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UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME UNITED NATIONS ENVIRONMENT PROGRAMME WORLD BANK WORLD RESOURCES INSTITUTE Balance, Voice, and Power Decisions for the Earth W ORLD R ESOURCES 2002 2004 Full Report Forthcoming February 2003 A GUIDE TO

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Page 1: A GUIDE TO RW ESOURCES ORLD - World Resources Institutepdf.wri.org/wr2002_execsumm.pdf · World Resources 2002–2004 focuses on the importance of good envi-ronmental governance

U N I T E D N A T I O N S D E V E L O P M E N T P R O G R A M M E

U N I T E D N A T I O N S E N V I R O N M E N T P R O G R A M M E

W O R L D B A N K

W O R L D R E S O U R C E S I N S T I T U T E

B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

D e c i s i o n s f o rt h e E a r t h

WORLD RESOURCES2002–2004

Fu l l Re p o r t

F o r t hc om i n g

Fe b r u a r y 2003

A G U I D E T O

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WORLD RESOURCES REPORTCarol Rosen, Editor-in-ChiefGregory Mock, Co-DirectorWendy Vanasselt, Co-DirectorHyacinth Billings, Managing EditorMartha Downs, Associate EditorLori Han, Production EditorErin McAlister, Research AssistantRich Barnett, Outreach and Marketing

Director

DATA AND MAPSDan Tunstall, Director, Information

ProgramChristian Layke, Senior AssociateAmy Cassara, Research AnalystDaniel Prager, Research AssistantRobin White, Senior AssociateJanet Nackoney, Research AnalystCarmen Revenga, Senior AssociateJohnathan Kool, AssociateYumiko Kura, Associate

PR INC IPAL PARTNERSUnited Nations Development Programme

Charles McNeill, Jake WerksmanUnited Nations Environment Programme

Marion Cheatle, GerardCunningham, Mirjam Schomaker(consultant)

World BankKristalina Georgieva, Kirk Hamilton

SEN IOR ADV ISORSGustavo Alanis Ortega, Centro

Mexicano de Derecho AmbientalRichard Andrews, Professor of

Environmental Policy, University ofNorth Carolina at Chapel Hill

Gyula Bandi, President, Board ofDirectors, EnvironmentalManagement and Law Association

Duncan Brack, Head, SustainableDevelopment Programme, TheRoyal Institute of InternationalAffairs

Esther Camac, Directora General, Áreade Relaciones Internacionales,Asociación Inzacavaa de Desarrollo eInformación Indigena

Fabio Feldmann, Executive Secretary,Brazilian Forum on Climate Change;Special Advisor on the WSSD to thePresident of Brazil

Madhav Gadgil, Professor, Centre for Ecological Sciences, IndianInstitute of Science

Habiba Gitay, Capacity BuildingCoordinator, Millennium EcosystemAssessment

Chris Herlugson, Group BiodiversitySpecialist, BP America, Inc.

Peter Lee, National Coordinator, GlobalForest Watch Canada

Bedrich Moldan, Director,Environment Center, CharlesUniversity

Hubert Ouedraogo, Faculty of Law andPolitical Science, University ofOuagadougou

Anand Panyarachun, Chairman of theCouncil of Trustees, ThailandDevelopment Research Institute

Qian Yi, Civil and EnvironmentalEngineering Department, TsinghuaUniversity

Ralph Taylor, President, GreenleafComposting Company

Erna Witoelar, Co-Chair, Partnershipfor Governance Reform, Indonesia

THE ACCESS IN I T I AT I VEElena Petkova, DirectorFrances Seymour, Director, Institutions

and Governance ProgramCrescencia Maurer, AssociateNorbert Henninger, Deputy Director,

Information ProgramFrances Irwin, FellowGretchen Hoff, Program CoordinatorAndrew Buchman, Communications

CoordinatorJohn Coyle, Program Assistant

THE ACCESS IN I T I AT I VE PARTNERSAdvocates Coalition for Development

and Environment (ACODE), UgandaAgricultural Cooperative Development

International (ACDI), UgandaAustral Center for Environmental Law,

ChileCentro de Investigación y Planificación

del Medio Ambiente (CIPMA), ChileCentro Mexicano de Derechos

Ambientales (CEMDA), MexicoComunicación y Educación Ambiental,

MexicoCorporación PARTICIPA, ChileCultural Ecológica, MexicoEcological Institute for Sustainable

Development (Miskolc), HungaryEnvironmental Justice Networking

Forum (EJNF), South AfricaEnvironmental Law and Management

Clinic of Technikon Pretoria, SouthAfrica

Environmental Law Institute (ELI),USA

Environmental Management and LawAssociation (EMLA), Hungary

Environmental Partnership for CentralEurope (ÖKOTÁRS), Hungary

Fundación RIDES, ChileFundación Terram, ChileIndonesian Center for Environmental

Law (ICEL)King Prajadhipok’s Institute (KPI),

ThailandNGO-Coordinating Committee on

Development (NGO-COD), ThailandOhio Citizen Action, USAPresencia Ciudadana, MexicoSilicon Valley Toxics Coalition (SVTC),

USASociety for Participatory Research in

Asia (PRIA), IndiaSustainable Development Institute,

HungaryThailand Environment InstituteUganda Wildlife SocietyWorld Resources Institute, USA

WORLD RESOURCES

2002–2004

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U N I T E D N A T I O N S D E V E L O P M E N T P R O G R A M M E

U N I T E D N A T I O N S E N V I R O N M E N T P R O G R A M M E

W O R L D B A N K

W O R L D R E S O U R C E S I N S T I T U T E

W O R L D R E S O U R C E S I N S T I T U T E Washington, D.C.

B a l a n c e , Voi c e , a n d Pow e r

D e c i s i o n s f o rt h e E a r t h

WORLD RESOURCES

2002–2004

A G U I D E T O

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How we decide

and who gets to decide

often determines what we decide.

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Who should decide whether to build a road or a dam, or howmuch timber or fish to harvest? What difference does it make if the public

is consulted? Do democratic rights and civil liberties contribute to better

environmental management? Should local citizens or advocacy groups

have the right to appeal a decision they believe harms an ecosystem or is

unfair? What is the best way to fight corruption among government

bureaucrats who manage our forests, water, grasslands, and parks?

These are all questions about how we make environmental decisions

and who makes them—the process we call environmental governance.

How we decide and who gets to decide often determines what we decide,

so questions of governance are crucial. That is especially true today, when

our decisions stand in stark relief against a backdrop of dying reefs,

degraded forests, and dirty air—the reflection of our past failures.

