treating of symptoms as mostpresent efforts by .agencies in New Mexico.

5

-=11.0 .Alterna-

Relationshiptive

UBUC

Focus

Urban Centerlittleattention to cause/symptoms

Concentrate on Rural

R UBand Urban Center. Omit

UCtransition areas

Concentrate on Rural

R UB and urban areas (barrios)

1

UC

4 R UBUC

5R UB

UC

R UBUC

7 R UBliC

8 R UBUC

6

11110. 11

Concentrate on Ruralbarrio and urban centers

Concentrate on Rural/migrant and urban barrio.The urban communitycan take care of itself.

An all-out attack On allfronts Hasn't workedin ttw past.

Focus on rural condi-tions

Focus on Barrio andmigrant agriculturalsituation.

Dealing wrthCauses

0

0

0

0

-1

Dealing withSymptoms

0

National Overview

MIGRANTRAVEL PATTER

Each year in the U.S. over 1,400,000people, including laborers and their families,migrate out of their home bases into agricul-tural areas to perform seasonal fanm workthat is so vital in our growing society. Most ofthese laborers are employed in areas whichrequire many workers for short periods oftime, when the local supply of workers is notenough to meet seasonal demands. In 1968,migyatory workers performed more than ninepercent of the farm work in the U.S., workingin 46 states. They work mainly with fruitsand vegetables, but also in many other cropsand types of labor.

The three basic migratory patterns of sea-sonal agricultural workers are as follows:

1. The main stream, beginning in the lowerborder of Texas, flows north and west,coverng most of the Central, Mountain andPacific Coast states. This stream consistsmostly of Mexican-Americans working in theharvesting of fruits and vegetables, sugar beetsand cotton.

2. Workers from Florida and southeasternstates working in citrus and winter vegetables,and going northward during the spring andsummer. Negroes make up the larger part ofthis stream.

3. Workers going north from SouthernCalifornia, made up primarily of MexicanAmericans.

Migrant farm workers vary in their workroutes followed from year to year. )3ut nearlyall work a week herea week there withmuch searching for work and commuting inbetween.

Most all of these people migrate out ofnecessity. Local farm work available is limitedand migratory work often offers higher wages.

Although migrant agricultural workers pro-vide cruciaily needed labor during harvesttime, thus playing a vital part in U.S. agri-culture, they have been almost totallyneglected by society. Problems faced bymigrants include:WAGES

Migrant agricultural workers represent' one of the lowest paid income groups in

the nation with an annual average wageof $922.

CHILD LABORApproximately 1/4 of the total farmworker force or about 800,000 paid

. farm workers are under age 16.EDUCATION

The average grade level for migrants in1967 was 8.6, 17 percent of these beingfunctionally illiterate.

HEALTHDespite the Migrant Health Act of 1962,the average per capita health expenditurein 1967 in program benefits for themigrants was only $12.00, as comparedwith $200.00 for the total populationand $170.15 for the Indian populatiom

HOUSINGIn very few cases does housing formigrants meet minimum health andsanitation standards. In most cases theyare old and used for up to six monthsper year by several different families.

.BENEFITSMigrants have been either expresslyexcluded or written out in actualpractice, from almost all conventionalcitizen and worker benefits enacted byF e de r al and State law, includingunemployment insurance, SocialSecurity, Workmen's Compensation,wage payment and collection laws.

LABOR MANAGEMENTAttempts to organize labor unionsamong migrant agricultural laborers isbecoming more and more apparent.

7

Areas where crops are harvested

Navajo Reservation migration into QuayCounty area for broomcorn harvest in thelate summer and fall. Also many Navajomigrate out of state into the Colo., Idaho,etc. area during the summer months.

Home base migrants, mostly SpanishAmerican who migrate out of state, par-t i cularly into the San Luis Valley inColorado, for from 6 weeks to 6 monthsout of the year.

3 Mexican American migrants from Big Springs,Laredo and Del Rio, Texas, areas into SanJon and ClovisPorta les area for broomcornharvest in late summer and fall.

4. Mexican American migrants from Hereford,Texas, into Torrance County for potatoharvest in the fall, then on to Hobbs areafor late fall potato harvest.

5 Mexican American migration from Raymonds-ville, Texas area into Dona Ana County forcotton, onions, alfalfa and lettuce harvests,and into Lea County for potato harvest.

6 Mexican Nationals, Green Cards, illegalentries, coming into Dona Ana County forsummer harvest, some goino farther northinto Torrance, Quay conties, etc.

7 Filipino lettuce cutters. 10

The majority of seasonal agriculturallabor in the state is performed by laborerscoming into New Mexico from surroundingstates, particularly Texas, and thus playing amajor role in its agricultural development.Navajo laborers migrate within the state aswell as into surrounding states foremployment. Other groups of workers whosehome base is in northern New Mexico migrate.

. out of the state into Colorado, Utah, Arizona,California, etc. :?or work.

-An attempt to describe the kinds of pro-,grams affecting migrants within the state willbe made in the following case studies. Thepurpose of these case studies is to illustrateour findings on the effectiveness of these pro-grams and to define the relationships betweeitmigrants, farmer-growers and the agenciesworking with them.'

74.

,rt'd

A. MethodologyThe following information contained m

these case studies was obtained by travelingaround the State of New Mexico visiting eachof the six major areas of migrant con-centration. The project itself was initiated inSeptember of 1970 through the Design andPlanning Assistance Center at the Universityof New Mexico. The 'majority of interviewswere with agencies serving migrants. ,Forexample, the New Mexico Department ofHealth and Social Services, State Departmentof Migrant Education, Employment SecurityCommission and the University of NewMexico. Many interviews were also hela Withthe migrants themselves, and with farmers andcrew leaders. Much information was also ob-t?ined throvigh correspondence with variousagencies and individuals concerned about themigrant agricultural worker.

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'The major concentration of migrant work-ers in New Mexico is in the Las Cruces area,and composed of Mexican Americans migrat-ing principally from the Raymondsville, Texasarea. Another segment of this populationincludes Green Card holders from Mexico anda number of illegal entries. The approximateyearly number of migrants working in the LasCrucesMesila Valley, is 3,000,, according tothe Las Cruces Migrant Health Office. Thesepeople start coming in as early as February.Their numbers steadily increase through themonths, the peak months being June, Julyand August during the onion harvest. Duringthe onion harvest, pickers receive 25 cents per55-1b. bag. The thinning of hybrid cotton be-gins in May and June. It is picked in October,and the harvest is in November. Cotton isalmost entirely mechanized, approximately40 percent being thinned and blocked bymachine. However, due to such rough handl-ing by these machines, migrants are still indemand for proper handling of cotton. And,in many cases, because of the shortage ofworkers, growers are forced to use machines.During the fall and early winter months, thelettuce harvest takes place with Filipinosprincipally providing the labor.

Health and SanitationThe principal source of health care for

the migrants in the Las Cruces area is pro-vided by the Migrant Health Ministry, fundedby the department of Health, Education andWelfare, and located in the office of the HomeEducation Livelihood Program. The object-ives of this program are as follows:

Locate and visit each migrant home.Assist the seasonal migrant agricultural

workers and their dependents in securingmedical care.

I 0

B. Case Studies

Dona Ana CountyLas Cruces

Set up medical clinics and nursing con-ferences that are accessible to the migrantworkers and their families.

Aid in securing housing for the migrantworkers and their dependeuts that is con-ducive to healthful living.

Hold educational programs in conjunctionwith the evening clinics.

Work out a plan to store surplus com-modities to be issued when the need foremergency food arises.

During the migrant season of 1969, 491migrants received physicals and medical treat-ment by a physician in 13 day clinics and 10night clinics. Vision and hearing tests weregiven to adults at their request and to allchildren in day care centers. A local optom-etrist gave eye examinations to15 migrants-14were fitted with glasses. Other servicei pro-vided locally were emergency dental care,pre-natals and deliveries and emergency hos-pital care. Other agencies providing financialassistance were the New Mexico division ofVocational Rehabilitation Service and theCrippled Children Services.

The nursing staff included three registerednurses, two nurse aids, a medical student andtwo high school graduates. Sanitirians fromthe local Health Department work closelywith the project. Through combined effortsof the sanitarians, the farmers and the migrantfamilies, the mosquitoes and flies were held toa low count in the migrant earnpsites.

For the first time, portable chemical toiletswere placed in the onion fields in this area.The farmer who used the portable toilets inhis fields stated that he was having sometrouble in getting the migrant workers to usethe toilets provided them, but by the end ofthe season other crew leaders were inquiringabout the same type of accommodations fortheir workers.

12

Although these programs are in existence,there are still many problems with reachingthose migrants who do not go to the MigrantHealth program for aide, and with sanitation.Migrant Health claimed to have reached abouthalf of the migrants coming into the area in1969, or about 1,500 out of the total migrantpopulation of about 3,000.

Education

Due to lack of information in time for publi-cation of this report, we are unable to supplythe education section for Dona Ana Cbunty.

HousingAccording to a migrant health worker,

housing condif xis for migrants in Dona AnaCounty depend largely on the crew leader.Occasionally, there is one who will pay half ofthe rent and the farmer the other half. Butthese are few, and those who do exist concen-trate on obtaining $he cheapest rent possible.

Usually, the farmer- provides housing for hisworkers. In many of these cases, the housingis so bad that he charges no rent, and oftendoes not know who or how many are living init. Farmers have no desire to spend money forbetter housing, even if they are financiallyable, for it would mean more problems andmoney for upkeep and maintenance. In caseswhere the crew leader finds housing for hiscrew, many migrants complain that the besthousing goes to his relatives.

The best provided housing for migrantscoming into the area is that of the lettucecutters. This group, comprised mainly ofFilipinos, is now organized and not only hasits own apartment complex in town, but alsogets better wages. The primary problem infinding migrant housing in the city of LasCruces lies in the fact that the majority ofin-town housing is occupied by students. Stu-dent housing is in great demand in Las Cruces.All of the really good housing in town thatcould be used for migrants is rented tostudents. In one case, several families who hadonly one more month to work there wereturned out in September of 1969 to allow forstudents who would stay for nine months tomove in.

Because of the housing shortage in town,many migrants resort to obtaining housingoutside the city where less desirable condit-ions exist. The deplorable conditions in thesemore rural areas and the migrant's reaction tothese conditions are illustrated by suchexamples as pig sties located near the housing,food and dog dung left on the floor, deterior-ating walls, unsanitary privies, etc. Migrantsare beginning to protest these conditions andin Fome cases are moving out in search ofbetter quality housing.

Social ServicesAn added resource to the migrant is the

Food Stamp program, administered by theCounty Welfare Office. Again, there areproblems fer the migrants in getting foodstamps due to the fact that mobility andfluctuating incomes make it difficult to qual-if-y: Residency requirements in the State ofNew Mexico have been changed so that themigrants are not required to be residents inthe state for one year, however, thereby al-lowing more migrants to become eligible forassistance. If the need arises, Migrant Healthwill refer migrants to whatever social serviceagency is needed.

1311

t

Another segment of migrant workers fromRaymondsville, Texas and some coming fromUvalde and Hereford, Texas, work within theHobbs, New Mexico area. There are anestimated 150 workers, most of whom areemployed by AGRO Industries. About 75 ofthese work in the processing of potatoestheother 75 work in the fields. There are threeprincipal harvest seasons in Hobbs; (1) spring,March and April work which includes initialharvesting, processing and reseeding, (2)summer, and (3) fall, or the beginning of Sep-tember, through November and December. Inthe potato harvesting, migrants are employedfor manual work and to run the machines.Others are truck drivers who transport the.potatoes from the fields to the processingplant. Although machines are much used inpotato harvest, they do a certain amount ofdamage to the potato, thus making the careful'handling of the laborers still needed forpicking. The Title I Migrant Health programin Hobbs is funded under the State Depart-ment of Education. Migrant children are theonly ones who benefit from this program.Their services consist mainly of generalphysical examinations, dental care, if needed,.and immunization. The migrant health nUrsehas a case load of approximately 60 migrantchildren. She is actually the only person in-volved with migrant health within the Hobbs.area. The most accute health need of migrantchildren is that of receiving proper dentalcare. 'Referrals are made when necessary tolocal dentists and doctors by the health nurse.Miwant children are provided with free schoollunches. Home visits vary according to needand time. Administrative work accounts forrnuch of the time spent with the migrant pro-gram. The philosophy of the Title I educa-tion program is that once the migrant child is

14

Lea CountyHobbs Lovington

provided with an adequate education, he willthen realize that the life of a migrant farmworker is not adequate and that in order tomaintain a livelihood, he must becomeeducated. A Headstart program is available forchildren in the area, although not many:migrant children participate. They are in needof a day care center for migrant children. Onemigrant child has been placed in a local tradeschool. Until 1969, migrant housing consis-ted of abandoned World War II barracks.These have now been torn down. Conse-quently, migrants must obtain housing withinthe city of Hobbs. Three housing units areprovided by AGRO Industries, occupied bythe crew leader's family. There is a definiteneed for adequate housing as migrants arehaving a great deal of difficulty in securingin-town homes. According to one crew leader,an estimated 75 percent of the migrants livein substandard houses in Hobbs. Migrant fam-ilies living in these houses are having to pay asmuch as $80 per month for a two-bedroomhouse sometimes with from six to eight peo-ple living in it. Several migrant families haveindic ated dissatisfaction with negligentlandlords. There is an indication that somemigrant families would like to settle in theHobbs area permanently. Some also qualifyfor HUD low-cost housing. The best paidemployees working in the processing plantreceive $2.10 per hour and the number ofhours worked per week varies from 40 to asmany as 70-75 hours when the market de-mands. Presently, these workers do notreceive overtime pay. Workers in the fieldreceive approximately $1.30 to $1.50 per hour.According to these figures, the worker in theprocessing plant receives $84.00 for a 43-hourweek. On the other hand, the worker in thefield receives $56.00 for a 40-hour week.These figures, however, are based on a40-hour week which, as mentioned before,fluctuates. There is a food stamp program inHobbs. However, due to eligibility require-ments, many of the migrants .cannot qualify.

