A story of a Suicide Teenager in south korea

8/10/2019 A story of a Suicide Teenager in south korea

1/18

A LIFE HISTORY OF A KOREAN ADOLESCENT

GIRL WHO ATTEMPTED SUICIDE

SUNGEUN YANG

College of Human Ecology, Inha University, Incheon, South Korea

The present study explores the life history of a South Korean adolescent girl who

attempted suicide. The study focuses on how sociocultural values affected hersuicide attempt and how she made meaning out of the experience. The resultsrevealed that her life history was a process of seeking independence and autonomy,and freeing herself from social stigmatization. The study highlights the need for

professionals to examine the sociocultural context of adolescents, along with aconsideration of their developmental characteristics and family relationships inorder to understand adolescent suicidal behaviors.

The World Health Organization (2002) suggested an ecologicalmodel as a conceptual tool to understand the multifaceted natureof suicide. The ecological model assists in examining factors thatinfluence suicidal behaviors by dividing them into four levels:the individual level, including biological and personal historyfactors; the relationship level, including family and friends; thecommunity level, including schools, workplaces, and neighbor-hoods; and the societal level, including cultural norms and policies.

The focus of the ecological model is that suicide is a complexphenomenon, which has its roots in the interaction of manyfactors. Although there has been an increasing study of thesefactors at the individual and relational level, there has been a lackof study at the sociocultural level (Leenaars, 2008).

There is some evidence that the theories of suicide proposedby Western scholars may not be applicable to other cultures andnations. For example, a study by Rao and his colleagues (1989)

Received 6 April 2010; accepted 16 November 2010.Address correspondence to Sungeun Yang Inha University College of Human

Death Studies, 36: 253269, 2012Copyright# Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 0748-1187 print=1091-7683 onlineDOI: 10.1080/07481187.2011.553338


2/18

showed that Western theories of suicide may not be sufficient toexplain the causes of suicide in Indian people who kill themselves.For another example, Lester (2005) studied 17 industralized nations

to predict their suicide rates using variables derived from differenttheories of suicide and concluded that Western theories of suicidedo not apply to non-Western cultures. However, cultural issueshave been marginalized by the dominant frameworks of suicidol-ogy. Neimeyer (2008) criticized this practice of research andtherapy, saying, Although White middle-income people constituteonly 5% of the worlds population, nearly all approaches to suicideassessment and intervention derive from the assumptions of, and

research upon, this restricted segment of humanity (p. ix).Leenaars, Maris, and Takahashi (1997) also stated, To be unawareof the international perspective would result in ones understandingof the individual being overly barren and misleading (p. 2). Scho-lars need to examine more closely their understanding of suicideinternationally in order to glean ideas for theory development.

According to Lester (2008), culture can have an impact onboth the phenomena of suicidal behavior and on theories of suici-

dal behavior, and even on the definition of what is a suicide. Leach(2006) emphasized the need to understand the role of culture onsuicidal ideation, attempts, and completions because culture offersthe lens through which individuals view coping styles, buffers,emotional expression, family structures, and identity. It is throughculture that researchers and therapists begin to understand the per-sonal meaning people give to situations that may lead to suicide.Personal meaning or the subjectivity of causes, buffers, and reasonsfor suicidal behavior are in need of further study.

Worldwide, at least 100,000 adolescents die by suicide everyyear (American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, 2009). Existingstudies about adolescents tend to reduce youth suicidal behaviorsto problems of individual psychology. Researchers rarely analyzehow cultural values, social norms, and historical traditions affectyouth suicidality, although psychopathology alone is not sufficientto explain it. They seem to suggest a reductionistic model in under-standing a complex event. In order to achieve an in-depth under-

standing of youth suicidality, it is necessary to pay attention toculturally relevant processes (Tanaka-Matsumi, 2001), which can

254 S. Yang


3/18


4/18

family is still the norm in Korea, social stigma against single-parentfamilies is more common and more serious than in Westerncountries.