World Resources 2002–2004 focuses on the importance of good envi-

ronmental governance. We explore how citizens, government managers,

and business owners can foster better environmental decisions—

decisions that meet the needs of both ecosystems and people with equity

and balance.

WORLD RESOURCES

2002–2004S U M M A R Y

D E C I S I O N SF O R T H E

E A R T HB a l a n c e , Vo i c e , a n d P o w e r

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The Goals of the Report

W orld Resources 2002–2004 has three goals. Thefirst is to define in everyday terms what envi-ronmental governance means and how itrelates to today’s environmental trends and

social conditions. That involves probing what lies behind theenvironmental decisions that shape our lives. It means enu-merating the variety of players and decision points that medi-ate our impacts on Earth’s ecosystems. It requires examiningwhether decisions are made transparently and the publicaccountability of the decision-makers. It involves exploringthe role of good information and public participation in envi-ronmental affairs. It means looking at the rights and respon-sibilities that come with private and public ownership of theenvironment. These are all elements of how we exercise ourauthority over the planet, which is really what environmentalgovernance is about.

The second goal is to assess the state of environmentalgovernance in nations around the world. How close are we toembodying good governance practices? Measuring our gover-nance performance is difficult. For example, how should wemeasure transparency of government agencies? What consti-tutes adequate public participation in resource-related deci-sions? What is an “effective” law or regulation?

Until now, no one has undertaken a systematic study ofenvironmental governance indicators. Here we report on a

first attempt to do this—the Access Initiative. This ground-breaking effort, undertaken by an international consortium ofpublic interest groups, assesses the openness and accessibilityof environmental decision-making in nine nations. Theresults of the Access Initiative give a detailed picture of howwell the public in the surveyed nations can participate in localand national decisions about the natural environment theyinhabit. They offer a guide to better governance by identifyingthe kinds of information and involvement people require tobecome active partners in the management of ecosystems.

Our third goal is to advance the thesis that attention tobetter environmental governance is one of the most directroutes to reversing the world’s environmental decline. Inpractice, better governance must translate to more inclusiveprocesses for making decisions about natural resources.Institutions must clearly integrate environmental concernsinto everyday activities and economic decisions. Naturalresource management agencies like forestry, agriculture,mining, and environment ministries need to reshape theirmission and structure around maintaining the health ofecosystems.

In this report, we consider ecosystems as the fundamen-tal biological engines of the world economy and the founda-tions of a sustainable future. They form the physical anchorfor our consideration of environmental governance. For ourpurposes, environmental governance is only effective if itleads to fair and sustainable management of ecosystems.

2A G U I D E T O W O R L D R E S O U R C E S 2 0 0 2 – 2 0 0 4

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What Is Environmental Governance?

W ho let this happen? Who’s responsible for thismess? These are typical questions people askin reaction to a local environmental disaster orto the steady deterioration of global environ-

mental conditions. For most people, it is not obvious who is“in charge” of the environment, or how decisions are madeabout developing, using, or managing ecosystems.

Governance is about decisions and how we make them. It isabout the exercise of authority, about being in charge. Itrelates to decision-makers at all levels—government managersand ministers, business people, property owners, farmers,and consumers. In short, governance deals with who is respon-sible, how they wield their power, and how they are heldaccountable.

In this report, we look at governance specifically as itrelates to the environment, and we try to evaluate it from theperspective of public empowerment and participation: Whohas a voice? Who is empowered to make decisions that affectecosystems and the communities that depend on them: is itlocal communities? private corporations? government agen-cies? international trade organizations?

Property rights, water and mineral rights, and other userights granted by the state are an important aspect of thesequestions. How are these rights awarded? To what extentshould the public be involved when the exercise of theserights affects the surrounding environment and human com-munities? What about indigenous groups and the poor whoare frequently denied these rights? What if no one “owns” aresource, such as deep ocean fish stocks, and there is littleeffective control over its use—an absence of authority? Theseare governance matters as well.

Environmental governance is also about the manner inwhich decisions are made: in secret or in public? Who has aseat at the table during deliberations? How are the interests ofaffected communities and ecosystems represented? How aredecision-makers held responsible for the integrity of the deci-sion process and for the results of their decisions?

Unfamil iar but EverydayAlthough the term governance may not be familiar in com-mon parlance, the themes of governance are all around us.U.S.-based Enron Corporation’s misleading energy tradingpractices. Human displacement by China’s Three GorgesDam. “Salmon wars” between the United States and Canadaover harvest limits for Pacific salmon. The struggle overwhether genetically modified foods should be labeled orbarred from trade. The political battle surrounding the KyotoProtocol to address climate change. These cases deal withsecret decisions, decisions that lack local backing, disputesover rules, fairness, protecting the public interest.

In fact, governance issues—and matters of environmentalgovernance in particular—are extraordinarily dynamic today.

The right of citizen participation; the transparency of organi-zations and processes; the need to address public corruption;the right to obtain information from governments and busi-nesses about environmental conditions, pollutants, or landuse decisions; the extent to which environmental protectionshould be included in global trade agreements: all of these arethe subject not just of academic policy discussions, but dailynewspaper articles and hot public debate.

We see governance at work in the decisions about whetherwe will log or graze a certain area, build a road through a parkor a large undeveloped parcel, divert water from a river forfarms or houses nearby. These decisions have obvious andimmediate environmental impacts.

But governance also encompasses all the ways we exerciseauthority over the environment more generally, includinghow we set the timing or the overall strategy of managementactions like timber harvests or fishing limits, and how we

3D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

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determine their financing and enforcement. Even the settingof economic policies such as tariffs on imported logs, subsi-dies for fishing boats or renewable energy, or giving a greenlight to foreign investment in a natural gas pipeline, areimportant aspects of environmental governance since thesepolicies determine the economic incentives that drive busi-ness decisions that impact the environment.

Environmental governance is inevitably associated withinstitutions—the organizations where official authority oftenresides. These commonly include the government ministriesof environment, agriculture, mining, or finance, or environ-mental regulatory agencies. But governance also encom-passes oversight or advisory groups, corporate councils andtrade groups, and even private think tanks and advocacygroups that help to formulate policy. Overall, then, environ-mental governance takes in the whole range of institutionsand decision-making practices that communities use to man-age their environment and control natural resources.