Ar 3

The principal agricultural products of theLovington area are cotton, grain soreiumand onions. Again, most of the migrantsin the area come from Raymondsvile andHereford, Texas. Approximately 200-300migrant children are served by theTitle I educational program. In 1969, thebudget for the Title I program was $15,000. In1970 it has been reduced to $6,000 which,according to the educational coordinator isnot adequate to meet the education needs ofmigrant children. Limited health care is alsoprovided through this program.

Housing for the majority of Lovington areamigrants is sub-standard. The better qualitymigrant housing is provided by Japanese farm-ers in outlying fatms. Some low-cost Federalhousing does exist, but few are occupied bymigrants. Generally, the farm worker receives$60-$70 per month with housing sometimesprovided. Employment opportunities do existfor migrants during the off-season in generallabor such as cement construction and in theoil - fields. Other resources available tomigrants include the Food Stamp program,Heacistart, County Health Department andthe Local school system.

Cial!Alt . .

14

ii

15

4*.

5

Another segment of the migrant populationin New Mexico can be found in the RoswellHagerman, Artesia and Carlsbad area. Again,Title I Migrant Education programs do exist,.plus a number of day care centers provided bythe Home Education Livelihood Program, a

' program which coordinates projects under"Title III-B of the Economic Opportunity Act:.and Community Action Programs operatingunder Title H-A of this Act.

Changes in farming methods adopted dur-ing the past ten years have cut down theutilization of migrant agricultural workers assuch hi this area. At one time there were con-siderable numbers of crews who came here/each fall from southwest Texaswith a few"from Eddy, Roosevelt and De Baca Countiesin New Mexicofor from two to three monthsof employment in the cotton harvest. Therapid increase of mechanization, however,now virtually 100 percent in the cotton har-vest, has made hand picking obsolete. Hayharvesting has also become completelymechanized; one man now does the work of a

I former crew of six to eight men. The onlylactivity in which agricultural workers are stillemployed is dotton weeding in the summerminiths; and this number is decreasing eachyear due to the expanding use of chemicalweed control. The small number of cottonweeding crews, no more than _ten or twelve,with usually six to ten workers , in eachcrew--commute daily from Roswell, Dexterand Hagerman; none migrate here from 'otherN ew Mexico counties, or from otherstates..

While mechanization has almost elinfmatedthe 'need for hand laborers on farms in- thisaxea, it has increased the demand for the

1

Eddy and ChavezCountiesRoswell Area

higher skilled type of workers to operate thecotton pickers, automatic hay balers, high-powered tractors with hydraulically-operatedattachments and other farm equipment, andto handle the modern-type irrigationmethods. A worker with these skills isassured of year-round farm employment ata reasonably good salary, with modernhousing, utilities and other prerequisites furn-ished at no charge. Undoubtedly, manyformer migrant farm workers are nowemployed in these more desirable type jobs.

Eddy County, also with a considerableamount of agriculture, primarily cotton andalfalfa, with some grain crops, also hasquestions as to classification of their workersas migrant laborers. Alfalfa and the grains areharvested almost exclusively by machines.There was a considerable migrant labor forcehere, but at present, the migrant laborers areextremely few. That part of the crop which ishand-picked is done mostly by local people.With the loss of the Bracero program, most ofthe cotton is also machine-picked.

15

An approximate 1,380.1,500 migrants workwithin the counties of Roosevelt (Porta les),Curry (Clovis) and Quay (San Jon) counties.About 2/3 of these are Mexican-Americanmigrants whO come from Hereford, BigSprings, Laredo and Del Rio, Texas. Theremaining migrants are from the NavajoReservation, and principally work in the SanJon area. The average stay of these migrants isabout 13 weeks, from September throughNovember. The primary crop necessitatingemployment of migrant laborers in the area isbroomcorn.

.New Mexico Migrant Health Project, District10, provides the major source of health carefor migrants in this area. The objectives of theproject are as follows:ImproVing housing and other environmentalhealth conditions in the labor camps.Providing certain preventive health servicesthrough expanded public health nursing atten-tion and care.Providing health education.Providing for medical care by private physi-cian on a fee for service basisProviding for X-rays and laboratory services.Providing drugs Prescribed by physicians.Providing hospitalization through the U.S.Public Health Service, Indian Division.Issuing permits to approved camps.

Medical care offered includes well-babyclinics and family planning clinics. Personnelincluded in the project include physicians anddentists, nurses, health aide3 (bilingual) andvolunteers.

The most common illnesses found in thearea include:Diarrheal Disease 32Pediculosis 369Endocrine, nutritional and metabolic

diseases 31

,

R ooseveltCurryQuay Counties

Diseases of blood and blood formingorgans

Mental DisorderDiseases of the nervous system and

sense organsDiseases of the respiratory systemDiseases of the genitourinary systemComplications of pregnancy, childbirth

and the puerperiumDiseases of the skin and subcutaneous

tissueSymptoms and ill-defined conditionsAccidents, poisonings and violence

234

45218

55

22

2782455

TOTAle 1267All services of the Public Health Labora

tory are available and used. Local physiciansrefer patients to hospital laboratories whennecessary. A migrant requiring medical atten-tion is referred to physicians, dentists, labora-tories, and specialists by the Migrant Projectpersonnel, local Health Department, and theHome Education Livelihood Program daycare supervisors.

There were a number of irritated and in-fected eyes, due to the dust from the broom-corn. Migrants often did not wear the protec-tive goggles issued to them, and generallytreated themselves. They often refused pro-fessional medical attention. This may verywell be a cross-cultural problem. The majority

of respiratory illnesses were in children a-r ou n d the age of one year. There is a consi-derable amount of adult obesity in both male*and female migrants, with a very small num-ber of obese children. Children under tenyears of age had multiple caries. Accordingto the physicians this is due to nutritionaldeficiency.

17 /1" / 17

Alcoholism remains a problem among ad-ults and teenagers. While they are drinking,they are not lucid, and can inflict bodilyharm to themselves and others. Anotherproblem due to alcoholism is very small child-ren are sometimes neglected and left unat-tended in the camps.

The objectives of the sanitation servicesare: (1) inspectizm of migrant camps, (2)improving migrant camps and issuing permits.improvement in maintenance by migrants.

Water is obtained from deep wells, andall of these are approved at all of the campsby the project sanitarian. Flyproof pit pri-vies are used at most camps. A few have sewerconnections. Most of the camps have garbagepits, covered cans, or land fill for trash dis-posal.

There is a need for more health edu-cation. The Navajo needs to be taught verybasic sanitation and health practices. ManyNavajos, unused to the facilities provided forthem, refuse to use them, or simply have notbeen instructed on how to use them. Oneproblem in providing such instruction is thatit is quite difficult for older Navajos to acceptadvice from young people. Many of theseyoung people are considered to still be child-ren, and are not successful in educating themigrants as a- professional staff wouldbe. Housing in the area ranges from full con-crete structures, barracks, partitioned offbarns, shelters, frame, remodeled box cars andrented motels. Growers are becoming moreaware of the need for improved housing, butmany are unable to do much about it.

1818

The State of New Mexico has regulationsfor temporary labor camps and has issued per-mit certificates which have been distributedto qualified camps. This year there werepermits issued for 21 camps and temporarypermits issued for 10 camps. Permits were notissued on two camps and two camps werecondemned. The two not receiving permitswill probably be fixed and used in the future,even though they were not used this year.One of6ie condemned camps was worked andreceived a temporary permit. There werethree other camps not used this season. Someimprovement has come about by workingwith farmers individually and collectively.

.The marginal profit in broomcorn is the big-gest factor in the rate of improvement. Thebroomcorn industry is suffering as a result ofthe competition being waged by Mexican--grown brocoincorn. There is no import dutyplaced on Mexican Broomcorn coming intothe U.S. Mexican broomcorn is grown muchmore cheaply than U.S. grown broomcorn.

Farmers here in New Mexico have tried toplace a quota on the broomcorn coming fromMexico, but have failed. Consequently, thesefarmers find themselves in an economicsqueeze and, in many cases, unable to providethe needed housing for migrants. Many ofthese farmers cannot borrow money fromFarmers Home Administration, as they arepresently delinquent in payments.

The Title I Migrant Education program inPorta les serves an estimated 600-650 migrantchildren, including the Porta les, Floyd and Ft.Sumner schools. The staff consists of a home-school coordinator, a school nurse, whoworks with the migrant children. Day Carecenters are in operation in this area as well,provided by the HELP program. HELP devel-oped a program a few years ago by adjustingtheir definition to include seasonal agricul-tural workers who live in the vicinity.

Other services available to migrants in thearea include the CAP and welfare agencies.(See Appendix D for listing and definition ofservices.)

1 9

'

19

The largest concentration of .migrants inTorrande County is made up of MexicanAmericans whose home base is again Here-ford, Texas, with another segment of workersbeing Filipinos whose home bases are in Ari-zona and California. Principal crops harvestedare potatoes and lettuce. The potatoes arehaivested and processed in the fall by laborersfrom Hereford, empioyed by the HowardGault potato processing plant. Lettuce is cutalso in the fall by Filipino laborers whoseexperience in handling the very tough lettucehas put them in demand in the harvest of a.crop which most laborers do not like.

Generally, the Filipinos, because they are.organized, receive better wages, according to.the crew leader. Those Mexican Americansemployed in the harvesting of potatoes .re-ceive about $1.50 per hour. Drivers andmachine operators get up to $2.00 per hour.

,.. One of the primary problems migrantworkers face in Torrance County is the greatshortage of housing. According to the crewleader bringin& migrants from Hereford, a.c onsiderably greater number of migrantscould be employed here if housing was avail-able. In many cases, migrants have to travelup to 30 miles from their Vace of residenceto work. Some live in 'hotels, some in theirtrucks.

Rent for the little housing that is available,runs as high as $80 per month for a five-room.house, often occupied by more than onefamily. Some migrants indicated that theywere anxious for the harvest to end so thatthey could move on to hopefully betterhousing in Hobbs during the late fall potatoharvest. The most inadequate migrant housing"to be found in Moriarty is provided by the H.Gault Inchistries.

Referrals for medical and social services are'usually done through a CAP employee. There

T o rr ance CountyMoriartyEstancia

is also a Headstart program, but migrants sel-dom bring their younger children with thembut leave them with relatives or friends attheir home bases.

111_-.11.

In the Northern countiesof Rio Arriba and Taos, the New MexicoMigrant Health project provides the majorsource of health care for migrants whosehome base is in this area, and who primarilymigrate into Colorado and other northern.states. Many migrant fathers leave their fam-ilies for months at a time to herd sheep inUtah or Wyoming. Some board up theirhouses and take their whole families to digpotatoes in Colorado or pick beans in Oregon.

There are approximately 10,080 migrantlaborers during peak months, migrating out ofthe state of New Mexico, with their average3tay being about six months out of the year.Many of these families, while not miating,live in either isolated conditions or in a com-munity of several dozen families. They areusually clustered in small villages or scattered.Ninety-nine percent of the housing accom-

' modations are of adobe construction onepercent are frame. The majority are one totwo bedroom, substandard homes.Ninety-nine percent also own their homes inNew Mexico, while only one percent renthomes.

The Migrant Health Project serves migrants. only in their home base area, (Rio Arriba andTaos counties). Many of these people do notthink of themselves as migrants, and the NewMexico Employment Security Commissiondoes not have a migrant category. Neverthe-less, these people continue to follow migrantwork patterns established for generations.

Long-term project objectives for the Mi-grant Health Project are:To alleviate the acute health needs of themigrant population.To maximh -! the chances of the individualmigrant to work without interruption fromimpaired health and to minimize health

Home Base MigrantsTaosRio ArribaCounties

problems and expenditures for his entirefamily. The goal is both economic and qual-ity-of-life betterment. The methods are pre-ventive ones.To engender in the communities we serve anincreased awareness of health andhealth-related problems and the realizationthat active measures can be taken to meetthese needs.

Recently, there has been an influx of hip-pies into Taos County who generally liveaway from town, either in communes or asisolated families or individuals. As of October,1969, there were an estimated 2,000 hippies inthis area. While not all hippies are classified as`workers' almost all are `migrants,' a majorityof them being seasonal hi-migrants. Most whodo work are fanners and craftsmen. There is agreat deal of animosity existing between thetwo different cultural groups.

Arrangements for out-of-state agriculturalemployment is made by individuals, whetherthrough the New Mexico Employment Secur-ity Commission or on a private basis.However, there are no other structured mi-grant organizations in this area. Possiblesources of health services to migrants in thearea are: Presbyterian Medical Service, U.S.Public Health Service, the Dulce N.M. IndianHospital, the Medical Committee for HumanRights in Rio Arriba County, Private physici-ans in Los Alamos and Espanola and Taos.

Services within the Migrant Health Projectinclude medical and dental services-- familyhealth service clinics. The purposes of theseclinics are to evaluate the family's overallhealth and economic needs and to formulate aplan of action. Referrals for proper medicaland dental attention are made when neces-sary. Public Health nurses continue to do casefinding of migrant patients--evaluating needsand making necessary 'referrals. Referrals are

21 21

received from Colorado and Utah migrant(acilities for follow-up care from the NewMexico Migrant Health Project. A generalizedenvironmental health and sanitation programis at present being carried out in this area, andbealth education services are available. Socialservices are provided by a professional socialworker who utilizes the services of the PublicHealth aides for assistance. Areas of socialwork involved are: case work, group work,and community organization and administra-tion.