Another key Confucian value for Korean adolescents isacademic success. As in other East Asian countries influenced byConfucian intellectualism and scholarship, Koreans have higheducational aspirations (Haboush, 1991; K. Park, 1997). Gyoyoukyul(education fever) is a typical Korean phenomenon resulting from acombination of the high value placed on academic success, parentalauthority and devotion, and childrens obedience. The main symp-toms ofgyoyoukyulare the parents sacrifices to enable their children

to succeed and their childrens responsibilities to attain success. Theacademic success of a child is seen not only as the key measure ofpersonal competence, but also as an indicator of parental achieve-ment and efforts. As a result, the rush toward college entrance ispropelled by parental pressures and is sustained by the exceptionalstudy habits of their children. In 2009, 84.9% of Koreas general highschool graduates entered college (South Korea Ministry of Educa-tion, Science and Technology, 2009), and Korea boasts of having

the worlds highest ratio of students who go on to college.Korean adolescents, who struggle with a tension between obedi-ence to parents and independent selfhood under high academicpressure, seem to be especially vulnerable to suicidality. Accordingto OECD Factbook (Organisation for Economic Co-operation andDevelopment [OECD], 2009), South Koreas suicide rate (18.7 sui-cides per 100,000 people) ranked third among the 30 OECD coun-tries, and the female suicide rate (11.1 suicides per 100,000 people)ranked the highest. Among adolescents, suicide was the second lead-

ing cause of death after automobile accidents (South Korea NationalStatistical Office, 2008a). Korean adolescents aged 1519 yearsreported that their main reason for suicidal intent was their schoolrecord (South Korea National Statistical Office, 2008b).

Very little research has been conducted to understand the cul-tural nuances associated with suicidal behaviors among Koreanadolescents. Although there are recent studies on suicide amongKorean adolescents, most of them overlook cultural issues. They

usually focus on individual psychopathology, such as depression,anger, and a sense of entrapment (H. S. Kim & Kim, 2008; Lee,

)

256 S. Yang


5/18

Kim & Kim, 2010), or dysfunctional peer relationships, such as bully-ing (Y. S. Kim, Levental, Koh, & Boyce, 2009). There is a need toacquire an in-depth understanding of the culture-specific factors

associated with suicidality among Korean adolescents.

Research Process

A life history research method was chosen in order to examinesociocultural norms and values that affected the suicide attempt ofone Korean adolescent, Kim. A life history, a form found in narra-tive research practices, traditionally portrays the entire life of a

single, accessible, and distinctive individual as representative of aculture (Creswell, 2007, p. 234). The researcher reports an extensiverecord of a persons life, in order to provide access to contextualdata that helps the participants, researchers, and readers developan understanding of how and why things happened in the pastand how that past might be affecting the present (Haglund, 2004).

According to Allports (1962) classic statement on the advan-tages of the idiographic approach, the single case is a useful source

in psychological science. An idiographic approach allows research-ers to understand the suicidal mind by carrying out an intensivestudy of the human person (Leenaars, 2002). Werth (2005, 2006) alsodemonstrated that a single case study can be an effective tool fordeveloping a compelling discourse about death and dying. A life his-tory can reveal how the unbearable psychological pain of a suicidalperson is embodied in his or her language, which is what Shneidman(1985) stated researchers should investigate and explicate.

Meeting with the Research Participant

The researcher first met Kim in August 2008 when she attended theChild Development Center of the university where the researcherworked. Kim attempted suicide in July 2008. The researcher askedKim and her mother if Kim would participate in the study. Theethical aspects of the study, including information about researchpurposes, process, voluntary participation, and confidentiality,

were addressed to ensure that the rights of Kim and her motherwere protected. Kim and her mother consented to the interviews

Life History of a Korean Girl 257


6/18

mother because her father had died when she was 1 year old. Kimsmother was 45 years old and maintained a middle-class lifestyle byworking as a private tutor.

Data Collection

About 30 hours of life history data were gathered from a series of24 interviews, ranging 60 to 90 min in length and conducted over a12-month period. Kidd (2003) emphasized the need to obtain accu-rate history of the participant because of the complexity of suicidalthoughts and behavior within an individual. The interviews were

free flowing with open-ended questions to gather rich informationabout Kims life. The researcher asked questions, listened much ofthe time, and requested clarification in order to check on Kimsmeanings. The interviews were neither therapy nor mentorship.The researcher took the stance of deliberate naiveteand support-ive scepticism, trying to learn from Kim what her experiencesand truths were.