Sometimes we use the term governance very broadly todescribe not just the process of decision-making, but theactual management actions—where and when to log, or how tolimit fishing or distribute grazing permits—that result. Inother words, in our day-to-day experience we intertwine envi-ronmental governance and ecosystem management, which iswhere the real impact of decisions becomes visible. In truth,environmental governance goes beyond the actual decisionson how to manage natural resources to include the decision-making framework—the laws, policies, regulations, bureau-cracies, and formal procedures—within which managers maketheir decisions. It sets the larger context that either enablesor constrains management.

Does It Reach Beyond Governments?A common mistake is to confuse governance with govern-ment—the set of institutions we normally associate with polit-ical authority. Clearly, governments are important players inhow ecosystems are managed and how natural resources areexploited or conserved. National laws and regulatory frame-works set the formal rules for managing natural resources byrecognizing discrete property, mineral, or water rights. Theyalso establish the legal mandates of government agencieswith responsibility for environmental protection andresource management. It is these government institutionsthat we frequently associate with big environmental deci-sions and the responsibility to govern nature.

Governments also act internationally (often through theUnited Nations) to set ground rules about pollution, wateruse, fishing fleets, and other activities that affect resourcesacross political boundaries. One of the most visible aspects ofthis global environmental governance is a large set of interna-tional environmental treaties, such as the Convention on Bio-logical Diversity, the Kyoto Protocol on greenhouse gases, theConvention on the Law of the Sea, and the Montreal Protocolto protect the stratospheric ozone layer. Multinational bodiessuch as the World Bank and the World Trade Organization arealso assuming greater environmental significance in anincreasingly globalized and interdependent world economy.

But environmental governance goes beyond the officialactions of governments. Sometimes, corporations or individ-uals act in the state’s place to harvest or manage resources.For instance, states may grant forest or mining concessionsto companies for a fee, allowing them broad discretion to cuttrees, build roads, or make other important land use deci-

4A G U I D E T O W O R L D R E S O U R C E S 2 0 0 2 – 2 0 0 4

E n v i r o n m e n t a l g o v e r n a n c e i s t h e e x e r c i s e o f a u t h o r i t y

o v e r n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s a n d t h e e n v i r o n m e n t .

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sions. Or the state may privatize once-public functions likethe delivery of water, electricity, or wastewater treatment,again putting a host of environmental choices—from waterpricing to power plant construction—into private hands.

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) such as environ-mental organizations, civic groups, labor unions, and neigh-borhood groups have become potent advocates for better andfairer environmental decisions in the last three decades. Theactions of industry groups, trade associations, and share-holder groups also influence the way companies do businessby promoting or obstructing cleaner processes, better envi-ronmental accounting practices, or by pointing out thefinancial liabilities of business practices that harm theenvironment.

Governance includes our individual choices and actionswhen these influence larger public policies or affect corporatebehavior. Voting, lobbying, participating in public hearings,or joining an environmental watchdog or monitoring groupare typical ways that individuals can influence environmentaldecisions. Our actions as consumers are powerful governanceforces. For example, the choice to purchase environmentallyfriendly products like organic produce, certified lumber, or afuel-efficient car influences the environmental behavior ofbusinesses through the marketplace. Consumer choices cansometimes be as powerful as government regulations in tem-pering business decisions that affect the environment.

An ecosystem is a community of interacting organisms and thephysical environment they live in. They are the productiveengines of the planet—the source of food, water, and otherbiological goods and services that sustain us. To be effective,environmental governance must lead to fair and sustainablemanagement of ecosystems. However, ecosystems bring spe-cial governance challenges.

Ecosystem scales differ: Ecosystems exist at multiplescales, from a single stream, bog, or meadow, to a major riversystem or regional forest. How can management structures betailored to match?

Uses and users vary: Ecosystems produce many differentgoods and services—fish, timber, crops, recreation—and mustserve many different stakeholders, from local residents tocommercial harvesters. Not all these uses and users are com-patible, but what is the optimum mix? How are trade-offsmade and disputes resolved?

Threats are cumulative: Many ecosystem threats, such ashabitat loss or agricultural run-off into waterways, come fromcumulative actions that occur at different scales and from dif-ferent sources. How can environmental policies address theselarge scale and integrated threats?

Recovery while in use: Most ecosystems are alreadyimpaired in some way, but they remain under heavy use. Howcan use be moderated to allow recovery without disenfran-chising those who depend on ecosystems for subsistence andemployment?

G ove r n a n c e a n d E c o s y s te m s

Our Dependence and Impact on Ecosystems

Annual value of global agricultural $1.3 trillionproduction

Percentage of global agricultural lands 65%showing soil degradation

Population directly dependent 350 millionon forests for survival

Decline in global forest cover 50%since preagricultural times

Population dependent primarily 1 billionon fish for protein

Percentage of global fisheries overfished 75%or fished at their biological limit

Percentage of world population living 41%in water-stressed river basins

Percentage of normal global river flow 20%extracted for human use

Percentage of major river basins strongly 60%or moderately fragmented by dams

Percentage of Earth’s total biological 40–50%productivity diverted to human use

5D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

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Much of today’s environmental degradation is a direct resultof poor environmental governance.

■ The depletion of many marine fish stocks, such as cod,blue fin tuna, or patagonian toothfish, stems from the fail-ure of government fishing ministries to limit and allocatefishing rights among a growing number of fishers that useincreasingly effective fishing gear. In many countries, noeffective authority exists over fishingactivities, resulting in open accessand unrestricted exploitation. Thefact that many fish stocks—such assalmon and tuna—move between thewaters of two or more nations has ledto conflicts and magnified the gover-nance failure.

■ The disruption of the world’s riversystems with dams and canals thatalter the normal hydrological cycle isoften the result of compartmental-ized decision-making, in which plansto build dams, extend irrigated agri-culture, and fill wetlands have beenformulated without considering theimpacts on downstream water usersor the aquatic environment itself.

■ Deforestation is often catalyzed bytimber companies that gain access to forest resourcesthrough corruption, and is exacerbated by the failure ofgovernment agencies to enforce forest protection laws, orget beyond management approaches that emphasize com-modity production rather than forest health.

■ At the global level, the refusal of the United States and afew other nations to embrace the Kyoto Protocol or negoti-ate other measures to systematically cut greenhouse gasemissions is the result of disagreement over a fair way todistribute the costs of such emission reductions.

The inability of government institutions to manageecosystems for their health rather than simply for maximumyield, to fairly apportion costs and benefits of naturalresource use, to manage resources across departmental andpolitical boundaries, or to confront the disease of corruptionare hallmarks of poor environmental governance. Businessdecision-makers have compounded these problems by mar-ginalizing environmental concerns in their business models.