This same program asc.'...s migrants in theirefforts in applying for and receiving of SocialSecurity benefits, Veteren's Compensation,pensions, food stamps, child welfare, crippledchildren, blind services, medical assistancethrough the Department of Health and SocialServices, vocational rehabilitation, emergencyfood and medical attention, prosthetic ap-pliances, transportation, adult basic educat-ion, and vocational training from the HELPprogram, surplus clothes from private donersand counseling and guidance.

There are a total of 10,080 out migrants inthe Migrant Health Project District 1 area. Thefollowing lists medical conditions treated byphsyicians among these 10,080:NeoplasmsEndocrine, Nutritional and Metabolic

DiseasesMental DisordersDiseases of the nervous system and

Sense OrgansDiseases of the circulatory systemDiseases of the Digestive SystemDiseases of the Respiratory SystemDiseases of the Genitourinary SystemDiseases of the skin and subcutaneous

tissueDiseases of the musculoskeletal system

and connective tissueSymptoms and ill-defined conditionsAccidents, poisonings and violence

TOTAL

Number of nursing clinics held

Total individuals served in house-holds

16

27146

139177106

82103

60

76

5

1151

1150

469In the inspection of living and working en-

vironments of migrants, the total number ofinspections made was 712; out of these 712,231 defects were found.

22

The following information was takenfrom the New Mexico Migrant Health AnnualsReport, Dec. 1, 1969 through November 3G,1970:

The long-term project objectives of thisprogram were the same as the previous report.

There are no significant changes in themigrant situation except for a slight decreasein the total number of migrants, probably dueto the diminished appeal of the migrantlife-style among the younger people.

With assistance from the Community Plan-ning and Development Section of the StateHealth and Social Services Department plansfor a Migrant Health Project Board have beenderived. The Board established in TaosCounty will serve as a pilot group for boardsto be established in the future in Rio ArribaCounty and in Health District V.

They believe that their project is becomingincreasingly more effective, in providing ser-vices to the migrant population. On the otherhand, they feel that the project is operatingclose to the limits imposed by financial andpersonnel constraints, and yet there remainmany migrant families whom they have notserved. They will continue to follow a prioritysystem based on providing services to thosefamilies whose needs are greatest. Needless tosay, the marked increase in services providedhas necessitated an upward revision in theirbudget.

Administrative problems have been theproject's biggest impediment this year.

A continuing problem in northern NewMexico is the recruitment of qualified public,health nurses, especially a nurse-midwife.

Family health service clinics were held infour locations in Rio Arriba County and threelocations in Taos County. The Migrant HealthOffice staff had observed that the 24-hour aday services provided by the Sangre de CristoHealth Center in Southern Colorado, a largeand very comprehensive 0E0 sponsoredproject, had become more appealing to mi-grants than their own project. Under thesecircumstances, they were convinced that theneeds of the migrants in the area are beingmet adequately.

The Migrant Health social service aideserves as patient advocate, does counseling,and follows up on arrangements for referrals.

Migrant Health has also assisted a numberof families in obtaining Public Assistance.This enables members of these families toqualify for Medicaid benefits.

^ 4

k

Mtt.44-

-97

A great inequity in the project area is thatwhile they can provide health services to the

migrant family, they cannot serve the

non-migrant faniily which may live right next

door during the majority of the year.Some form of broad-scope health insurance

on a universal basis may speak to these needs,

and help insure the permanency of the private

sector medical services now available. Anotherpossibility is a comprehensive rural (not justmigrant) health project, including a hospitali-

zation component., to serve all the needy,farnilies of the area.

Since most of the aides are from migrantfamilies, they have been a big help in reaching

-the migrant population. All of the aides assist

'in clinics, make home visits and manyperform routine lab work in the clinics. Aclose working relationship between the nurse

aides and the social service aides has develop-

ed and referrals are made readily for social

services.Social services were provided by two social

service aides within t,he realm of casework,group-work, and community organization.

In October the social service aides returned

to Monte Vista, Colorado. They lived among

the migrants for several days. From this ex-perience, a Rio Arriba county social service

aide was able to write a research paper on thelife of the Migrant Agricultural Worker.

In November Dennis Ruiz, (Taos Countysocial service aide), with the help of projectco-workers, initiated action to establish aMigrant Health Project Board, which is com-posed of true migrants, non-migrant agricult-ural workers, and other community leaders.

The number of migrants during the peakmonth in the District I area (Taos and RioArriba counties) was 9,560. The followinglists medical conditions treated by physiciansamong these 9,560:Endocrine, Nutritional and Metabolic

DiseasesDiseases of Blood and Blood Forming

OrgansDiseases of the Nervous system and

sense organsDiseases of the Circulatory SystemDiseases of the Respiratory SystemDiseases of the Digestive SystemDiseases of the Genitourinary SystemComplications of pregnancy, childbirth

and the puerperium

23

375

25

215285273260222

26

23

Diseases of the skin and subcutaneoustissue

Diseases of the musculoskeletal1 99

system and connective tissue 185Symptoms and ill-defined conditions 1.14Accidents, poisonings, and violence 54

TOTAL 2326

Number of nursing clinics held 2397

Total individuals served in households 785In the inspection of living and working

environments of migrants, the total number ofinspections made was 746; out of these 748,231 defects were found.

-, 0,

4, ' ig:::/

. I '

vi,

t, '''kelfilth,-, ..0, .'' ' ,.,t ' ,.

I . ,.., c ,,4;

S... .

e, , ...n4r :

I

24

-.01111hat

24

11 k

The following was taken from the 1970

Migrant Health Report, District V: Mora, San

Miguel and Guadalupe counties:Broadly stated, the objective of the project

is to improve and expand health services pro-

vicl'ed to migrant families in this area so they

will be in good health before they leave for

harvest areas. These services are to be pro-

vided [primarily through Family Service

clinics.Project Objectives:To provide individual health appraisals andlimited medical cave to migrant workers and

their families primarily through family health

'service Clinics.T o provide dental health education andlimited dental care.To provide public health nursing services and

increased environmental health services.

To. coordinate services for migrant families

with other programs in the fields of health,

education, welfare, rehabilitation and recrea-tion that are also available to migrants.Migrants and Migrant needsGuadalupe County (Anton Chico) -

Seventy-five families (356 people) wereregistered this past year. During the previous'year there were sixty-seven families and

before that forty-eight families.San Miguel County - One hundred and ninefamilies (526 people) were registered during

this report period. During 1969 there wereninety-three families and in 1968, eighty-one.

Mora County - this county is the only area in

which registration decreased. During this

period, forty-one families (188 people) were

listed whereas in 1969 there were fifty-one

and previous to that there were sixty-five fam-

ilies.

25

Home Base MigrantsMoraSan MiguelGuadalupe Counties

Agricultural Crops and Areas Involved in

Out-MigrationWhen families register for the Migrant HealthProgram, they are asked where they went, in

what crop they worked, how many went out,

and the dates they left and returned. Fol-lowing is a summary of crops and areas invol-

ved:

CROPS

BroomcornCottonPotatoesHay

CucumbersTomatoesSheep Herding

AREAS

Southern N.M.ColoradoTexasWyoming

OnionsSweet PotatoesSugar beetsLettuce

CaliforniaKansasOregon

EnvironmentalHealth

Environmental services classically are pro-.vided with a focus on community wide,attacks on problems with direct services totemil households usually an adjunct to the,community concept and often only undercrisis circumstances. It was generally apparent,that many available services were not reachingrurally based migrant agricultural families. It

25

waS also obvious that most of the familieswere living under environmental crisis circum-stances: To channel available services andresources to these families and helpre-evaluate the provision of the services, it wasapparent grassroot liaison was necessary and aCommunity Health Aide was employed. Hisduties inyolve visiting the migrant agriculturalfamilies, assessing their general circumstances,offering advice and assistance when able, andcommunicating their needs to the appropriateresource through an effective referral system.

The number of migrants during the peakinonth in the District V area(Mora, SanMiguel and Guadalupe counties) was 1,070.The following lists medical conditions treatec)brphysicians among these migrant:'infective and Parasitic Diseases 76c.ndocline, Nutritional and Metabolic

Diseases 58Diseases of Blood and Blood forming

organsMental Disorders

...01111101-

oh&

11125

Diseases of the Nervous System and thaSense Organs 109

Diseases of the Circulatory System 110Diseases of the Respiratory System 477Diseases of the Digestive System 199Diseases of the Genitourinary System 123Complications of Pregnancy, Childbirth

and the Puerperium 104Diseases of the Musculoskeletal System

and Connective Tissue 33Symptoms and Ill-Defined Conditions 46Accidents, Poisonings, and Violence 194

TOTAL Yisits--all conditions 1692

Number of nursing clinics held 433

Total individuals served in households. 573

In the inspection of living and workingenvironments of migrants, the total numberof inspections made was 943; out of these943, 312 defects were found.

. ...,- ;'..

A: . f . Ar -; m..., r..,.. .1 N......4 -.r

4 1 i 4

26

The Employment Security Commission of-fice in Farmington, New Aftsxico, last yearprocessed approximately 38/1,5÷iayajo agricul-tural migrant workers.- Af rem m en ts aremade by the local ESG offiacsiAiii employersin the surrounding states, including Idaho,Colorado, Texas, Utah, and Wyoming. TheInterpreter-recruiters, who are employees ofESC, go to such places as Counselor, Blanco'sTrading Post, where trailer-offices are located,and where potential employees come to thesesubzfield office to be interviewed and placedin agricultural work, such as irrigators harvest.ers, tractor drivers, and related work.

Employees pay for transportation of work-ers from their home base to the site ofemployment. They also pay for bus fare and$1.00 per meal en route to employment. Thiswas a statement made by the local ESC mana-ger. The problems this creates for einployers,is that some Navajo migrants occassionallyjump off the bus en route to work, andconsequently fail to appear at work. Theirnames are placed on a blacklist of migrantswhich is kept by the ESC office. Employersalso keep record of the good workers, and, forexample, later contact these migrants person-ally to recruit them. thus eliminating thenecessity of working through the ESC office.The objectives of the F.,SC office are essential-ly to provide service for both the farmer(Employer) and the Nairajo (Empin.yee). ESCattempts to make certain that the migrant will

'have a good reasonable job when arriving onthe job. He is guarenteed the State minimumwage of $1.30 per hour. However, someprivate crewleaders will take advantage of thissituation and exploit the workers and paythem lower wages. The primary offenders, ac-cording to the local ESC manager, are thefarmers from around the San Jon, New Mex-

Home Base MigrantsMcKinleySan JuanCounties

ico area, who recruit in the Checkerboard areaand pay as little as .70 cents per hour forwork done. There is no formal written statelaw that provides for ,the offenses of thesefarmers, conSequently they take full advant-age.

The ESC office does not have any resi-dency requirement for Navajos looking foremplecrit, bu t. they must file an applica-t'voi 14:Uh the local office. For example, some-oae from Arizona could come in to the officeand apply in person, and if a job is availablehe will be considered. The number of Navajoagricultural migrants has increased over thelast ten years. The reason has been because ofthe lack of employment on the reservation,therefore the migrant must leave out ofnecessity. The Navajo usually takes hisfamily when he goes, and is gone for approx-imately six weeks.

One of the social problems Which em-ployers have had with the Navajo is the drink-ing problem. They say that the migrants haveproblems with maintaining homes providedby the farmer; lack educational skills to keephygienically clean, create plumbing problems,etc. The ESC office enters into an agreementwith the Health Department in other states toprovide adequate and safe housing for mi-grants. The employers housing must beinspected every 90 days to insure adequateplumbing, sanitation facilities, and overallhousing conditions. If the housing is notapproved, migrants are not sent. The ESC alsomaintains a blacklist for negligent. employers.

The Farmington ESC office does not sendmigrants into Utah, in the southeastern por-tion of the state. The reason for this is thatthe Ute Indians provide the labor supply inthat area.

27 27

The Navajo Indian Migrant Agriculturalworkers are provided with a health care cardin case of illness. The finances are provided bythe Navajo Tribe. The migrant only needs tocontact the Tribal office in Crownpoint, Ariz-ona, and is taken care of. Other health careoffered to migrants is offered by the BIA andthe Public Health Service for those living onthe Reservation.

Other resources which migrants come incontact with include the BIA Social ServicesDivision, which provides general assistance tothose on the Reservation in the form of finan-cial assistance and food commodities. TheNew Mexico Department of Health and SocialServices maintains a Food Commodity pro-gram for those residents in San Juan county.It is one of three New Mexico counties not inthe Food Stamp program in the state. Eligibil-ity- for the commodities is determined on thebasis of need of the family. No statistics wereavailable on the number of migrants receivingcommodities. Distribution offices are locatedthroughout the county, and caseworkers gothere once a month to certify the recipients.The problem created here is that of transpor-tation of the individuals from their place ofresidence to the office, which in some cases isseveral miles away.

The BIA Employment Assistance subofficein Farmington handles relocation servicesincluding adult vocational training. They havefull-time institutional trade training in coursesleading to job skills in current demand.

Four Corners RegionalCommission

The Four Corners Regional DevelopmentCommission is primarily concerned with eco-nomic development in the four state area,which includes all of the Navajo Reservation.It pzovides for development of educationalprograms and to help implement VocationalTraining, and Adult Education.