The entire interview process was composed of three stages:

rapport formation, gaining an integrated comprehension of Kimslife, and finally acquiring an in-depth understanding of her suicideattempt. It took about 2 months to build rapport with Kim. Theresearcher accepted Kims defensive attitude and waited until shewas ready to talk about her life.

After establishing rapport with Kim, the life history interviewswere begun. The researcher asked Kim to talk about the key eventsof her life. The researcher used a lifeline and life history grid for theinterviews. Lifelines are visual depictions of an individuals life

events in chronological order and may include interpretations ofthese events (Gramling & Carr, 2004, p. 208). The researcher askedKim to draw a chronological portrayal of her life. This consisted of ahorizontal line filled with the events in her life from birth to thepresent, which Kim considered significant. The researcher thencompleted the life history grid while referring to Kims lifelineand listening to the interview tapes. The life history grid was createdon a large sheet of paper divided into columns (Haglund, 2004,

p. 1315). The left-hand column listed the year of life, with onerow for each year of the participants life. For this study, the remain-

258 S. Yang


7/18

After acquiring a comprehensive understanding of Kims life,the researcher focused on her suicide attempt. The researcher askedKim the reason for the attempt, what it meant to her, what hap-

pened after it, and how she was dealing with the changes or lackof change in her life afterwards. The researcher tried to facilitateKims interpretations and reflections about this critical life event.

Data Analysis

Life history analysis is the process of recognizing the participantsstories into a general framework. The researcher focused only on

Kims reality and not necessarily her mothers or what an outsideobserver might see. The researcher made use of Clandinin andConnellys (2000) three-dimensional narrative inquiry space: con-tinuity (past, present, and future), interaction (personal and social),and situation (the place).

First, to find any continuity in Kims life history, the researcheranalyzed her past experiences related to the suicide attempt, theattempt itself, the changes after the suicide attempt, and the impact

of the attempt on her future perspectives. Second, the researcherexamined Kims significant others, her social interactions withthem, and any changes in her perceptions of them following herattempted suicide. Third, the researcher analyzed the socioculturalcharacteristics of Korea, which related to Kims suicide attempt.After analyzing the interview data in accordance with the three-dimensional narrative inquiry space, the researcher detailed thethemes that arose from the story.

Verification

Verification was accomplished by a rich thick description of thephenomenon, the prolonged engagement with the participant,and an outside reviewer for fit and completeness. Firstly, theresearcher tried to describe in detail the participant, the parti-cipants experiences, and the sociocultural setting under study. Sec-ondly, the prolonged engagement with the participant provided for

the establishment of a strong rapport. Frank (1984) claimed thatrapport and collaboration between the individual being inter-



8/18

methods, assessed both the process and the product. This auditorhad no connection to the study and examined whether or not thedata supported the findings, interpretations, and conclusions.

Results

The results provide the themes, which emerge from the story ofKim as it unfolded in a chronology of her lived experiences, setwithin her sociocultural context. There are (a) continuing past, (b)suicide attempt, (c) epiphanies and changes after suicide attempt,and (d) forward presence and the future.

Continuing Past

The most crucial issue of Kims life was being a child in a single-parent family. Kim was excessively close to her mother and tried toovercome the social stigma against single-parent families. Her motherlikewise tried to make up for the difficulties of a single-parent family.However, they experienced tension due to the mothers controlling

parenting and high expectations for Kims academic achievement.

STIGMA AGAINST SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES

Kims father died of cancer when she was 1 year old. How-ever, the mother told Kim that the father was living overseasbecause she was concerned that Kim might lose heart. Kimdid not find out that her father had already passed away untilshe was 6 years old. To Kim, her mothers lie was more shocking

than her fathers death itself. Kim understood this to mean that theabsence of her father should be concealed from others and that asingle-parent family was shameful:

My mother eventually told me as she wept. I was so shocked that I couldnot control my urination for a while. It was more shocking than my fathersdeath itself that my mother had to lie to me.

The absence of the father brought the mother and daughter

closer to each other. Furthermore, Kim had to take a 1-year leaveof absence from school due to a hereditary allergy condition

260 S. Yang


9/18

down. She could not maintain her friendships, and the only personshe could talk to was my mother, who sat by my side the entire dayto clean my sores. Kims mother kept telling her, I live for you.

The illness led the two into an enmeshed relationship. Kim said thatshe feels a sense of gratitude, responsibility, and guilt whenever sheremembers her mothers sacrificial care during this time.