As a result, ecosystems remain at great jeopardy, and withthem the livelihoods and continued well-being of communi-ties everywhere. Poor communities are particularly vulnera-

ble to failed governance, since they rely more heavily on nat-ural resources for subsistence and income, and are less likelyto share in property rights that give them legal control overthese resources.

Nonetheless, improved environmental governance holdspromise for reversing ecosystem degradation by a more care-ful balancing of human needs and ecosystem processes.

■ In the Indian states of West Bengal,Orissa, and several others, a change inthe states’ forest policies has led to asignificant recovery of degradedforests and the biodiversity they har-bor. Rather than treat local people asinterlopers on state-owned forestlands, the state is allowing local com-munities to manage some of theforests themselves. Local people sharethe increased productivity of therecovering forests with the state, pro-viding a strong incentive for long-term stewardship and self-policing.

■ In the Philippines, cooperationamong government officials, non-governmental organizations (NGOs),religious leaders, and the media hashelped reduce illegal logging.

■ In the United Kingdom, a law requiring industrial facili-ties to provide information to the public about toxicreleases led to a 40 percent reduction in releases of cancer-causing substances to the air over the past three years.

■ South Africa’s recent water reforms take an unusually far-sighted, ecologically grounded approach to resource man-agement. Laws enacted in 1997 and 1998 mandate that thecountry maintain an environmental “reserve”—theamount of water that freshwater systems require to remainrobust—while also ensuring access to a basic provision ofwater as every citizen’s “right,” and vastly expanding thescope for local participation in water management.

■ At the international level, the Montreal Protocol onSubstances that Deplete the Ozone Layer—a treaty con-cluded in 1987—has been instrumental in nearly elimi-nating the manufacture and use of chemicals that harmthe stratospheric ozone layer in developed countries.And through the treaty’s innovative financing mecha-nism, developing countries have already cut their con-sumption of these chemicals by half, on the way to fullyphasing them out by 2010.

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W H A T ’ S A T S T A K E ?

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7D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

Better Governance, Better Equity

One of the strongest arguments for encouragingbetter governance is that it requires us to focus—not just on the technical details of how to manage,but on the social dimension of natural resource

use and ecosystem management. This includes how we valueecosystems, how we set the goals for our management, how

we negotiate trade-offs between conflicting uses or goals, andhow we make sure the costs and benefits of our decisions areequitably shared. In fact, a focus on governance adds anexplicit consideration of fairness to the goals of ecosystemmanagement.

Science and technology can help us answer questionsabout what kinds of management actions are most effective inprotecting or restoring ecological integrity. For example, con-

Institutions and Laws: Who makes and enforces the rules for using natural resources? • What are the rules and thepenalties for breaking them? • Who resolves disputes?Government ministries; regional water or pollution control boards; local zoning departments and governing

councils; international bodies like the United Nations or World Trade Organization; industry trade organizations. • Environ-mental and economic laws, policies, rules, treaties, and enforcement regimes; corporate codes of conduct. • Courts andadministrative review panels.

Participation Rights and Representation: How can the public influence or contest the rules over natural resources?• Who represents those who use or depend on natural resources when decisions on these resources are made?Freedom of Information laws; public hearings, reviews, and comment periods on environmental plans and actions;

ability to sue in court, lodge a complaint, or demand an administrative review of a rule or decision. • Elected legislators, appointedrepresentatives, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) representing local people or other environmental stakeholders.

Authority Level: At what level or scale—local, regional, national, international—does the authority over resourcesreside? Distribution of official rulemaking, budgeting, and investment power at different levels of government (e.g., district

forest office, regional air pollution control board, national agriculture ministry, international river basin authority).

Accountability and Transparency: How do those who control and manage natural resources answer for theirdecisions, and to whom? • How open to scrutiny is the decision-making process?Elections; public oversight bodies; performance reviews; opinion polls; financial audits; corporate boards of

directors; stockholder meetings. • Availability of public records of rules, decisions, and complaints; corporate financial state-ments; public inventories of pollutant releases from industrial facilities, power plants, and water treatment facilities.

Property Rights and Tenure: Who owns a natural resource or has the legal right to control it?Land titles; water, mineral, fishing, or other use rights; tribal or traditional community-based property rights;logging, mining, and park recreation concessions.

Markets and Financial Flows: How do financial practices, economic policies, and market behavior influence authorityover natural resources? Private sector investment patterns and lending practices; government aid and lending by multilateral development

banks; trade policies and tariffs; corporate business strategies; organized consumer activities such as product boycotts orpreferences; stockholder initiatives related to company environmental behavior.

Science and Risk: How are ecological and social science incorporated into decisions on natural resource use toreduce risks to people and ecosystems and identify new opportunities?Science advisory panels (e.g., Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [IPCC]); natural resource inventories

(e.g., Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations biennial State of World Fisheries and Aquaculture report);ground- and satellite-based ecosystem monitoring programs (e.g., Millennium Ecosystem Assessment); national censusesand economic tracking; company health, safety, and environment reports.

S e ve n E l e m e n t s o f E n v i r o n m e n ta l G ove r n a n c e

1

2

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Around the world, individuals and civil society aregaining influence over resource decisions oncemade only by the elite. In part, this reflects a new

ability to gather and wield environmental information as alever for greater government accountability. Global ForestWatch (GFW), a nongovernmental organization dedicated tomonitoring and publicizing what goes on in the world’s forests,is an example of the potential for new information technolo-gies to change old governance patterns.

T h e Te c h n o l o g y o f A c c e s sThe satellite image that Susan Minnemeyer has created ofCameroon’s forests is a treasure map: a detailed key to theregion’s timber resources and routes of access. Minnemeyer,head mapper for GFW, adds information layer by layer toenhance the image: she outlines areas leased by the govern-ment to private firms for harvest, park boundaries, and loggingroads–both new and existing.

Using mapping capabilities (called geographic informationsystems, or GIS) developed over the last two decades and anetwork of on-the-ground observers, GFW has broken theusual government and industry monopoly on forest informa-tion. By providing independent oversight of how forests areused and who reaps the benefits, GFW encourages trans-parency in local forest decisions—such as who can harvesttimber, build roads, establish plantations or farms—and helpsto detect and restrain illegal logging and under-the-table dealsby forest bureaucrats.