NAVAJO INDIAN R

28

UTAH

Navajo IndianIrrigation Project

The objective of the project is to providemanpower training only to Navajo residentsfor purposes of teaching them improved farm-ing techniques. When implemented, it willfurnish irrigation water to approximately110,630 acres of 1-servation land. This willrequire an average annual diversion of508,000 acre-feet of water from the NavajoReservoir for delivery to the project lands.Construction of facilities will be developedsolely for Indian use as a fulfillment of a Nat-ional obligation to the Navajo Tribe. Theproject will include some off-reservation land,and will (:onsist of a canal system, laterals,pumping plants, small power Pliant and othersystems. The development of the farm unitieswill rest with the Bureau of Indian Affairs andthe Navajo Tribe.

The project will provide irrigation benefitsthat will give the Navajo people a betterstandard of living. It'will also provide a meansof self-support for 850 families on the farmunits and create employment for an addi-tional 1700 families. It is estimated theproject will provide a substantial part of thelivelihood for about 17,000 of the Navajopeople directly from the on-farm operations.Approximately 16,000 additional peoplewould obtain a substantially large part oftheir livelihood from the agriculturally or-iented industries required by development ofthe project. To satisfy the needs of the farmfamilies who will occupy the project landswill require the construction of schools,housing, farm buildings, roads, fences, andutility installations. There will also be increas-ing demands for such equipment as farmmachinery, trucks and automobiles.

ESERVATI N

COLO.

ARIZ.

Farmington

N.M.

Crow4oint

--z)26

The development of the project will have atremendous economic impact on the liveli-hood of the Navajo population. The projectwill be a major factor in furthering the trans-ition of the traditionally pastoral Navajo fromthe simple sub-sistence economy of raisingsheep to participating in the agriculturaleconomy of the Nation. Such a major changein the social structur of the Navajo will not bereadily accomplished within a period of train-ing and patience by those assisting to make-this historic step forward.

Agencies and Institutions presently work-ing on the project include The ManpowerDevelopment and Training Act, contracted toprovide the vocational training; and New Mex-ic o S tate Universityagricultural extentionoffice, to be in Farmington and to providetraining in such fields as maintenance of farmmachinery and its proper use.

The implications of this project is thatm ore agricultural workers will possiblymigrote back to the reservition to seek em-ployment and a better standard of living.Additional resources will be needed such aseducational programs for Navajos at the col-lege level to trgin in agricultural farmingmethods. New, Innovative, Radical approach-es to Education will be needed.

nitrition PlanningProject UNM

'New Mexico has a relatively large propor-tion of its people living under conditions ofpovertyto a degree that makes hunger andmalnutrition a matter of public concern. It isknown for example that nearly 1/3 of theState's population qualifies for food distribu-tion assistance. Per capita income in New-Mexico ranks 40th in the United States, andthis ranking is down from the 1960 position.The effectiveness of existing programs inalleviating problems of hunger and malnutri-tion in New Mexico is hindered by severalfactors, such as the following:Three major, and significantly different, cul-tural groups.Language problems due to cultural differencesand lack of education.Transportation and communication problemsbecause of geographic and distance factors.High food costs due to the necessity of im-porting food.Lack of health services and facilitie's in muchof the state.Inadequate financing of social service pro-grams.General lack of knowledge aboutnutrition.

29 29

Goals:To get sufficient food to the malnourishedsegment of the population.To improve the nutrition of the general pop-ulation.To augment the general population's know-ledge of the proper balance of nutrients intheir diet.Specific Objectives:Identification of current and proposed fooddistribution plans in the State.Preliminary evaluation of their effectivenessfrom the point of view of the recipientgroups, State agencies, and others.Recruitment of mass media and industry fordevelopment of programs to notify the poten-tial recipient about the programs and to edu-cate them about specific nutritional needs.Establishment of augmented statewide 'fooddistribution and mass media education pro-grams. .Peiiodic evaluation of the various programs berecipient groups, State agencies, and medicalteams.Planning for long term continuation of mosteffective programs.Project Methodology:Structure: The following working committeeswere organized to meet Project Objectives:Professional Nutrition Education.Nutrition field.Other health professions.Public Schools.Consumer Nutrition Education.Food Distribution.Nutrition Survey and Surveillance.Food Distribution Survey and Evaluation

The Food Distribution Sub-Committe willconduct a survey among residents of low in-come families in the following areas:Northern New MexicoLittle TexasNavajo CountryUrban Areas

In New Mexico it is necessary to look atthe above areas separately because of ethniccultural, ahd socio-economic differences.

Certain population groups in New Mexicohave been shown to harbor an inordinate evi-dence of malnutrition as in other states andareas. For example: American Indians, 7% ofNew Mexico's population: Migrant workers,approximately 27,000 who spend 6-11months working in New Mexico: Rural poor,a significant number who live on marginalland.

30

ea,

30

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C. Summary1. Analysis of ExiSting Conditions2. Socio-Economic-Political-Psychological andCultural implications

The intent of this secticn is to summarizethe overall migrant conditions in the state, in-cluding an analysis of current programs affect-ing migrant workers, a section on the role oftechnology, particulady the economicimplications of increasing mechanization andthe patterns of rural-to-urban migration, aswell as the psychological effects of urbaniz-ati on. Our intent is not to take aproblem-solving approach toward alleviatingthese problems, but to document existingconditions of migrant workers within theState of New Mexico.

LAM,*

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EconomicsSometimes in American

marketing a small raise in intial labor costs is

the excuse for spiraling profits all along theline, so that the raise of 1/2 cents per poundfor picking tomatoes could be reflected in a 5cents a pound raise by the time the tomatoesget to market. if the pickers receive a smallraise, the packers, truckers, distributors, andretailers might all take an increase and blameit on the well-publicized picker raise. But ifanything but field labor costs were added, thehousewife would scarcely notice the differ-ence in her market costs. And even if she didnotice some difference in , she should recog-nize the justice of this small increase in herbudget since it would bring new life and hopeto many discouraged, over-wo&ed andpoverty-hurt people. 1

11*

31

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31

EmploymentUnemployment in New Mexico was 5.6

percent of the workforce in October, 1968,compared with a national average of 3.6 per-cent. Figures for 1967 show a county high inRio Arriba of 20.4 percent and a low of twopercent predictably in Los Alamos. The prox-imity of these two counties underscores aunique situation. New Mexico's largest indus-trial education research area, a crescent run-ning from Albuquerque through Santa Fe toLos .Alamos,, is surrounded by the State'smost impacted concentration of unemploy-ment . and ethnic population. As indicatedfrom county to county, there is little differ-ence in employment by industry. Also itwould appear that the losses created by dropsin , agricultural empioyment have been madeup by the government and service sectors. RioArriba is a good example of this. To the ex-tent these movements have not compensatedfor each 'other, there has been out-migrationand/or increased unemployment.

The major characteristic of New Mexico'sworkforce is its youth. It has the youngestpopulation in the United States. Furthermore,it is known that New Mexico has been con-sidered a labor supply surplus area for manyyears, principally for the less than profes-sional or highly technical occupations.

Economics of theMexican American

The 1960 census showed that 2,793,000Mexican aliens were admitted to the UnitedStates as agricultural workers. Scholes saysthat the most important group within ourseasonal agricultural labor force has been theS Danish speaking persons.2 These are thepeople who have been a backbone of theseasonal agricultural labor force in the South-west for over 60 years. 3

The Spanish American in his partialisticapproach looks to the immediate effects ofmoney. Because of his "present" orienta-tion, saving*Money for the possibilities ofbetter living conditions becomes futile. 4

Mexican American families in the South-west had a median income which was a littleless than 65% of that of Anglo families butgreater than that of non-whites in 1959.5Inthe Southwest as a whole, Spanish surnamemales on the avemm earned only 57 cents forevery dollar earned by their Anglo counter-parts, as against 65 cents for families. 6

32

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-

32

,LT

Navajo AgriculturalEconomics

"Navajo needs are also multiplying. Therevolution of expectations has reached themost remote parts of the Reservation; and, inorder to have the things thcy want and need,Navajos must have jobs. To close the presentemployment gap, twice as many jobs must bedeveloped as now exist. Simply to hold thepresent level of unemploymentto keep upwith population growthrequires additionaljobs each year equal to one fourth of the totalnumber of present jobs." 7

"When compared with the educational andthe skill requirements of the usual run of jobsin our economy, the outlook for the Navajolabor force i5 rather bleak. There are a goodmany younger nonemployed Navajos andsome older Navajos who could achieve the re-quired skill levels at a tolerable cost, if train-ing programs were designed to meet their need(a big "if"). This expectation would not bereasonable, however, for most of the non-employed and particularly for Navajos pastthe age of 30. These Navajos lzave, as a whole,less than a fifth-grade education, little skilltraining or skilled work experience, a back-%round of rural isolation, and a culture and alanguage different from those of the techno-logical and job-providing world." 8

"Transformation of traditional apiculturewould require both considerable capital inputand also substantial restructuring of agricul-tural production. Yet handicraft production isintegrated with sheep operations, and bothare a part of a life with value far deeper than,economic values. Traditional Indian life itselfhas values that the American people shouldnot wish to lose. The whole development is inthe lap of fates far more powerful than man-power policy. Training programs in agricul-ture and agribusiness might at least postponethe reckoning until broad social forces cantake part in decisions about iL" 9

"The investment now underway that has'the largest employment potential is the devel-oping Navajo Indian Irrigation Project. Thisproject will involve Federal construction costsof over $200 million and will irrigate 110,000acres. This project poses the questions oflaborintensive vs. capital-intensive opera-tions in the form that has become classic ineconomic development. Policy developmentcannot wait much longer. In a year or twoconstruction may pass the stage at which

Tribal decision can do anything to bringabout operations of relative laborin tensity." 10

"Demand for labor is often viewed as aniron curve, setting out the limits of private-sector demand plus government services atabout their present scope and scale. If de-mand for labor is limited to this view, there isno hope that most of the Navajo non-employed will find empioyment. A NavajoEmployment Policy will of necessity includeprovision for a useful role in life for theseother Navajos. Such a role might be found ina massive program of communitydevelopment and environmental conservation.As pointed out before, the nonemployedNavajos have skills that Navajo society andNavajo landand 'our whole society andcountrysideneed and need badly. An effect-ive program for regeneration of Navajo soiland water resources is long overdue. Eachyear during which action is postponed theneed becomes more urgent, and its solutionbecomes more costly." "

33

4

33

litole of Technologyand Mechanization

Mechanization and other technologicaladvancements continue to reduce laboirequirements in the state. Crops which arealmost entirely picked by machine includet omatoes, potatoes, peanuts, cotton, anddried beans. Machines for picking lettuce,onions and chiles are currently in the experi-mental stage in the state, but are not usedextensively due to damage they cause to somecrops. Consequently, migrants are still indefinite demand for the delicate handling ofsome crops and to work with the machinesand in the processing plants. The speculationof many that migrant farm workers will notbe in demand within the next decade or twobecause of mechanization, presents severalserious questions as to the destiny of themigrant. If the migrant is eventually replacedby the machine, a need will come about fortraining for new jobs. Alternatives which themigrants face include returning to their hcanebase communities to find jobs, or receive pub-lic assistance, or to migrate into urban centersin an attempt to secure better employment.All of these factors place an economic burdenon the migrant and to the national economy.

To.

34

"le

OverviewTo approximate tht total numlier of MS,

grant agricultural workers presents a verydifficult and complex situation. Consequentlyit creates problems in such areas as healthcare, educational development, economics,and overall psychological attitude on the partof the migrants.

Many of the state agencies dealing withmigrant workers in the state of New Mexicohave had considerable difficulty in identifyingthe number and conditions of these workerswithin the state. The following report on themigrant county in the. state illustrates thispoint:The Employment Security Commission'scount (1970) is 13,000 migrants. Since, at bestestimate, only one out of three seasonal farmworkers seek help through the ESC, thc basicfigure 4600 was multiplied by three. Thisfigure includes only workers and therefore isnot a valid count of families.Migrant Health (very likely based on a casecount) is 29,873. It is broken down by areabut does not allow for duplicate counting.The School Hot Lunch Program (1969) formigrant children counts 6540 children.George Ortiz in the State Department ofEducation estimates 10,000 children coveredby the Title I Migrant Education progrmas.HELP's count made in 1966 was 23,916seasonal migra-nts and out- and Navajo)which number was multiplied by 5 (fivemembers for each family) which brought thetotal cou t for all migrants to 119,580;

Many of the millions of migrant workers inthe United States are of Mexican ancestry. Be-cause these children attend school irregularlyand leave school young, they become adultswho relive their parents' lives uneducated,practically non-English speaking, and cultural-ly isolated. 12

In addition to being culturally isolated andleading an unstable existence, most Americansknow or seem to care little about their plight.There is little continuity to efforts made tohelp themno coordination among therespective states through which they willmigrate in one season. Some separate statesand individual school systems have attemptedto devise special school programs to accomo-date these children. 13

34

When the Spanish American or Indian childcomes to public school, in New Mexico, he isapt to have a meager background of experi-ence which will make it difficult for him toparticipate.I4Accorcling to Elam: Upon enter-ing school, the bilingual child experiences a"cultural shock." In this new environmentthe foundation of his security is shaken. Asudden change or mt. ruption of culture maycause learning to cease. He must cling to thetraditions of his culture and lag behind inacquisition of a second language, or discardhis traditions and acquile a "foreign" tongue.Either choice results in emotional upheavalwhich may result in maladjustment towardschool or his home environment. 15

Since education has increasingly becomethe gateway to the more desirable occupa-tions and higher incomes, the schooling gap isa fundamental cause of the depressed eco-nomic conditons of the minority. ;6

A comparison of the discussion topics andrecommendations of a conference heldimmediately after World War II and one held20 years later, reveals little change in content.Thougn the special programs of the middleand late. 1960's have yet to be evaluated, theimpact of sexeral decades of educational con-cern about Mexican American children on'these children's schooling is not clear in thelight of existing evidence. 17

lt was intended that during fiscal year1970, Title I Migrant Education Programs inthe State of New Mexico would attempt tomeet the needs of 60 per cent of the totalMigrant population. While there are some10,000 migran :. children in the State, the pro-grams have provided for development ofcognitive and affective domains for appfoxi-mately 6,540 children. To what extent theyhave been successful in terms of academicachievement for program accountability is notreally known, but if one takes into accountthe many variables that enter into the echica-:tion process of Migrant children, one may seeprogress in the student, school teacher andschool administrators, family and community.