Kim had no recollection of her father and no attachment tohim. She said, I cant remember him at all. I cannot miss him.Kims mother, who resented her husband for their unhappy mar-riage, neither holds the traditional annual memorial ritual for herdeceased husband nor goes to his tomb with Kim. However, in spite

of the emotional disconnection from her father, her fathers absencedid affect Kims life. Kim became conscious of societys view ofsingle-parent families as she grew up. Kim referred to her ownfamily as agyoul-son-gah-jung(deficient or broken family) and seta boundary between us and them (intact families).

As Kim became conscious of the stigma against single-parentfamilies, she made efforts to become a good child. Kim felt that sheneeded to succeed in overcoming the stigma, which made her feel

overburdened:

I showed my best manners and etiquette to others because I did not want tohear people call me hoo-rae-jah-sick (scumbag without father). I had anextremely heavy burden about my father. I thought that if I made a mistake,I would be seen as a bad person, and if I looked bad, it would bring shameupon my mother. I thought that my life would not be worth living if I wasnot successful.

Nonetheless, Kim stated that the excessive efforts she and hermother made in order to overcome the prejudice against single-parent families created further problems. Kims mother was moreconcerned to carry out the role of a strict and authoritarian fatherrather than an affectionate and warm mother. Her mothersplaying of the role of a father deteriorated into oppressive andcontrolling parenting.

The biggest problem was that we wanted too much to live as a normalfamily. My mother tried very much to become a father to me. She disci-plined me like a strict father. But, it didnt work. We tried too much to show



10/18

PRESSURE ON ACADEMIC SUCCESS

The most important task of Korean parents is to ensure theirchildrens academic achievement. Kims mother had her daughter

committed to studying as she moved up to fourth grade.

My mother prepared me seriously for exams from the 4th grade. Shedid not let me sleep until I memorized the whole exercise book. I triedto memorize it until 23 oclock in the morning . . .Until high school, mymother used to sit in front of me and watch me studying during the examweek.

Because of her mothers involvement, Kim earned an award

for academic excellence each year. She was also selected as agifted mathematics and science student in junior high school.However, the mother was not satisfied and pushed her to studyeven harder. She controlled Kims daily schedule and forbadeactivities unrelated to her study. She punished Kim physicallywhen she neglected her study or disobeyed her mothers wishes.The mother told Kim that they could overcome the social stigmaagainst being single-parent family through Kims academic

success.When Kim was a high school student, she began refusing toobey her mothers demands and control. Although this could beinterpreted as a sign of seeking independence, her defiance ofher mother only further damaged their relationship.

My mother often beat me. The things my mother used were this (outstretch-ing her arms) various. A wooden stick, a hanger, a drumstick, boiler pipe!The worst thing was a hardcover book. It really hurts . . . It [a fight] began

over small things. On Saturdays, I want to sleep a little more, but my mothertells me to get up. I pretend not to hear her. Then, she starts beating me witha hanger or something else, saying Still sleeping? You need to study! Oneday I grabbed the hanger. I did not intend to fight back. Because it hurt somuch, I automatically caught the hanger with my hand. Then, we started tokick each other. At such times, I really thought that my mother had turnedinto a monster. It was awful.

As the tension between Kim and her mother intensified, Kim

decided to neglect her schoolwork, saying, My mothers expecta-tions were too burdensome. I willfully refused to study in order to

262 S. Yang


11/18


12/18

friends. Now I have fun with my friends just like happyteens. It is like living a normal life. Before the incident, Idid not take care of myself. Now I would like to love myself.

Researcher: How did you mother react?Kim: My mother was very shocked by the incident. She didnt touchme for a while. When my mother let me alone, I could thinkclearly without dealing with anger toward her. My mother alsohad some time to calm down. She might rethink about herexpectations for me.

Researcher: Does she let you alone nowadays, too?Kim: She comes and goes. We are okay. I think, for now, it is the

best thing to maintain the status quo. Things are ok as longas we do not tackle each other. When I come home, I quietly

go to my room. I do not talk much. . .Before the incident [sui-cide attempt], I used to get really stressed when my motherirritated me. Now I can deal with it much better. Actually, Ihad an argument with my mother a few days ago. Beforethe incident, I would think, I want to die. Now I get overit by just telling myself, Ah, just another irritation. Mymother is like a child having a temper tantrum. She is just likea child who asks for the impossible. Now I can say what I wantrationally and calmly. I feel I free myself from depending onmy mother.