I n fo r m at i o n I s Powe rOversight requires vigilance, technology, and teamwork. Many ofthe new forest roads on Minnemeyer’s map are legitimateaccess roads into active timber concessions, but others impingeon parks and protected areas or zones not yet legally open tologging. When the mapping team finds those, they contactobservers on the ground who can verify illegal activity. In each ofeight forest nations, GFW teams up with local forest advocateswho monitor the activities of loggers in their areas, access gov-ernment and timber company records when possible, and pressthe case when irregularities are found.

This application of new technology, focused and interpretedwith local expertise, has brought unaccustomed access to for-est officials and government decision-makers. In the past, whenlocal environmental advocates met with government regulatorsto discuss oversight of logging concessions, they were oftendismissed, even though they had direct knowledge of abusesand infractions. Often, when they asked officials for maps offorest concessions to check their findings, they were told thatnone existed. Today, they can bring their own maps—credible,computer-generated, and easy to update. While forestry offi-cials may not be authorized to release maps like GFW’s, they

may be willing to correct, update, or at least endorse the forestmaps that GFW produces—in the process confirming data theywould not have volunteered.

With accurate and timely data available at the click of amouse, reporters are more willing to cover stories that wouldotherwise be vague. In Canada and the African nation ofGabon, Global Forest Watch maps, accessible via the Internet,have formed the basis for newspaper and magazine articlesdetailing trends in forest use. Using GFW’s web-based mapsand his own knowledge of Gabon’s political scene, one jour-nalist linked many errant logging companies to close associ-ates of the country’s top politicians.

B r o k e r i n g C h a n g eBy compiling information and making it freely available to all—governments, local citizen groups, industries, environmentalnongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and internationalwood consumers—Global Forest Watch strives to be an hon-est broker of forest information. This comprehensive informa-tion can be a powerful force for better resource management.The Swedish furniture maker IKEA uses GFW data to avoidbuying uncertified wood from the world’s remaining intactforests. Reliable information is so important to their green

I n fo r m at i o n Te c h n o l o g y : A M a p to A c c o u n ta b i l i t y

8A G U I D E T O W O R L D R E S O U R C E S 2 0 0 2 – 2 0 0 4

A satellite image of southwestern Cameroon showing Campo Ma’an

National Park (green) and logging concessions (purple) in the area.

Logging roads digitized from 1999–2001 satellite imagery are shown

in orange.

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servation science can estimate how large an area of forest weshould preserve to ensure the survival of various species ofwildlife or plants. Atmospheric science can model howquickly greenhouse gas emissions must be reduced to stabi-lize their build-up in the atmosphere and avoid catastrophicchanges in the global climate system.

However, conservation science cannot tell us how best toresolve conflicts between local communities and loggingcompanies over the fate of the forest, and atmospheric sci-ence cannot tell us how responsibility for reducing emis-sions should be distributed. These are governance ques-tions involving the balance of ethical and moral concerns,social and economic goals, and the tolerances of the naturalsystem.

Similarly, economic analysis can answer questions aboutthe most efficient methods for achieving various ecosystemmanagement objectives. For example, economic analysis caninform the design of a system of taxes and subsidies toencourage electricity producers to build more efficient powerplants, or to encourage polluting factories to reduce theiremissions.

But economic analysis cannot tell us how best torespond to community concerns over the siting of thosepower plants and factories. Again, it is the challenge of gov-ernance to answer the questions: “What’s fair?” and“What’s the right balance?” in addition to giving insightsinto what is efficient and effective in the real world of com-peting interests.

9D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

marketing strategy and corporate image that they helpfund GFW’s data collection. Other large wood consumerslike Home Depot in the United States are also starting tosupport responsible forest management, and are eager forbetter information on the harvest practices of their timbersources. By giving these large customers the tools to pres-sure major exporting nations, GFW begins to change theincentives for good forest management.

The success of GFW shows that technological innovationcan be a catalyst for changing how decisions are made andwho shares in the decision-making process. Unfortunately,new technologies can just as easily undermine sounddecision-making and public participation. The same satellitedata and mapping software that GFW relies on to track foresttrends can also be used by industries to locate prime timberfor quick extraction. And the same communication technolo-gies that allow environmental networking and encouragemedia coverage can facilitate public graft and illegal logging,and make it easy to transfer ill-gotten gains offshore.

As new standards for disclosure make data more avail-able, technology will increasingly supply ecosystem infor-mation to the people who need it in a form they can use. Attheir best, neutral brokers such as Global Forest Watchallow the forest ecosystem to speak for itself, assuring reg-ulators, stakeholders, and consumers that the data they areusing are as complete and unbiased as possible.

For more information about Global Forest Watch, visitwww.globalforestwatch.org.

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Principles of EnvironmentalGovernance

We have known the basic principles of good envi-ronmental decision-making for more than adecade. The 172 nations that attended the RioEarth Summit in 1992 all endorsed environ-

mental governance principles when they signed the Rio Dec-laration on Environment and Development—a charter of 27principles meant to guide the world community toward sus-tainable development. The problem in applying these goodgovernance practices is not their novelty, but the fact thatthey profoundly challenge traditional government institu-tions and economic practices.

Make Decis ions at the Appropriate Level Often, decisions about ecosystems and natural resources aremade far from the resource—perhaps in a capital city or anagency’s regional headquarters—by people who lack the localcontext or an understanding of their decision’s local impact.In other words, decision-making tends to be centralized andisolated from the people and places affected. Sometimes, abetter approach is to let local communities or neighborhoodsmake decisions about the resources around them. In manyinstances, drawing on local knowledge can bring moreinformed decisions that serve ecosystems and people better.

But local management may not be appropriate or practicalin every instance, and there is a time and place for agenciesabove the local level to intervene, such as national or regionalauthorities. Generally, the appropriate level for decision-making is determined by the scale of the natural system to bemanaged. Management of a small forest could appropriatelybe undertaken by the surrounding communities, while man-agement of a major river basin or an area of globally signifi-cant biodiversity might require cooperation across nationalborders. Thus, finding the “appropriate level” to placeauthority over ecosystem decisions sometimes requiresdevolving the authority to lower, more local levels of decision-making—called decentralization. At other times it involvesrelinquishing authority to higher levels with a greater geo-graphic and political reach. This is especially true when tack-ling problems like air pollution and acid rain that have “trans-boundary” effects and require regional solutions.

Sometimes, the most effective recipe for environmentalgovernance involves mixed responsibility—granting somekinds of authority to the local level and retaining others at ahigher level. For example, it might be appropriate for anational wildlife management agency to retain the authorityfor setting annual quotas for hunting licenses based on largescale trends in wildlife populations. But decisions aboutwhether, when, and how to award such licenses within theestablished quota might best be left to local governments orcommunity organizations that can respond to local huntingpractices and conditions.