By December 31, 1969, New Mexico hadidentified 6,540 migrant children in 48districts out of a total of 89 in New Mexico.The comprehensive file pertaining to migrantshas increased due to summer school enrolleesand transfers to a reference on over 10,000children.

_

Some of the migrant education needsinclude the following :To improve the children' self-images andchange p ositively their attitudes towardschool and education.To provide adequate supportive services totthe physical, nutritional and psychologicalneeds of those children.Components improving or developing positive'self-concepts.Long range components should be coordina-ted to eradicate poverty, and to provide allaspects of human needs.The median family size is estimated at eightwith families of eleven to fourteen not un-usual. About one-half of these children comefrom first generation American homes whereno English is spoken or understood. Thesefamilies, with the influence of TV, are rapidlybecoming exposed to main stream American,but their constant influence by legal and il-legal entries from Mexico influence their Mex-ican folk ways. The families are' in a transi-tional stage from the " old life" to a moder-ately industrial socio-economic culturalgroup. Many of the children are alienated toboth Spanish and American cultures becauseof the transitional change. Feelings of frustra-tion, animosity and low aspirations areprevalent.

Evening adult classes are conducted by the*staff in the field of consumer education. Ef-forts proved worthwhile as substantial savingSin grocery shopping were evidenced byfamilies participating.

In the fiscal year 1970 application, it wasestimated that 10,188 children fell into theMigrant category. Sixty (60) per cent of thesewere expected to be served. Actual number of

children served during summer and winterprograms was 6,574. The teacher-pupil ratioin these programs varied from 1:1 to 1:28.Coordination With Other Programs

The most extensive program serving thesame Migrant population is the Home Educa-tion Livelihood Program. This program coversthe entire family in offering assistance, botheducational and supportive. In July, 1970,1approximately 35 centers were operationalproviding child care, secretarial training, adultbasic education, community activitieshomemaking, library, driver education andcomprehensive curriculum.

3535

1401.

,

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'Other programs such as the MigrantHealth Office, Office 'of Economic Opportun-ity, the Migrant Ministry in Dona AnaCounty, provide assistance to the migrantpopulation. as well.The greateSt amOunt ofcooperation has been experienced from theHome Education Livelihood Program. Coordi-nation .

has been effected to the individualschool level. This effort .has.enabled the TitleI Migrant.Program to provide services to me'etthe needs of migrant Children.

It is recognized that in New Mexico, addf-tional effort .must be initiated in order thatwe may involve migrant children attendingBureau of Indian AffairsSchools and MissionSchools. The area of coordination shouldbegin at the State level and finally the local.

There were several small projects con-ducted that met with very little succeSs. Com-ments from the local Educational:Agenciesreflected a negative philosophy. For.eXarnple:

Our Migrant Prograrn wasconstructed on a budget 'of $1,620.($600 of which was given after the pro-gram was developed). There cannot be avery effective nor extensive programunder this procedure or budget...We feel

01.;,,

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.

that our Migrant program was not suc-cessful only in tllat our p4pils here canno lonixr he- called Migrant. The farmworkers in this area have become ratherstabilized and permanent. We also feelthattheservices provided by the migrantprogram. can be incorporated in our TitleI. program...Our money received ismeager and there isn't very much thatwe can do with the amount. We Utilize itto accomplish as much. ai possible forthe migr-Snt pupils. I'

Staff UtilizationAides were' used as supportive personnel

in the following instructional activities: cul-.tural. enrichment; English as a second lan-guage, Englishreading, mathematics, remediallanguage arts, remedial reading, remedialmathemalieS, bilingual education,,'tutoring inall discipline areas, physical education/recreation...

Adults were .utilized for: advisory boards,cultural enrichment activities, interpreters,coUnseling and guidance,- oPtical and dentalservices, volunteer aides.

The National Uniform Migrant RecordTransfer System will be implemented, up-graded, and continually analyzed to deter-mine intrastate and interstate movements.Each geographical area has a part time, or fulltime Family-School Community Migrant

Worker, a Project Director, and a TerminalOperitor. These persians will perform as theliaison between LEAs in their particular areland the designated Terminal Unit. TheCentral Data Bank is located in Little Rock,Arkansas.

It can be observed that not only is thefunding level inadequate, but that immediatesteps should be undertaken to alleviate thesituation. The allocation to New Mexico forMigrant Education Programs is so out of stepwith the reality of the situation that it be-comes a serious problem in maintaining anadequate program on a State basis. TheUniform Migrant Record Transfer Systemmay some day provide the positive evidenceof the situation, but we are facing a very realand frustrating situation now. Perhaps some-thing can be done in this area.

Migrant HealthHealth workers in the State of New Mex-

ico, for a number of reasons, are seeldng abetter understanding of health characteristicsof Migrant Workers including Spanish Ameri-can, Navajo, Pueblo, and Filipino workers.Perhaps, through this better understanding,health workers will be able to find a solutionto the continuous, serious problems of highincidence of infectious disease and highmortality rate among the various migrantpopulations.

The following comments pertain directly to,the Mexican American health community,but, nevertheless, illustrates the socio-culturaldifferences among traditional health careservices and the various ethnic groups.

Social, economic, religious and folkloriccharacteristics affect problems of health andillness among Mexican Americans. Communi-cation problems do exist however amonghealth workers and their Mexican Americanclientele. Spanish is not only the primarylanguage of the people but a symbol of their-cultural tradition, and of their existence as asocial group. Health workers use adult biling-uals as translators and volunteers. Barriopeople often complain that they cannot getinformation from hospitals or public healthdepartments by telephone because there is no

37

one who understands Spanish. Literature maynot be understood because the wording maybe too 'highbrow' or too technical. Thereexist also problems of literacy and illiteracy,with some Mexican Americans being unableto read either in English or Spanish. Somerecommendations for health workers are: 1.that they should determine which languagethe clients prefer to speak. some may be of-fended that they do not understand English.Using interpreters is less satisfactory thandirect conversation between patient and'

health workers. 2. Administrators eithershould consider hiring PBX (Private BranchExchange) operators wh( receive callsfrom people or make gements forrelaying such calls to anot,L,Lf staff memberwho understands Spanish. 3. Explanationsshould be simple and free from technical ter-minology. 4. Medical terminology translatedinto Spanish should be done, and made under-standable in the patients terms. 5. The newsmedia is another important source of contactfor clients.

_

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37

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The majority of former villagers, forexample in northern New Mexico, who arenow obliged to live in the slums of NewMexico's towns and cities constantly expressthe desire to return to the country, even ifthey could not hope for better than a mar-ginal subsistence. In large measure, even thisthin hope is barred by existing welfare regu-lations, which deny aid to families owningeven the tiniest plot of land which mightproduce a supplement to their benefits. Peo-ple forced to go on the welfare rolls, there-fore, can only do so after they have sold theirland and spent the proceeds.

The Food Stamp Program reaches 116,000persons, but approximately one-third of theNew Mexico population of 1,000,000 iseligible.. Food Stamps are reaching the "rea-chables," because of two primary reasons: (1)the "unreachables" are isolated educationally,culturally, socially, and geographically, and(2) the funds for the Health and Social Ser-vices Department which operates the programwere drastically reduced this year and thesecuts produced problems in the administrationof the food stamp program. It should benoted here that unless the new legislature

38

"

"

Amor,..,

which will meet in January, 1971, provides theDepartment of Health and Social Serviceswith additional funds, the food stamp pro-gram may be discontinued. Consequently,those who suffer are the "innocent" clientswho are desperately in need of food for sur-vival!

Eligibility is determined on an individualcase analysis using the following criteria:Assets: f-Jr example, savings for one personcannot exceed $250.00; for a family of 2 ormore, $500.00.IncomeExpensesNumber of members in householdAvailability of cooking facilities

1 person cannot receive more tnan$116.00 per month. 2 persons cannot receivemore than $166.00 per nionth. 3 persons can-not receive more than $182.00 per Month. 4persons cannot receive more than $215.00 permonth. 5 persons cannot receive more than$245.00 per month. 6 persons cannot receivemore than $275.00 per month. 7 persons can-not receive more than $305.00 per month. 8persons cannot receive more than $345.00 permonth. 9 persons cannot receive more than

3

$375.00 per month. 10 persons cannot receivemore thart $405.00 pet month.

Medical students at the University ofNew Mexico School of medicine have made adetailed analysis of rural health care availablein New Mexico, and have come up with a pro-posal for providing better health care in theseareas through a network of rural clinics.

It is interesting to note that "Minimumadequate health care" is defined by thesestudents as fewer than 149 physicians per100,000 population (the national average) orwhen residents are beyond one-hour drivingtime of reaching a physician. Sixty percent ofNew Mexico's population lives in such vil-lagescovering 15 percent of the state's area.

Twenty percent of New Mexico's popula-tion live in areas where there is no health care'at all. These people occupy 80 percent of thestate's area.

There has been a rapid increase of doctorsmoving into New Mexico since the inceptionnof the state medical school, but these doctorsare not locating in the rural parts of the state.

It was nbted by these medical students thatrevisions of the selective service laws mightprovide young physicians with the oppor-tunity to serve in poverty areas as an alterna-tive to military service.

Other alternatives include the possibility ofresidents and interns affiliated with the UNMSchool of Medicine spending an obligatory orelective portion of their training in ruralhealth clinics.

The newly emerging school of paremedics/nurse-practitioners at the medical schoolcould provide personnel for clinics.

Fourth year medical students who havecompleted the 36 months of medical educa-tion could rotate through the rural clinics inreturn for financial assistance during theirschooling.

Drawbacks of these plans are that thepoverty-military service plan has not been'funded, residents and interns are already over-extended, the paramedic program will not,graduate its first class for some years to come,and the compulsory service of young doctorshas not worked well iriother states.

. In conclusion, it can be seen that thereexists a definite need for adequate health carein rural areas of New Mexico. As one of themedical students indicated: "As medical stu-dents in an era of social change and com-munity involvement, we are constantly madeaware of health problems."

39

HousingIn an effort to alleviate the housing plight

of agricultural workers in New Mexico, theHome Education Livelihood Program (HELP)applied for and received an Office of Econom-ic Opportunity (0E0), Title III-B grant, toimplement a pilot self-help housing programduring 1967. This self- help housing programdiffers from the traditional approach tolow-cost housing in that it provides forrenovation and rehabilitation of existingstructures as well as for construction of newhomes. The operating budget was $96,000and has allowed for renovation of 28 homesand construction of 37 new homes. It isHELP's belief that the self-help housingprogram will improve the working pro-ductivity of the occupants, hence earnings, viaincreased motivation and decreasedemployment absenteeism, improved schoolattendance of the children, with its deferredimpact on income, improved health withlower medical costs. This program willimprove the economic base of the communityby utilizing the public utilities and providing amore valuable tax base.

39

However, as Herbert Gans has observed:Good housing does not cure

poverty but...cuiing poverty will enablepeople to afford good housing. if poorpeople can obtain decent jobs to allowthem to afford decent homes in decent,neighborhoods, slums and slum livingwill be eliminated almost automatically.This ought to be the main goal ofnational urban policy. 19

Lisa Peattie states:What the people at the bottom of

the system need especially is not somuch better housing, as a better chance.They need a way of getting close to goodjobs and good schools and the otherthings which make up social opportunityoperationally speaking. It is easy to passover this point in the consideration ofother factors going into housingstrategyon the one hand, the problemsof getting low-rent housing provided atall in '3ur tight irmtitutional structure, onthe other; the financial problems of thecentral city and the cost of socialservices to low- income peoplebut thepoint is clear enough. If we focus onhousing standard rather than provisionof opportunity through housing strategy,we are in effect opting for a generalwelfare solution to the problems ofpoverty and inequality, and this I thinkis a direction which we do not reallywant social policy to take any more thannecessary. 20

To make our institutions serve thehousing needs of the people at thebottom, the first basis would appear tobe a clear recognition of somesimple-minded facts. Most people wholive in slums do so because they cannotafford better housing. Their basictrouble is poverty, not poor housing.They do need better housing, but theyalso need better health services, betterfood, better education. If ourinstitutions have the thrust of raisinghousing standards but of making thepoor pay the costs in increased rents, weare doing the poor a dubious service.Whatever name we give to what we aredoing "renewal," "rehabilitation,""improvement"if it forces the poor tolive beyond their limited means, if it

40

forces them to pay for a certain standardof housing whether or not. they wish todo so, we are maldng poverty more of abox than before. 2 1

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Transportation"The farm workers of today may use a

late model automobile or truck, for their verylivings depend upon their ability to travel.One knows that if he can save enough topurchase a good car, which will not demandrepairs in town after town, he wili save moneyin the long run and will more l'!.ely be presentat the right time for each crop. If he can buya truck rather than a car, he not only can takemore of his household goods with him, but hec an also supplement his income betransporting crops during a harvest whentrucks are often scarce. His family can evensleep in a truck during a long trip if necessary,far nriore comfortably than they can sleep in acar." 22

Restrictions against carrying human beingsin, a vehicle which can be damaging to themobility of the migrant---"some states thatuse a great deal of seasonal farm labor havespecific laws setting safety and operatingstandards for vehicles that carry farmworkers...Moreover, the recent enactment ofFederal law provides regulations relating tothe transportation of migratory farm workersif they travel from one state to another, and ifthey are carried for a. total distance of morethan 75 miles." Often the migrants cannotmeet these requirements. 23 .