PSYCHOLOGICAL CHANGES AFTER THE SUICIDE ATTEMPT

Kim stated that she released her stress through her suicideattempt, using the karaoke metaphor. Kim also showed her resolutionnot to put up with things any more, even though she had done so pre-viously because of the social stigma against single-parent families. Asthe sense of burden about social stigmatization decreased, she

seemed to focus on her own needs to grow and to be independent.Such changes inside Kim may have resulted from her copingmechanism, which has made her realize that she needs to loveherself after experiencing how oppression causes self-destructivebehavior. Ironically, the attempted suicide inspired her with thewill to live. Although the negative effects of the suicide attemptcannot be neglected, Kim seems to feel psychological freedomafter her impulsive action.

REEVALUATION OF MOTHER-AND-DAUGHTER RELATIONSHIPKims suicide attempt affected her mother. The mothers con-

264 S. Yang


13/18

makes her mother anxious. Although tension continued even afterthe suicide attempt, Kims response to her mother changed. Kimbegan to regard her mother as a child who kept asking for the

impossible and to respond more rationally and calmly to her.Kim described the relationship with her mother as follows.

We were too attached to each other. Still, my mother wants to hold meback, and I want to run away from her. I believe that both of us need tomove away from such a relationship . . . My mothers life is a failure. Shehas no friend. I am the only purpose of her life. Even now I do not growup as she wanted. I do not want to live like her.

Based on this critical evaluation of her mother, Kim is deter-mined to free herself from the excessive attachment of her mother.She also concluded that a child is not the possession of theparents. As Kim becomes skeptical about the mother-and-daugh-ter relationship, she is giving up the expectation of any improve-ment in their relationship and just tries to maintain the status quoby avoiding communication. Although physical punishment,yelling, and crying disappeared, a quiet but anxious tension flows

between Kim and her mother.

Forward Presence and the Future

One of the biggest changes took place when Kim became a senior9 months after her suicide attempt. She changed her applicationfield for the college entrance examination. Kim spent her juniorhigh school and high school years studying science subjects as

her mother wished. Finally, she declared to her mother that shewould move into the humanities field, which she always wantedto study. As Kim changed her field, she herself began to collectinformation on universities to which she could apply. Although itis a challenge to study in a new field, her choice enabled her toset a goal and to confront the reality for herself.

Discussion

The present study explored the life history of a Korean adolescent



14/18

adolescence studies. At the same time, the study highlighted theculture-specific themes beyond the culture-general factors associa-ted with adolescent suicidality.

The issues behind Kims suicide attempt include complexitiesassociated with the value of family cohesion, the norm for parentalauthority and childrens obedience, the belief about an intactfamily with a stern father and a benevolent mother, and the goalof academic success. Kim and her mother were struggling withsocial stigmatization against single-parent families. The motherchose to be severe with Kim to prevent the criticism of being ahoo-rae-jah-sick (scumbag without father). She also ensured that

Kim would achieve academic success, which is considered as themeans to overcome social stigma. She seemed to regard Kimsachievement as her own and to acquire vicarious satisfactionbecause of her enmeshed relationship with her daughter. In termsof family systems theory, Korean families tend to show strongcohesion and diffuse boundaries, which results in a high level ofinterdependency and a low level of differentiation (Jeong, 2005;H.-S. Kim & Um, 2006; Y.-H. Kim & Ahn, 2008). Furthermore,

the status of a single-parent family contributed to Kim and hermother becoming involved in an enmeshed relationship. WhenKim entered adolescence, she tried to achieve mature selfhoodthrough separation. The process of separation-individuation is ahallmark of adolescent development in Eriksons (1968) psychoso-cial approach. In the traditional approach, connectedness toparents is mostly interpreted as an obstacle to autonomy, indepen-dence, and personal identity development (Flum & Lavi-Yudelevitch, 2002). Conflicts arose because of Kims desire to

achieve autonomy and independence and her mothers desire tocontrol Kim by exerting parental authority. Moreover, thereseemed to be an unsatisfied or frustrated attachment need, whichhas been related to suicide (Leenaars, 2008).