The Aarhus Convention is an environmental treaty thatturns the 1992 Rio Declaration's vague commitmentsto the principles of access into specific legal obliga-

tions. Since its negotiation in 1998 as a regional agreementamong the countries of the United Nations Economic Com-mission for Europe (UNECE), 22 nations in Europe and CentralAsia have become Parties to the treaty, and 40 have signed it.It entered into force in October 2001, and is now open to sig-nature by all nations of the world.

The Convention not only recognizes the basic right of everyperson of present and future generations to a healthy environ-ment but also specifies how the authorities at all levels willprovide fair and transparent decision-making processes,access to information, and access to redress. For example, theConvention requires broad access to information about thestate of air and atmosphere, water, land, and biological diver-sity; information about influences on the environment such asenergy, noise, development plans, and policies; and informa-tion about how these influences affect human health andsafety. A person does not need to prove "legal standing" torequest information or to comment on official decisions thataffect the environment, and the Convention requires that gov-ernments respond to requests for information from any personof any nationality within one month.

The Aarhus Convention also gives citizens, organizations,and governments the right to investigate and seek to curtailpollution caused by public and private entities in other coun-tries that are parties to the treaty. For example, a Hungarianpublic interest group could demand information on airborneemissions from a Czech factory. For most signatory countries,meeting the standards of the treaty will require authorities tochange how they disseminate environmental information tothe public, to create new systems of environmental reportingby businesses and government, to improve the practice ofpublic notification and comment, and to change judicialprocesses.

Adopting and implementing the Aarhus Convention's prin-ciples beyond its European base could provide a straightfor-ward route to better access at a global level. But while there isgrowing interest in endorsing the Aarhus principles in LatinAmerica, southern Africa, and the Asia-Pacific region, manycountries perceive the treaty's concepts of democratic deci-sion-making about the environment as too liberal or threaten-ing to commercial confidentiality. Some countries are alsoreluctant to adopt a treaty that they did not have a chance toshape initially. Nonetheless, the Aarhus Convention stands asan example of real progress toward a global understanding ofwhat access is and how it can be manifested in national lawsand practices.

The Aarhus Convention:

S tate - o f - t h e - A r t A c c e s s

10A G U I D E T O W O R L D R E S O U R C E S 2 0 0 2 – 2 0 0 4

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Provide Access to Information,Partic ipation, and RedressThe heart of good environmental governance is decision-making that is “accessible”—that is, decisions are transparentand open to public input and oversight. The Rio Declarationestablished that access has three primary elements—access toinformation, access to decision-making and the opportunityto participate, and access to redress and legal remedy. Thesethree access principles must all be present for an effective sys-tem of public participation.

The first foundation of access is information: about theenvironment, about the decisions at hand and their environ-mental implications, and about the decision-making processitself. Without these, meaningful public participation isimpossible. For example, communities have a right to knowabout contaminants in local drinking water supplies and theirpotential health impacts so that they can make informed deci-sions about whether to drink the water. Communities alsoneed to be informed about proposed actions that mightthreaten drinking water quality—such as the opening of a haz-ardous waste storage site—so that they can ensure that theirinterests are represented when these actions are debated.

A second foundation of access is the opportunity to partic-ipate in the decision-making process itself—the chance to giveinput and influence the decision-makers. In addition toopportunities to provide input on specific projects—such asthe siting of a dam or the size of a timber harvest—the publicalso needs a chance to weigh in on the design of more generallaws, policies, or regulations. Thus, new framework legisla-tion related to forests or mining, changes in policies on landuse planning, and revisions to regulations governing auto-mobile emission standards should all be subject to publichearings, comment periods, or other mechanisms to solicitpublic input, beginning at the earliest stages.

The third foundation of access is the ability to seek redress orchallenge a decision if stakeholders consider it flawed or unfair.Usually, this translates to giving the public access to judicial oradministrative remedies if public officials fail to perform theirmanagement or decision-making roles appropriately. For exam-ple, forest advocates may wish to challenge the accuracy of ananalysis that managers have used to set the size and location ofa logging concession. Or if a government agency refuses on thegrounds of national security to provide information about a pro-ject or facility with significant environmental impacts, citizensmay want to appeal that decision to an independent arbiter.

Integrate the Environment intoAl l Decis ionsThe integration principle asserts that consideration for theenvironment should be part of every major business, resource,or economic development decision. This means making theenvironment a frontline factor in decisions rather than mar-ginalizing it as something to be protected after the fact.Because ecosystems are affected by a wide range of decisions in

every sector of the economy, ecosystem management and envi-ronmental protection cannot be the concern of environmentalpolicy-makers alone. Ecosystems must be the responsibility ofthose charged with promoting agriculture and industrial devel-opment, as well as those focused on providing access to elec-tricity, transport, and water services. They must be the concernof private businesses as much as public agencies, of financialinvestors as much as fisheries or forest managers.

A critical challenge is thus bringing the goals of environ-mental sustainability into the decision-making practices oforganizations that do not see environmental concerns as partof their core mandates. For example, how can governmentagencies responsible for navigation and flood control beencouraged to conserve biodiversity when they alter the nat-ural contours of rivers? How can the multinational develop-ment banks like the World Bank be encouraged to combineenvironmental sustainability with their efforts to reducepoverty? How can financial markets be altered to enableinvestors to include environmental performance as a factorwhen deciding which company’s shares to buy? At least part ofthe answer is the improved practice of access and governing atthe correct scale—the first two Rio principles. Participatorymanagement and open, transparent decision-making abouteconomic decisions gives people with environmental con-cerns the chance to raise them—to “integrate” their largergoals and priorities for the ecosystem with business decisions.

11D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

T H E R I O D E C L A R AT I O N : Key Governance Principles

P r inciple 4In order to achieve sustainable development, environmentalprotection shall constitute an integral part of the develop-ment process and cannot be considered in isolation from it.

P r inciple 1 0Environmental issues are best handled with the participa-tion of all concerned citizens, at the relevant level. At thenational level, each individual shall have appropriate accessto information concerning the environment that is held bypublic authorities, including information on hazardousmaterials and activities in their communities, and the oppor-tunity to participate in decision-making processes. Statesshall facilitate and encourage public awareness and partic-ipation by making information widely available. Effectiveaccess to judicial and administrative proceedings, includingredress and remedy, shall be provided.