Ruralto--UrbanMigration Patterns

While urbanization is a worldwide trend,the cultural shock for people of a traditionalculture as that involved in such a forced

movement as the migrants, brings socialdisaster in its wake. Even those who havemanaged to make a livelihood in the city feelthat only as small village landholders'can they,maintain the core values of their culture: thecooperative unity of the enlarged kin group,the firm rules of "respect and honor" handeddown from one generation to the next, andthe proud sense of their hereditary status,bestowed on them by Philip H, of "hijosdaIgode solar conocido'landedgentlemen. Mexican Americans are beingdriven from their rural homeland into urbanslums and migrant labor camps throughoutthe Southwest. Sandoval county, in NorthernNew Mexico, lost 37 percent of its populationduring the 1950's. The northern region as awhole lost 15 percent of its Chicanopopulation during ten years. due to the

24

disintegration of its rural economy. Exodusbegan during World War II, and has beenaccelerating in recent years. The impact ofemigration has been felt in urban centers ofNew Mexico, particularly in Albuquerque.Sampling by Merkx and Griego estimates that60 percent of Albuquerque's Chicanos hadmoved to the city from rural counties, 25'percent born in Albuquerque, and 15 percentfrom out of state. 25

Those counties which relied most heavilyon an agrarian economy were most affectedby out-migration. Twenty-six of NewMexico's Thirty-two counties experiencedinferred out-migration during this period, andhalf of the counties saw absolute decline inpopulation. The counties experiencing theheaviest rate of emigration are alsocharacterized for the most part by a heavySpanish surname and Indian popualtion. Fiveof these counties (Sandoval, Rio Atriba, Taos,Mora and San Miguel) though accounting foronly 8.5 percent of the State's population,receive over 20 percent of the cash welfarepayments. These -cunties average 76.4percent Spanish surname and Indianpopulations.

41 41

The ecological base of Mexican Americansociety in Northern New Mexico counties is amixed rural economy of small farming,orchards, and small-scale sheep and cattle.raising.

Much of the water of the Rio Grande isused for subsistence farming; mainly puebloIndians and Spanish Americans use it, whilefarming methods are comparatively primitive.There is expected to be an increase in theurban population around the Four Cornersarea, therefore increases in local productionof fresh milk, eggs, vegetables are foreseen.Many Spanish Americans live in smallcommunities along the river in villages.Destruction of small farming in New Mexicois due to the fact that it represents not onlythe passing of inefficient economic units, butthe disintegration of a society and thecreation of another urban underclass.

Diversions of irrigated land fromsubsistence to specialized production on ascale large enough to require additionalemployment seems to be needed, however,the problems involve ways and . means ofconverting inadequate operations into moreadequate operations, and updating oldfarming methods into more modern unes.Goals of farmers, developed andunderdeveloped, are providing a living for thepeople directly involved. Young farmpopulations can move, while older farmoperators, including both Indians and SpanishAmericans will find it more difficult. As aresult the regions problems are of low incomeand unproductive farms.

New Mexico politics are dominated by acoalition of ranching and oil and gas interests.Most of the New Mexicans of Spanish descentare either unskilled manual laborers (41percent) or machine operators (13 percent)while only 21 percent of the Anglos fall inth e s e tw o c a t e g o ries. The AmericanSouthwest, if not careful, will becharacterize:1 by an Urban underclass ofsecond class citizens, Mexican Americans lostin a cultural limbo; crammed into the ghettosof the center cities, and Chicanos will cling toan ethnic identity that serves only tostigmatize them and add to their inability toescape the too-well known vicious cycle ofpoverty. The endemic hatred which alreadyseparates prosperous suburban Anglos fromBarrio Chicanos will become unbridgable. Onthe other hand, a program of economic

42

investment- in the Chicano headland of NewMexico, wheree both a population majorityand a land base continue to exist, offers thevery real possibility of saving the "patriachica," given the determination of Chicanosto remain there if they can find any way ofdoing so. Reduction of the rural exodus couldthen offer the chance of improving conditionsin the urban barrios and reorganizingeducation curriculum so as to treat Spanishfluency as an advantage rather than a defect.Current generations of Mexican Americanscould be given the opportunity to take theirrightful place as leaders of a cultural andiiocial revitalization rather than being forced-to become bitter and defiant organizers ofdoomed guerilla movements.

The nature of the sociologicalconcomitants of urbanization among SpanishAmericans, is not entirely understood noragreed upon by all observers. Burma said in1949 that: "With this minority, rural-urbandifferences are far greater than is normal inthe U.S." ln 1954 he said: "The rural-urbanchange is not an extreme one. Housing,household convenience, and general cultureare not very different in the section of thecity into which the Hispano typically moyes."

42

Barrett and Samora emphasize the factthat:

...Most of these newly urbanresidents are still carrying a rural, foldculture with them, creating importantproblems of adjustemnt in their newlycreated environment.

A study done in Martineztown, a SpanishAmerican section of Albuquerque, found thatas of 1966, the institution of "compadrazco"was still highly viable and important in thestructuring of interpersonal relations amongcity hispanos.

Within the Hispano population severaldifferent patterns of adaptation exist. Forsome, urbanization has meant poverty, socialdisorganization, and a loss of moral standardshighly valued in the rural environment. Thereare those who have considerably improvedtheir situations through acquisition of skills,higher education, well-paying jobs, and aretention of a home ar family life similar tothe traditional type known to' the MexicanAmerican. It could lie said of this group that,instead of changing form one 'mode of life toanother, it has both retained the old andadded the new, a form of cultural pluralism.

As New Mexico's primary urban center,Albuquerque clearly dominates the State'seconomic picture. About one-third of thepopulation live and work in Albuquerque.This is not by itself economically detrimental.On the contrary, it is generally accepted thateconomic growth normally accompaniesurbanization. However, if the urban center isnot growing, the effects on the surroundingregion are likely to be pronounced. Thisapparently is happening in the case ofAlbuquerque.

The process of urbanization is notnecessarily synonymous with acculturation toAnglo culture, although there are signs thatthis may be the long-range trend. It does scemto correlate with a higher degree ofinter-marriage with Anglos, greaterparticipation of Anglo social structures andentrance into a way of life not distinguishablefrom that of the average Middle-class NewMexican, of non-Hi.spanic origen.Acculturation involves basic changes in thevalue system of the individual or groupsundergoing the process, and these are usuallyreflected in the lifestyles or general culturalpatterns. Many traits may be adopted and

4343

incorporated into a previously existing culturewithout necessarily changing the basic valuegistem, thus giving the outward appearance ofchange, which may in fact be only superficial.In the "pachuco" or gang subculture, it seemslikely that the type of individual who needsthis kind of association is a product of certainof the social changes which accompanyindustrialization and urbanization. The urbanNew Mexico Hispano has learned that a goodeducation and complete fluency in English arenecessanj if he is to compete with Anglos inthe business and social worlds.

There is a commonly held notion that theprocess of modernization among the Spanishspeaking involves a switch from the RomanCatholic faith to one of the Protestantdenominatiohs. Madsen, in discussing MexicanAmericans of the lower Rio Grande Valley inTexas has said that Protestantism is ac ommon reaction of those who haveattempted to adopt the Anglo value system.Senter, speaking of New Mexicans says muchthe same thing: "Some may even give upCatholicism in an attempt to 'pass over' (toadopt the Anglo ethnic group)." H. Ellissuggests that dropping of the old familyreligion and the weakening of family tks areaspects of the urbanization process Di NewMexic o.

In spite of the fears voiced at intervals thatthe old culture is "breaking down" or"disappearing" some of the investigators haveemphasized the fact that it is remarkablyresistant to change. Zeleny states: "Thechanges which have occurred are chiefly inthe material realm, however, ard the basicelements of the old culture continue tosurvive." Saunders states that: "even the mostfully acculturated of the Spanish speakinggroup retain some residual elemenfq of theSpanish cultural heritage and even E:e leastacculturated Spanish Americans have alreadytaken on some Anglo characteristics."

Urban redevelopment has been carried intopractice with crushing effects on the MexicanAmerican communities, including verticalintegration, mechanization, and automationwhich have caught up with Mexican Americanhand labor, disrupting or displacing it throughradical, changes in methods of production andsystems of labor management. Because oftheir economic status, they bear the greatestimpact of mechanization and automation.There are now more than 80 percent

44

urbanized. Mobility masses are now prlmatilythe resul t of shifts upward in thetechnological qualifications for jobs andurban removal caused by urban renewal.Failure of the groups is caused by a lack ofboth technical assistance ; nd basicorgan iza ti onal resources.

Some of the environmental factors foundto influence health patterns and practicesamong the Navajo were the lack oftransportation and poor roads; the languagebarrier; the general level of education; thee xistence of substandard housing; theinadequate and unsafe water supply fordrinking and personal hygiene; the loweconomic level; and the traditional Navajoconcepts concerning disease causation andtreatment. 26

Obstacles impeding efforts to resettleNavajos off the reservation have been thedifficulty of adjustment to urban life, theabsence of support, both psychological andemotional from family and clan, and theattachment of the Navajo to his land.

Navajo agricultural workers havebeen caught in a recurrent mobilitysituation. Their marginal tribal economyhas operated centrifugally to ease themout of their system. Concurrently, theirsocial and cultural system has functionedcentripetally to return them to theircultural rnileau. 27

During the 1967 Colorado potato harvestthere were 395 Navajo workers as comparedto 916 Navajo workers during the 1957 harvest(San Luis Valley Potato Harvest Report). Thedecrease in the labor force did not represent alabor shortage but rather an increase inmechanical harvesting with a subsequentdecrease in demand for unskilled labor.

The Navajos that migrated to Colorado forpotato harvest in 1967 came either as "freewheelers" or as "recruits." The recruitmentchannel proceeded roughly in this manner:

I. The Colorado employer, if he recruitedinterstate workers was first required to havehis migrant housing inspected and approvedby the State Health Department prior toplacement of order; 2. the employer, if hegained Tribal clearance, was required to filethe order through the Colorado StateEmployment Service to the applicant's state;3. the employer's order was then dii.ected tothe applicant's state employment servicerecruiter specifying the number of workersneeded and the time and place of the

44

employer's arrival: and 4. the employer thenarrived at that time and place to transport thespecified number of Navajos to his Coloradofarm. 28

The basic economic fact for manpowerplanning about Navajo land is that there aremore than 20,000 "non-employed" men andwomen. Some 4,000 of the 20,000non-employed reported that they wereengaged in "traditional" agricultural andother pursuits.

Various studies have been made of theeffects of training on labor mobility ingeneral. Various particular studies of Navajomigrations also offer useful insights into thecontribution of training and education to.Navajo mobility. All that is noted here is thatthe rate of movement can be expected toincrease. Some believe that populationpressure will, force a drastic increase inmigration from Navajo land. One obviousimplication for vocational educationalplanning is that training which providesNavajos with the choice of moving or stayingwould usefully combine training inNavajo land as well as in distant cit= -s.

Mobility and MigrationMobility is defin-3d as moving from some

form of farm employment coverage toexclusively non-farm employment. Migrationis defined as a change in location ofemployment, the smallest change being fromone county to another. Employment status isdefined as either farm or non-farm Farmemployment includes farm wage workers,those seffemployed nd those non-farmworkers.

Programs and policies which seem toincrease rural to urban migration can beclassified as follows:

Those that act to encourage rural to urbanmigration by creating conditions that tend todisplace people from rural areas or that pullthem toward urban areas.

Those that discourage migration, eitherby creating conditions that tend to holdpeople in rural areas or that discouragethem from entering urban areas. Thosethat limit employment opportunities,displace workers or further limit anddepress living standards in the ruralareas.

Those that discriminate against the pooror sub-groups of the poor.Those that actually support relocation orrequ.ire .a willingness to relocate as acondition for receiving aid.Those that create the possibility ofdissatisfaction where it did not existbefore (by increasing educational level,or skills to a higher level than can beutilized locally). 29The mechanism to alleviate some of these

problems has been seen as somethingcomparable to a comprehensive rural areasService Program, which would have maximumeffect in relieving poverty or in utilizingmanpower to the fullest possible extent. Arational policy pi anning strategy -,,ouldinclude accurate projections of rural to urbanmanpower needs, including for any period,numbers and types of jobs available, types ofskills needed. A categorization scheme thatwould provide insights about the differentialneeds of various subgroups of the rural poorand about the types and combinations ofprograms required to train, move and adjustdifferent subgroups for different types of jobsin both rural and urban areas is envisioned.

45

e4r6.

45

Th,. comparative costs and benefits involvedin following various routes to utilizing themanpower potential or alleviating poverty inthe several subgroups is also considered.Implementing policy and an analysis of theneeds of various subgroups of the rural poor isneeded, to plan strategies of intervention andto develop packages of programs within thosestrategies to meet the need of the rural poorfor rewarding labor and to provide a higherquality of life. With the eventual displacmientof workers in agriculture by mechanization,what these people are involved in is a searchfor equality of social and economicopportunity.

Migration, therefore, can be seen as a

process of Social Change.

46

Appendix ANational Overview

The migrant way of life is verymuch different even from that ofimpoverished non-migrant agriculturallaborers. Because of constant mobility, addedto poverty conditions, they have no movies,churches, phones, mail, picnics or parties, andvery little contact with the outside world.Most have T.V.'s, but even these are oftentaken from them for debt payments. Theirwork may require continual stooping orlifting, and is often in weather of severe heator cold. Most all farm labor jobs are not onlyphySically exhausting, but also very clull andtedious.