Kim experienced epiphanies after her suicide attempt. Firstly,she became aware of how oppression destroyed the self. She real-ized the need to focus on her own aspirations and to accomplishher developmental task for the sake of the self. Secondly, she recog-

nized the dysfunctional aspect of the enmeshed mother-and-daughter relationship and decided to end it. Thirdly, she challenged

266 S. Yang


15/18

relationship, and the social stigma seemed to give Kim a sense ofself-emancipation. Although the tension between Kim and hermother remained, her changed perceptions transformed how she

interpreted the world around her and how she responded to it.Kim stopped her passive and self-harming attitude and began totake charge of her life. Kims suicide attempt could be interpretedas an extreme and destructive form of seeking independence, auto-nomy, and the self. At the same time, Kims efforts went beyond themicro-level of individual development and a parentchild relation-ship. She struggled to set herself free from the social stigma thatmade her withdrawn and obsessed to be a good girl. Kim

acquired the courage to criticize the unjustness of the socioculturalnorms. The process revealed, through her own words, not only thepain of a suicidal adolescent but also her efforts to heal herself.

The present study explored Kims suicide attempt from the per-spective of a clash between her adolescent selfhood and familial andsociocultural values. It highlighted the point that gaining an under-standing of adolescent suicidal behaviors requires an investigationof the sociocultural context, along with a consideration of adolescent

developmental characteristics and family relationships. The ecologi-cal model, which states that different levels interact to contribute tosuicidal behavior, can be a framework to offer cultural sensitivityand competence in improving both suicide research and practice.

References

Allport, G. (1962). The general and the unique in psychological science.Personality,30, 405422.

American Foundation for Suicide Prevention. (2009).Facts and figures: Internationalstatistics. Retrieved from http://www.afsp.org=index.cfm? Fuseactionhome.viewpage&page _id0512CA68-B182-FBB32E4CB905983C0AB8

Clandinin, D. J., & Connelly, F. M. (2000).Narrative inquiry: Experience and story inqualitative research. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

Cole, A., & Knowles, J. (Eds.). (2001). Lives in context the art of life history research.Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira.

Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry & research design (2nd ed.). ThousandOaks, CA: Sage.

Erikson, E. H. (1968).Identity: Youth and crisis. New York, NY: Norton.Flum, H., & Lavi-Yudelevitch, M. (2002). Adolescents relatedness and identity



16/18

Frank, G. (1984). Life history model of adaptation to disability: The case of acongenital amputee.Social Science and Medicine,19, 639645.

Gramling, L. F., & Carr, R. L. (2004). Lifelines: A life history methodology.

Nursing Research,

53, 207210.Haboush, J. (1991). Confucianization of Korean society. In G. Rozman (Eds.),TheEast Asian Region: Confucian heritage and its modern adaptation (pp. 84110).Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Haglund, K. (2004). Conducting life history research with adolescents. QualitativeHealth Research,14, 13091319.

Jeong, Y. S. (2005). Relationship between family functioning and eating disorders.The Korean Journal of Counseling and Psychotherapy,17, 685706.

Kidd, S. A. (2003). The need for improved operational definition of suicideattempts: Illustrations from the case of street youth. Death Studies, 27, 449455.

Kim, D.-S., & Kim, H.-S. (2010). Early initiation of alcohol drinking, cigarettesmoking, and sexual intercourse linked to suicidal ideation and attempts:Findings from the 2006 Korean Youth Risk Behavior Survey. Yonsei Medical

Journal,51(1), 1826.Kim, H. S., & Kim, H. S. (2008). Risk factors for suicide attempts among Korean

adolescents.Child Psychiatry & Human Development,39, 221235.Kim, H.-S., & Um, M.-Y. (2006). A study on the factors affecting step-family cohesion:

Focusing on the role strain variables.Family and Culture,18(4), 127155.Kim, Y.-H., & Ahn, S.-M. (2008). Effects of family adaptability and cohesion,

parent-adolescent communication, and family stress on adolescents

depression and delinquency.The Korea Journal of Youth Research,15(2), 131.

Kim, Y. S., Leventhal, B. L., Koh, Y.-J., & Boyce, W. T. (2009). Bullying increasedsuicide risk: Prospective study of Korean adolescents. Archives of SuicideResearch,13, 1530.