Adopted by 178 nations, June 1992, Rio de Janeiro, United NationsConference on Environment and Development

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T H E E L E M E N T S O F A C C E S S : T H E F O U N D A T I O N S O F P U B L I C P A R T I C I P A T I O N

Why does this concept of “access” matter? Access to environmental information is important because

an informed public is more alert to problems, more apt to challenge the conventional wisdom of govern-

ment or corporate decision-makers, more capable of discussing the issues, and more likely to organize

social and political change. Access to decisions matters because people want and need to shape the

choices that affect their well-being—the quality of the air they breathe, the purity of the water they drink,

the aesthetics of their neighborhood, or the wildness of their favorite place to hike. When people have

access to justice—where independent courts supply remedy and redress free from politics—there is

greater accountability for decisions that affect the environment.

The Access Initiative: How OpenIs the Door to Participation?

In 2000, a global coalition of 25 civil society groupscalled the Access Initiative set out to measure the pub-lic’s ability to participate in decisions about the envi-ronment. For this pilot assessment, the Access Initia-

tive focused on laws and public experiences in nine countries:Chile, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Mexico, South Africa,Thailand, Uganda, and the United States. These countriesrepresent a range of income levels, development paths, andcultural and political traditions. The findings, summarizedhere, give a good indication of public access to environmentaldecision-making around the globe.

The Access Initiative framed its assessment around thethree elements of Principle 10 of the 1992 Rio Declaration,which asserts that access to information, to the decision-mak-ing process, and to a system of justice are all essential compo-nents of a comprehensive system of public participation.

Assessment teams in each of the countries surveyed used acommon methodology, including review of planning docu-ments, legislation, and court cases; interviews with govern-ment officials and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs);questionnaires; requests for information; and media analy-sis. Using this material, the assessment teams measured howwell public authorities provide:

1. Access to Environmental Information. Access to envi-ronmental information enables the public to makeinformed personal choices, contributes to the protec-tion of the environment, and encourages improvementin environmental performance by industry.

The Access Initiative focused on access to four criticaltypes of environmental information:

■ Information about day-to-day environmental quality,such as air and water quality, which helps people decidewhether to exercise outside, drink water from the tap, or

INFORMATION PARTICIPATION JUSTICE

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take other actions to lessen environmental impacts ontheir health.

■ Information about environmental trends over time, whichcreates a more enlightened public—one that is better ableto connect its actions to environmental consequencesand more likely to support policies that minimize envi-ronmental harm.

■ Information about pollution from industrial facilities,which empowers NGOs, investors, neighbors, and con-sumers to press for responsible corporate citizenship.

■ Information about emergency situations and risks, whichenables people to protect their health or environmentduring events like a fire at an industrial plant.

These four categories represent a minimum standard for publicauthorities to use in providing environmental information.

To make their assessment, Access Initiative researcherslooked at specific cases of government practice and industrialreporting. They rated governments on how well they generateand manage environmental information and on how easilycitizens can obtain this information in a usable format and ina timely manner. They did not specifically rate the accuracy ofthe information, but stressed the effort made at its collectionand dissemination. The assessment teams also examined theframework of laws and regulations in each country to deter-mine its commitment to support people’s access to environ-mental information through clearly defined and enforceablerights.

2. Access to Decision-Making Affecting the Environ-ment. To get an indication of public participation in prac-tice, the Access Initiative evaluated several specific kindsof decisions with environmental impacts and the degreeto which a broad set of stakeholders or interested groupswere able to participate early, easily, and substantively ineach kind. Researchers examined how much opportunitythe public has to influence:

■ National policies and plans, including broad environ-mental and economic policies, such as South Africa’swater management policy or Thailand’s national provi-sions for siting power plants.

■ Provincial and local policies and plans, like regionaldevelopment plans in Hungary, and other subnationaldecisions that affect natural resources.

■ The design of environmentally significant projects, likethe licensing of a U.S. power plant.

Scores given for each of these categories were based onwhen and how easily people could participate and the degreeto which authorities took public feedback into account. Forexample, researchers looked at when, how, and who was noti-fied about pending decisions and opportunities for input,such as public hearings or comment periods. The teams alsolooked for the presence of laws and regulations ensuring peo-ple’s right to participate in environmental decisions.

3. Access to Justice and Remedy. The Access Initiativeevaluated whether individuals and organizations can seeklegal remedy and redress when there is a failure to provideinformation or involve the public in decisions as requiredby law, or when citizens wish to dispute a decision or haveit independently reviewed. Researchers scored countrieson indicators of:

■ Enforceable rights and legal standing, particularly thelegal guarantees and provisions for access to informationand participation that enable individuals and organiza-tions to build a legal case. Just as important is the matterof “legal standing,” or the eligibility to claim a legal rightin court, file a suit, or post a grievance.

■ A process for review of disputed plans and policies, includ-ing the presence of an independent, impartial, and ablyadministered judiciary, and the availability of reviewmechanisms in specific decisions like the awarding oftimber or mining concessions.

Access Initiative research teams also looked at practical con-siderations that can limit access to justice, like the affordabil-ity of judicial and administrative services and legal help.

The Access Initiative findings provide more than just apicture of the state of environmental democracy in individualcountries. The results reveal common accomplishments andfailures across countries, pointing to the challenges that facemost nations as they try to create effective national systems ofaccess for their citizens.

13D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

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■ Air quality informationFINDINGS: The majority of countries make an effort to actively disseminate air monitor-ing data, at least in urban areas. The press, radio, or the Internet often provides dailyupdates. (7 cases assessed from 7 countries)

■ Water quality informationFINDINGS: In six of the eight countries examined, data on drinking water quality wereinaccessible, or only accessible with much effort. Often, data are fragmented amongmultiple agencies, making it difficult to get a complete picture of water quality. (8 cases assessed from 8 countries)

■ State of Environment reportsFINDINGS: State of Environment reporting processes are in place in eight of the ninecountries surveyed. Six countries have produced at least two high-quality reports in thepast decade. (18 cases assessed from 9 countries)

■ Pollution compliance records from industrial sitesFINDINGS: Industrial facilities report to the government on compliance with air and/orwater pollution standards in all countries. Frequently, the reports were not available fromthe government although they could sometimes be obtained from companies themselves.(36 cases assessed from 8 countries)

■ A national inventory of industrial emissions FINDINGS: While countries generally require some kind of pollutant reporting fromindustrial facilities, only the United States specifically makes pollution data availableto the public through a national inventory of pollution releases, by facility, in standardformats. Hungary and Mexico are developing similar inventories, called pollutant releaseand transfer registers. (9 countries assessed)

■ Information about large-scale, highly visible accidents FINDINGS: The larger the scale of the emergency and the greater the media attention,the better the government effort to provide timely, accurate information in the casesexamined. (8 cases assessed from 6 countries)

■ Information about localized accidents at private industrial facilitiesFINDINGS: Information about explosions and fires in private facilities is shrouded insecrecy. In four of five such emergencies examined, public authorities provided little or noinformation to local residents, or the information was supplied too late to be useful.(5 cases assessed from 4 countries)

Information about day-to-day environmental

quality

Information aboutpollution at industrial

facilities

Information aboutemergency situations

and risks

Information aboutenvironmental trends

How much access does the public have to: Acc

ess

Qu

alit

y

Ove

rall

HighMost cases had scores in the highest range. A high scoredoes not necessarily represent the best practice possible.