In order to adapt to this kind of life,migrants turn inward to their own familiesand are suspicious of outsidoN. They are, forthe most part, isolated from the world aroundthem and ignorant or unable to obtain manyof the benefits from it that other U.s. citizensenjoy. "The War on Poverty has not yetdevised programs to eliminate povertyamongst a Mobile population."

Migrant farm workers vary in their workroutes followed from year-to-year. Many donot follow the main stream, but develop theirown paths. But nearly all work a week hereaweek there with much searching for work andcommuting in between. Most have old pick-uptrucks to travel in. Many must depend on thefarmer or crew leader for transportation intruck loads or buses.

Migrant farm workers are the principalexample of the seriousness of rural poverty.Despite the minimum wage law for some farmworkers (2%) in 1967, the migrant worked anaverage of only 85 days for an annual wage of$922. According to the Department Of

Agriculture, in 1968 hired farm workersear:0 about $10.55 a day in cash wages,whicii is $834 for the average of 79 days workfor the year.

Progran.;, such as the Mod Stamp andComm Aity Distribution projects are notreaehin; most migrants. By the time theprocessing is done and a migrant family isfound eligible, the family has moved. Also,

47

because of their fluxuatirig incomes, migrants .may be eligible one month and not the next.If eligibility is determined during the peak ofharvest, a family may be disqualified.

"No segment of our population is so poorlypaid, yet contributes so much to theirnation's health and welfare."

Child LaborApproximately 1/4 of the total farm

worker force or about 800,000 paid farmworkers are under the age of 16. Although theFair Labor Standards Act of 1966 set a16-year minimum age limit for employmentin agriculture, enforcement of theseregulations is difficult. They apply onlyduring school hours, which leaves after schooland vacations for working on farms. Nor doFLSA requirements apply to pre-schoolchildren or children employed by theirparents.

Because farm labor requires constantstooping and lifting, using energy that shouldbe used in natural growth, migrant childrenare often small and undernourished, withlittle resistance to disease and infection. Forthis reason alone, a normal happy life, and adecent education is impossible for thechildren.

47

Residence of Hired Farmworkers3,946,000 All farm wage workers 2,744,500

resident of farm wageworkers in december of the reference years. data relate to per-sons 14 years old and over in the civilian noninstitutional population who haddone some farm wage work during the specified years.

US Dept. Agric.

Migrant EducationThe average grade level for migrants in

1967 was 8.6, 17 percent of these beingfunctionally illiterate. The problems involvedin providing education for migrants areextremely difficult to overcome. First is theirmobility. Besides the terrific handicapmigrant children undergo in transferring fromschool to school every few weeks, there is theimprobable task of transferring their recordsfrom county to county or from state to state.Very often, migrants leave without tellingschool authorities where and when they aregoing, making record transfer impossible.

Many migrant children who have beenthrough the turmoil of constantly changingschool,;., who are working after school andduring holidays, who are over-fatigued andun d ern ouri shed and not mentally orphysically prepared each day for studying,simply give-up their schooling. Most feel theyare of more use in the fields, and parents

48

agree. Few have any ambitions for futuresuccess as, in fact, it is an improbability.

The U.S. Office of Education in 1968served 228,000 migrant children through itsTitle I projects which allocated over $37million in 44 states. In addition to these Title ;I programs there are Office of Educationprograms under Titles III and V.

The second major contribution to migranteducation is the Office of EconomicOpportunity, which appropriated $24 millionin 1967 for day care centers, adult educationclasses, migrant compensatory educationprograms, high school equivalency programsand education consulting services,

The Department of Labor through itsManpower Administration during 1967, spent$902,000 for occupational and vocationaltraining.

Despite the effort!, of these projects,migrant education still suffers from manyunmet needs. Migrant children still have fewereducational opportunities and lowereducational attainment than any other groupof American children.

HealthThe Migrant Health Act of 1962 authorized

the Public Health Service to work withinterested groups in improving health servicesand conditions of the migrant population.Despite this act, the average per capita healthexpenditure in 1967 in program benefits forthe migrants was only $12 as compared to$200 for th total population and $170.15for the Indian population. Problems thePublic Health Service is faced with are asfollows:Migrants' lack of knowledge on how to carefor themselves.Lack of knowledge within the communitiesabout the migrant.Lack of knowledge on how to effectivelyserve the migrant health services themselves.Lack of money. The migrants are unable topay for health services themselves.Lack of health resources in rural areas.Constant mobility.Community rejection.

Migrants are also excluded from many statehealth programs because of residencyrequirements which are impossible for thismobile population to meet.

In 1968, $350,000 for a six-month periodwas used for Food and medical services formigrant families. Yet, the food stampprogram and the commodity distributionprograms are not reaching migrants.

Another major consideration in healthservices to migrants is that qualificationdepends on income. A migrant may notqualify because determination was taken atthe peak season when he had money. Yet,when his money runs out and he isunemployed for several months, he is stillunable to obtain health services which werebased on his ample income of 6 months ago.

HousingIn very few cases does housing for migrant

meet minimum health and sanitationstandards. In most cases, they are old andused for up to six months per year by severaldifferent families. Many are dilapidated, coldin winter and sweating in summer, drafty orleaky with unsanitary privies and bathingdevices and bad storage and refuse disposal.Many of these conditions are due to lack ofenforcement of housing codes.

The Farmers Home Administration canlend money at 6% annual interest for up to 33years to a farm . owner, farmer association ornon-profit organization or state division. Yet,due to red tape, strict qualifications and lackof money, smaller farmers are often unable toqualify, nor can they afford to upgradehousing they presently provide for migrants.

Inspection of housing is usually done bystate of local health or housing agencies. Ifpersonnel arenot available to inspect housing,farmers may inspect their own housing,subject to later state inspection. Migranthousing regulations only apply to farm laborrecruited through the State EmploymentSecurity System and the regulations do notapply when the worker's travels are confinedto one state. Employers who recruit throughany other means or from within the state donot have to comply.

49 49

The migrants themselves, overworked vndunderpaid, and unable to receive needed helpfrom public assistance programs due toresidence requirements, and givensub-standard housing, sometimes take theirfrustrations out on the house, destroyingscreens and mattresses, plugging up facilities,etc., making it much harder on the nextfamily to move in. Farmers would rather takethe cheaper route of raising wages to insuremigrant labor than improve housingconditions.

Migrants who arrive in an area withouthaving made arrangements must often seekcommercial housing. In many cases, they arenot welcomed by the community and toler-ated only because their labor is needed.

Benefits"Migrants have been either expressly

excluded or written out in actual practice,from almost all conventional citizen andworker benefits enacted by Federal and Statelaw, including unemployment insurance,Social Security, Workmen's Compensation,wage payment and collection laws."

The migrant agricultural worker, forexample, is almost completely without theprotection of employment insurance. Only inHawaii is unemployment compensationextended to agricultural workers. While themigrant worker has perhaps the greatest needfor this type of insurance due tounemployment for half the year, weather,crop conditions, oversupply of labor,mech an iz a t ion, etc., every major jobclassification in private industry is covered byunemployment insurance except farm work.

Workmen's compensation, run within thestate governments also neglects theagricultural workers, mainly because of thecontinual mobility of the farm labor force.

Social Security covers farm employees ifthe worker gets at least $150 from oneemployer during the year, or if h- works forone employer for more than 20 days duringthe year (computed on a time basis) for cash.The migrant usually does not meet theserequirements. "In 1966, it was estimated that225,000 migrant farm workers could havebeen covered by Social Security. Their lack ofcoverage meant the exclusion from

50

retirement, survivors disability and medicareprotection which is legally due them." Manymigrants don't know what Social Security is.

Most states have residency requirementswhich also exlude migrants from publicassistance who rarely stay in one state for thetime required.

Rural Legal Aide services are offeredthrough 0E0, but migrants again because oftheir mobility are unable to take advantage ofsuch a programs.

Crew LeadersCrew leaders solicit recruit and often

transport groups of migrants to agriculturalareas for a fee from the employing farmer.

The Farm Labca: Contractor RegistrationAct of 1964 requires crew leaders to apply fora certificate of registration through theDepartment of Labor, State EmploymentService, or State Labor Commission. This Acthas certain provisions which protect migrantsfrom abuse from irresponsible crew leaders.However, there are still countless cases ofabandoning workers, paying insufficientsalaries, false deductions from salaries,charging outrageous prices for such luxuries assoda pop, etc., and failing to forward SocialSecurity and tax deductions to the proper.authorities.

TransportationTrucks are the most valued possessions of

the migrants. As jobs vary from one week toover a year, usually lasting from four to eightweeks, it is essential that the migrant hascontinual access to some means oftransportation. Many times, the farmer willsend a truck or bus to pick up several men to ,work on his farm, but if the worker has afamily, or if he wants control over whichcrops and where he works, he must providehis own transportation. A truck also insuresthe migrant's ability to quit his job early if heis mistreated or underpaid, and look forbetter conditions (although often this is oftenimpossible due to other conditions, such as nopay until the end of the harvest).

There are severe problems with owning avehicle in that most of the migrants areunable to keep them up and in runningcondition. As most of them cannot afford to

50

have their trucks checked or fixed, many ofthose which still run do not meet safeoperation regulations, nor are their driversalways capable of safely operating the vehicle,'according to the strict regulations of theInterstate Commerce Commission.

A gric ulture was excluded from theNational Labor RelationsAct in 1935. Thisact prohibits many unfair labor practices andwould give workers the choice of joining ornot joining labor unkins. The nationwideboycott of California Table grapes had acostly outcome for industry. Farmers wereruined, communities were in continualconflict, and workers were determined.

MM./.

a.°

Tir417

The farmer's need for labor at the righttime is of utmost importance to him and tothe nation's economy and food supply. Yet,to often the farmer hires unnecessarily largeabor forces causing unemployment problems.Farm workers unable to find otheremployment due to lack of education,discrimination and job scarcity, are forcedinto poverty through no fault of their own.

"Mexican American farm workers appearto stand out among all migrants because oftheir distinct cultural identity, regionalconcentration, notably poor living conditions ,and their emergence of organizing efforts."

Tk

51 51

Appendix BRegional Overview

The first .influx of L....reign farm labor intothe U.S. was with the Chinese who came in1869 to work in the gold camps and railwaysof California. With the Chinese Exclusion Actof 1882, farmers began replacing them withJapanese immigrants. Both groups weretargets of racial hostility within theircommunities. The next wave of farmlaboreres in California was composed ofHindus, Armenians and Europeans.

Filipinos were also brought in numbers inthe 1920'S. After the Filipino IndependenceAct of 1934, however, importation of theseworkers came to an end, and their numbershave been dwindling ever since.

After the Mexican Revolution of 1910, thestarving refugees presented the growers with anew source of cheap labor. During1900-1940, over 1,000,000 Mexicans crossedthe border, settling in California, Texas andArizona. Most of these were admitted; manyentered illegally. Border towns in bothcountries became vastly populated andcomposed the great "farm labor reservoir oFthe Southwest." These laborers, especially th"wetbacks" or illegal entries, would work fcp.as little as 40 cents per hour.

With the high demand by the U.S. farmersduring the shift of labor caused by World WarII, the pressing need for manpower on U.S.farms was intensified. Thus, in 1942, theBracero Program was started in order to meetthis demand in an organized manner. Underthis program Mexican workers were admittedinto the U.S. to fill farm labor shortages. In1944, 29,176 Braceros were admitted; in1945, 69,111; in 1946,101,478, and by 1954,over 1,100,000. When the war ended,Congress tried to put an end to the Braceroprogram, but the employers pressed for ifsextension. In 1951, Public Law .78 providedthe authority to recruit MexiCan workers whohad been here five years. From 1950-60, morethan 3,300,000 Mexican Nationals wereemployed on U.S. farms.

Public Law 78 was allowed to lapse in1964. This was the year in which along-accumulating sense of national guilt hadpermitted the passage of significant poverty

52

laws lInd Civil Rights legislation and it couldbe assumed that Public Law 78 was a casualtyof the new humanism, but long concern aboutthe outflow earned in the U.S. going back toMexico. Tile death of Public Law 78 was thebirth of serious hopes for a farm union, but in1965, when the grape strike began, thegrower.; had found another means to obtainthe same cheap labor.

Under Public Law 414, large numbers offoreigners were permitted t enter the U.S. as"permanent resident aliens," on a specialgreen visa card. Green Card Holders couldbecome citizens after five years of residence,hold Social Security, pay taxes, and bedrafted while they waited, but sice theMexican may earn 15 times as much for aday's work in the U.S. most would declinethis opportunity in favor of commuting.

Due to labor disputes, in January 1968 aconsumers' boycott began against all growersof California table grapes. Today, almost 1/2the membership of Cesar Chavez' union holdgreen cards.

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Appendix CLifestyles

In the beginning was the Word. And theWord was made flesh. It was so inthe beginning, and it is so today. Thelanguage, the Word, carries within it thehistory, the culture, the traditions,the very life of a people, the flesh. Languageis people. We cannot even conceive of apeople without a language, or a languagewithout a people. The two are one and thesame. To know one is to know the other.

Dr. Sabine R. UlibarriDepartment of Modern and ClassicalLanguages, UNM, 1968.

Language is a part of culture. Culture is away of thinking, feeling, of understanding,learning, and actual experience, basically atotal way of life; the sum of informationconserved by civilization. "Culture is thatcomplex whole. which includes knowledge,belief, art, morals, law, custom and othercapabilities acquired by man as a member ofsociety." (Tylor)

A culture is compriscd of varioussubcultures, also called lifestyles. In order tobetter understand the migrant agriculturalpopulation, it is necessary to understand thatit is composed of many different ethnicgroups, who in turn possess different lifestyles.