Leach, M. M. (2006).Cultural diversity and suicide: Ethnic, religious, gender, and sexualorientation perspectives. Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press.

Lee, J., Choi, H., Kim, M. J., Park, C. G., & Shin, D.-S. (2009). Anger as a predic-tor of suicidal ideation in middle-school students in Korea: Gender differencein threshold point. Adolescence,44(174), 433446.

Leenaars, A. A. (2002). In defense of the idiographic approach: Studies of suicide

notes and personal documents.Archives of Suicide Research, 6, 1930.Leenaars, A. A. (2008). Suicide: A cross-cultural theory. In F. T. L. Leong & M. M.

Leach (Eds.),Suicide among racial and ethnic minority groups: Theory, research, andpractice(pp. 1337). New York, NY: Routledge.

Leenaars, A. A., Maris, R. W., & Takahashi, Y. (1997). Preface. Suicide and LifeThreatening Behavior,27, 14.

Leong, F. T. L., Leach, M. M., Yeh, C., & Chou, E. (2007). Suicide among AsianAmericans: What do we know? What do we need to know? Death Studies,31,417434.

Lester, D. (2005). Predicting suicide in nations. Archives of Suicide Research, 9,

219223.Lester, D. (2008). Theories of suicide. In F. T. L. Leong & M. M. Leach (Eds.),

268 S. Yang


17/18

Mingzhao, F., Congpei, L., Jueiji, W., & Enyu, Z. (1992). Suicidal behaviour inChina. In K. L. Peng & W.-S. Tseng (Eds.), Suicidal behaviour in the Asia-Pacificregion(pp. 5868). Singapore: Singapore University Press.

Neimeyer, R. A. (2008). Series editors foreword. In F. T. L. Leong & M. M.Leach (Eds.), Suicide among racial and ethnic minority groups: Theory, research,and practice(pp. ixx). New York, NY: Routledge.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2009). OECDFactbook 2009. Paris, France: OECD Publishing.

Park, K. (1997).The Korean American dream. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University.Park, M., & Chesla, C. C. (2007). Revisiting Confucianism as a conceptual frame-

work for Asian family study.Journal of Family Nursing,13, 293311.Park, Y.-J., Ryu, H., Han, K., Kwon, J. H., Kim, H. K., Kang, H. C., . . .Shin, H.

(2010). Suicidal ideation in adolescents: An explanatory model using

LISREL.Western Journal of Nursing Research,

32, 168184.Rao, A. V., Mahendran, N., Gopalakrishnan, C., Kota Reddy, T., Prabhakar,E. R., Swaminathnan, R.,. . .Catherine, I. (1989). One hundred female burnscases: A study in suicidology. Indian Journal of Psychiatry,31(1), 4350.

Shneidman, E. (1985).Definition of suicide. New York, NY: Wiley.South Korea Ministry of Education, Science, & Technology. (2009). 2009 statisti-

cal yearbook of education. Seoul, South Korea: Korean Educational Develop-ment Institute.

South Korea National Statistical Office. (2008a).2007 annual report on the cause ofdeath statistics. Seoul, South Korea: South Korea National Statistical Office.

South Korea National Statistical Office. (2008b). Suicidal intent and the reasons of suicide. Seoul, South Korea: South Korea National Statistical Office.Retrieved from http:==www.kosis.kr=OLAP=Analysis=stat_OLAP.jsp?vwcdMT_ZTITLE&fromsrcNAVER&tbl_idDT_1W6E16&org_id101&path%20??????%20>%20??%20>%20????%20>%20??%20>%202008

Tanaka-Matsumi, J. (2001). Abnormal psychology and culture. In D. Mtsumoto(Eds.), The handbook of culture and psychology (pp. 265286). New York, NY:Oxford University Press.

Werth, J. L., Jr. (2005). Beckys legacy: Personal and professional reflections on

loss and hope.Death Studies,29, 687736.Werth, J. L., Jr. (2006). The implications of the Theresa Schiavo case for end-of-

life care and decisions. Death Studies,30, 99100.World Health Organization. (2002). World report on violence and health. Geneva,

Switzerland: Author.



18/18

Copyright of Death Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to

multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users

may print, download, or email articles for individual use.

Documents

A story of a Suicide Teenager in south korea