This report is primarily concerned with theSpanish or Mexican American and NavajoIndian migrant populations. It should benoted that other ethnic migrants work withinthe state, but are few in number. Therefore,this section will deal with the lifestyles ofthese two principal ethnic groups. Itsintention is to bring about a deeperunderstanding and knowledge of these variouslifestyles to become culturally aware of thecustoms, beliefs, and behaviorthe overall

cultural and historical development of thesepeople.

Mexican SpanishAmerican Lifestyle

When an understanding of ways of life verydifferent from one's own is gained,abstractions and generalizations about socialstruc tu re , c ul t u r al values, subsistencetechniques, the other universal categories ofhuman sticial behavior become meaningful.This study is a detailed analysis on the aspectsof behavior and belief that illustrates how theMexican American way of life is distinctive;and how well-meaning people includingteachers, public officials, medical personnel,and social workers frequently misunderstandthe Mexican Americans and unwittingly insulthim and casually violate his ethics as well ashis etiquette. "A knowledge of MexicanAmerican culture is needed to understandwhat these people really believe and do, inwhat areas they are amenable to change andwhere the are of greatest resistance lie." Atypical middle class reaction to this statamentwould be: "To pay any attention to theprimitive and superstitious practices ofMexican Americans would merely encouragethem to continue their undesirable way oflife...The best way we can help these people isto set ourselves up as Christian model's forthem to emulate?° The United States' 5million citizens of Mexican origen do notform a homogeneous group with identicalvalues customs and aspirations. One candivide the Mexican American communityalong class or economic lines from theaffluent ranchers, businessman or publicofficial to the migrant farm worker or isolatedself-sufficient farmer in the mountains of NewMexico. 31

CultureThe Mexican American thinks of himmif as

both a citizen of the United States and amember of "La Raza" (The Race). This termrefers to all Latin Americans who are unitedby cultural and spiritual bonds derived fromGod. The spiritual aspect is perhaps moreimportant than the cultural. The Latinrecognizes regional variations in behavior andrealizes that custom changes. The spirit istaken to be divine and infinite. 32

53 53

Acceptance and appreciation of things asthey are, cOnstitute primary values of La}laza. Because God, rather than man, isviewed as controlling events, the Latin lacksthe future orientation of the Anglo and hispassion for planning ahead. Many MexicanAmericans would consider it presumptive totry to plan for toraorrow because humanbeings are merely servants of God and it is Hewho plans the future3.3 The Latin lives fortoday instead of creating a blueprint for thefuture. He is dedicated to living the momentto its fullest in the roles assigned him by God.

Most of the Mexicans who came to theSouthwest were economically motivatedexcept for the refugees from the Mexicanre-Tolution. The majority of the immigrantswere deviants in the folk cultures of Mexicowhere economic advancement of theindividual is regarded as unworthy. Aminority came from more sophisticatedcommunities, which they abandoned in thebelief that local labor conditions precludedthe possibility of improving their financialposition in the mother country. Mexicanimmigrants seeking economic gain saw theUnited States as the land of opportunity. 34

To appreciate a changing culture, one mustbe aware of the traditional values that wereonce firmly accepted but which are now beingforesaken for those of the host culture, in thiscase, the Anglo culture. 35

Lee states that careful study of a culture isneeded; this must include a consideration ofmotivations, values, the symbolic significanceof even seemingly unimportant acts, and aconsidoration also of the dangers inherent inthe disturbances of the delicate balancebetween a culture and its local environment.Such study can result in the introduction oftechnological improvement which neitherdestroys the culture it is designed to improvenor opens up a Pandora's box of dangeroussecondary results.

Today we find these humble Spanishpeople still struggling unsuccessfully to maketheir age-old patterns work in an unresponsivesetting: Bewildered by their failure, they havedeveloped a defeatism that contrasts withtheir proud past, a past in which they knewself-reliance and success under tremendously

54

unfavorable circumstances. Unwittingly, theystruggle against circumstances that are toomuch for their efforts...Their struggle is, inreality not one against material factors. Theybattle their own cultural inadequacy. Theyare unprepared to act in their newenvironment. 37

The New Mexican often carrieson inferior and obsolete practices and beliefsbecause he has been permitted, and forced toremain in isolation. Of necessity, he has per-sisted in a traditional way of life that is belowCurrent standards. His language has suffered6y disuse yet he has had little chance to learn

use English effectively. His social status re-flects his economic insufficiency. His lack ofeducation handicaps him in the exercise of hispolitical power. That same lack makes him apublic charge once he has lost his land, histraditional source of livelihood. Amidst thewreckage of his land, his economy and hisculture, and unprepared for the new order ofthings, he is pathetic in his helplessnessastranger in his own house. 38

54

Ca Mpa believes "Both the Anglos and theMexicanos are romantic, except that Ameri-can romanticism is based on the future andSpanish romanticism is nourished in the

30

In the Spanish culture the future is too re-mote for practicability. The future to the tra-ditional Spanish American is just an idea; anunreality. The present is the reality...If hefinds himself in poverty and living in theslums, he tends to accept it as '-God's Will" orhe patiently hopes that God will change thesituation: "A Ver que Dios nos..." 40

The Anglo tends to give status and prestigeto. achievement and success. The SpanishAmerican tends to give prestige and status onascription; that is, not for what an individualis, especially family lineage. 41

The Family andSociety

The nucleus of the Mexican Americanfamily consists of parents and their offspringbut the bond between parents and childrenextends over three generations. The nuclearfamily preserves its integrity within the ex-tended family by the husband, wife and the&children, 42

It is interesting to note that in a study doneby Horacio Ulibarri, entitled "Social andAttitudinal characteristics of Spanish speakingmigrant and exmigrant workers in the South-west," that the family tended to emerge asone of the strongest areas of life activity inthis study. The migrant nuclear family tendedto be a closely knit unit, where all membersseemed to enjoy great statufL and esteem. Theindications were that the conceptof the exten-ded family has been lost among these people.The nuclear family seemed to be ratherstrongly oriented to the present. 43

Along with the special features of the malerole, the major theme dominating the classicportrayal of the traditional Mexican family isthe deep importance of the family to all itsMembers. The needs of the family collectivelysupersede the needs of each individual mem-ber. A number of consequences detrimenta/to individual achievement may follow.To theextent that the family captures all of the sig.niAcant social relations of the individual, hebecomes less capable of absorbing new valuesand of maintaining relations with new kindsof people., 44

Sickness and HealthThe members of La Raza don's

divide the natural and the supernatural intoseparate compartments as the Anglos do. Anharmonious relationship between the naturaland supernatural is considered essential to.human health and welfare, while disharmonyprecipitates illness and misfortune. ManyMexican Americans are caught in the conflictbetween the scientific theories of modernmedicine and the supernatural theories of folkmedicine. In the event of illness, they con-sider it best to include both natural and super-natural approaches. 4-)

Folk MedicineFolk concepts of disease from Mexico are

still important to Mexican Americans; manyof these beliefs persist in the thinking ofsecond- and third-generation Americans andin many ways continue to influence theirhealth behavior The "Curandera" a specialistin the diagnosis and treatment of folk syn-dromes, is common among the MexicanAmerican community. The curandera posses-.ses supernatural powers. The concept of folktherapy consists of oral administration ofvarious herbs and purgatives; topical applica-tion of liniments, oils and herbal mixtures,massage ("sobadas"); "capping" (ventosas);regulation of the diet; and magical cures. Anyone or a combination of these may be usedfor a syndrome. The theory of disease includesome concepts that are clearly derived fromMexican folk beliefs and others which arescientific syndromes recognized in bothMexico and the United States. 46

ReligionIn the study conducted by Ulibarri, the

area of religion did not emerge as a strongfactor in the lives of these people. They didnot seem to have the preoccupation with rP-ligion that was characteristic of the traditionalSpanish speaking cultures. Rather a corn-placement contentment attitude existed.toward religion, where involvement in religi-ous affairs was minimal, seemed to prevailamong the migrant and ex-migrant workers inthe sample. 47

When relating other areas of life to familyliving, dissatisfaction was expressed amongthis group as to their living conditions due to

55

the fact that they could not provide suchthings as clothing for themselves and couldnot better their lot in life. Their anxiety wasoften summed up in these words: "I wish Icould do more, but what can I do" The result-ing attitude among adults towards educationwas: that they saw no reward resulting fromfurther education and therefore did not pro-ject themselves into any possibility for im-provement through education. On the otherhand the adults attitude towards theirchildrens education was that they wantedthem to go and receive an education so thatthey would not have to work as hard as theydid. Parents in this sample participated mini-aaally in school affairs. Health care among thisgroup was thought that unless the case of ill-ness was readily evident, sickness was -thoughto be a complete matter of destiny.

Most of the individuals in the sample feltthat they were not earning enough money tosustain their families. They expressed a neces-sity to have their earnings supplemented byfree commodity distribution or food stampprograms, but none expressed a desire to be-come public welfare clients. Most of theincome, since it was low, was spent for basic

necessities. There was strong evidence ofmuch impulsive buying. Rather expensiveitems such as encyclopedias and televisionsets, were noted about the house. During theworking season, the typical seasonal worker inthe sample worked as much as 60 hours perweek and earned up to $70.00 per week. Be-cause of their low educational attainmentlevel, relatively few jobs were open to themigrant or ex-migrant. The factor of not pos-sessing saleable sleMs in an era of technology,coupled with the factor of discrimination,apparently reinforced their depressed state ofmind. In general most of the people in thesample seemed oblivious to the typq of helpavailable from governmental agencies. In gene-ral the total amount of recreational activitieswas either confined to the nuclear family orto the ethnic group to which they belonged.

AcculturationToday, the Mexican Americans are under-

going acculturation in the American meltingpot but many seem to be well-insulatedagainst the melting process. They cherishmuch of their Mexican cultural heritage as too

56 56

precious and universally valid to be abandon-ed. These same Mexican beliefs and customsare regarded by other Americans as too super--stitious and un-American to be tolerated.Consequently many public agencies are tryingto accerate the Americanization of our Mexi-.can American citizens. 50

Basically there are three levels of accultura-tion:1. The base line of the Americanizationprocess is the traditional folk culture derivedfrom Mexico but modified by its Texas orSouthwest setting. Strongly influenced byUnited States technology and economicfactors, Mexican American folk society re-tains the core values of Mexican folk culture.2. Individuals caught in the value conflictbetween two cultures is another level. Theywere born into a folk society but have hadenough education and experlence outside oftheir own group to recognize the conflictbetween the Mexican values they learnedfrom their parents and the values of theUnited States society. 3. There are those Mex-ican Americans who have achieved status inthe English speaking world. They see scienceand progress as the twin keys to a brightertomorrow,Patriotism, the third value requisitefor Americanization, is equally shared by allMexican Americans. The three levels of accul-turation frequently represent a 3-generationalprocess. In general, Mexican American folksociety consists of lower-class manual labor-ers. Acculturation is pursued more by middleclass Mexican Americans. Accuituration,nevertheless, takes place at all three levels;and the acculturation process is not irrever-sible. Retreat from the second level of valueconflicts, back into folk society, occurs fre-quently. 51

Without minimizing the importance of theproblems presented by the native New Mexi-cans in cosmopolitan centers, rather assumingthat the rural field offers a valuable approachto those problems, the rural New Mexicanconstitutes the major issue in this state. 52

Re garding discrimination, the SpanishAmerican from Northern New Mexico and theMexican National were not conscious of beingobjects of discrimination. The Spanish Ameri-can from Colorado, especially from the SanLuis Valley, were very conscious of b3ing dis-criminated against by the Anglo. Similarly theMexican American from Texas felt intenseand sometimes vicious discrimination directedagainst them. One form of discrimination wasin the working conditions including longhours of work and low wages. 53

Northern New Mexico

The I argest concentrations of SpanishAmericans in Northern New Mexico are inRio Arriba county. McKinley. county'sSpanish Americans live mainly in urban dwell-ings. San Juan county residents live in Aztec,and Farmington, New Mexico, while othersfarm along the Rio Grande river. The SpanishAmericans of t'-is region have a lower socio-economic status than that of Anglos. Al-though their soch-political position is higherthan the Indian, they are nevertheless moreeconomically depressed than the Indian."

Northern New Mexico's "Forgotten Peo-ple" have long been exploited by Anglos,without protection from the government.Small landholders lost their farms and eithermoved in with families or migrated to urbanareas such as California, Utah, Colorado, or tolarger centers in New Mexico, such as Albu-querque. 55

By 1960, the people (as indicated byKnowlton) had been "caught in a harsh cycleof cultural shock, r:?sentment, hostility, bit-terness, apathy and even self-hatred, whichhas paralyzed their ability to deal effectivelywith their own problems." Land loss toAnglos and others over centuries resulted indestruction of traditional Spanish Americanvillage life and created large distress areas.This are has been scarred by poverty, malnu-trition, cultural disorganization, family break-down, rising juvenile delinquency, and largerates of disease and infant mortality, whichare among the highest in the country. Theysurvive on high rates of unemployment andwelfare payments. Typical Spanish Americanresidents still own adobe homes with 3-12acres of irrigated land or pasture. 66

Under die traditional inheritance system, itallots eacch member their equal share of land,which left villagers with long, thin strips offenced /and and communal ditches. Con-sequently this prevents the use of modernfarming technology. The improvement of edu-cation has increased out-migration. Few nowsubsist on income only from farms. Manyhave now been sold. Villages are still in exist-ence; but a great percentage of towns such asCharm, Gallup Farmington and Aztec areAnglo-dominated. However, other SpanishAmericans cling to traditional Spanish domi-nated, towns such as Tierra Amarilla. 57

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