MediumCases had scores in the mid range orshowed great variation among cases.

LowMost cases had scores in the lowest range. A low scoredoes not necessarily represent the worst practice possible.

Access and Quality scores are averaged to yield an Overall score. Not all indicators were measured in all nine countries.

A C C E S S T O E N V I R O N M E N T A L I N F O R M A T I O N

•••••

••

•••••

•• ••

••••••

•••

• ••

• ••

••••••

•••

• ••

Access is defined as: Quality is defined as:• responsiveness by authorities to requests for information • clarity of content• extent of active information dissemination • frequency of reporting• provision of information in a range of formats and products • breadth and coordination of coverage• timeliness and coverage during and after emergencies

How Much Can the Public Participate in Environmental Decisions?THE ACCESS INITIATIVE is a first effort to systematically take stock of people’s access to information, partici-pation, and justice in decisions that affect the environment. This scorecard presents a comparative analysis ofnational assessments conducted by research teams in nine pilot countries: Chile, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Mexico,South Africa, Thailand, Uganda, and the United States.

A C C E S S S C O R E C A R D

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15D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

■ National environmental laws and plansFINDINGS: Governments generally made adequate efforts to solicit or allow the publicto submit comments on national policies or proposals about environmental issues. Mapsand policy documents were readily available for public comment. (3 cases assessed from3 countries)

■ National sectoral policies (e.g., mining, power)FINDINGS: Efforts to incorporate the public’s environmental concerns into plans forpower provision and other sectoral decisions are minimal in cases examined. In two ofthe four cases examined, plans and policies underwent no review or consultation withaffected populations or public interest groups. (5 cases assessed from 5 countries)

■ Provincial and local policies and zoning plansFINDINGS: Participation and access vary widely at provincial and local levels; sectoraland issue-specific decisions are often made without broad input from stakeholders andwithout proactive efforts by relevant agencies to seek wider participation. (5 casesassessed from 4 countries)

■ Projects requiring an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)FINDINGS: An EIA process does not necessarily ensure public accessibility to thedecision process. In cases examined, more effort was made to solicit public input in highprofile projects with significant environmental impacts, but typically too late in theprocess to influence the result. (11 cases assessed from 7 countries)

■ Projects not requiring an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)FINDINGS: Without a formal EIA, the right of the public to participate in decisions canbe easily forgotten or ignored; these cases demonstrated a range of accessibility andquality of participation. (5 cases assessed from 5 countries)

■ Enforceable rights and legal standing in courtsFINDINGS: Most countries examined do not clearly define the scope of informationin the public domain, agencies’ responsibilities, or who has standing to pursue legalremedy. (9 countries assessed)

■ A process of review for disputed plans and policiesFINDINGS: In less than half the countries examined, the public can use administrativeand judicial review to contest the way in which national or provincial policies were made.Justice is often expensive, complicated, and time-consuming. (9 countries assessed)

Participation in nationalpolicies and plans

Participation in thedesign of

environmentallysignificant projects

Justice for all affectedpeople

Participation inprovincial and localpolicies and plans

How much opportunity does the public have to influence:

To what extent does the public have:A

cces

s

Qu

alit

y

Ove

rall

Acc

ess

Qu

alit

y

Ove

rall

A C C E S S T O P A R T I C I P A T I O N

A C C E S S T O J U S T I C E

•• •••••

• ••

•• ••••

•• ••

• •••

•• ••••

•• ••

Access is defined as: Quality is defined as:• existence of opportunities to participate and the ability of the public • inclusiveness of consultation

to learn about these opportunities • timeliness of notification of opportunities to• opportunity to learn about the outcome of environmental deliberations participate

Access is defined as: Quality is defined as:• legal standing • inclusiveness and clarity of legal mandates to disclose information• affordability of legal help and fees • inclusiveness of legal definitions of environmental information in• the presence and diversity of mechanisms for dispute resolution and remedy the public domain

BOTTOM LINE: Governments scored high at providing their citizens with access to information, rated lower atproviding opportunities to participate in decisions that affect the environment, and lagged on the provision ofaccess to justice. A truly effective and empowering system of access requires the strong, integrated practice of allthree principles.

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Access Initiative Findings: The State of Access

Every country examined by the Access Initiative hassought in significant ways to widen citizen partici-pation in environmental decision-making. However,people still have only limited opportunity to partici-

pate in the economic, political, and environmental decisionsthat affect their lives and their ecosystems. The Access Initia-tive findings show that governments in the nine countries sur-veyed scored highest at providing their citizens with access toinformation. They rated lower at providing opportunities toparticipate in decisions that affect the environment. Surveyednations generally lagged on the provision of access to justice. Atruly effective and empowering system of access requires thestrong, integrated practice of all three principles.

Access to Information

Finding: Strong Laws, Weak ImplementationStrong laws guarantee access to information in all the countriesexamined—an important and encouraging finding. Since the

Rio Earth Summit in 1992, the developing countries and tran-sition economies included in the Access Initiative survey haveintroduced legal provisions and established the infrastructurefor access to information. Three of the nine countries—Mexico,South Africa, and Thailand—have comprehensive legislationdealing with access to information, including constitutionalguarantees to access, legislation addressing access to informa-tion generally, and legislation that specifically addresses accessto environmental information. The other six countries haveenshrined at least two of those three types of provisions innational law (see Table 1). Having the right to informationembodied in law can offer many advantages, such as a consis-tent basis for applying and enforcing this right, and protectionfrom having the right arbitrarily revoked or abridged.

Despite the general strength of legal provisions for accessto environmental information, the implementation of theselaws is typically weak among the surveyed countries. Govern-ment bureaucrats and agencies have wide discretion to decidewhat information is secret, what to share, how to share it, andwith whom. Many important concepts—for example, whatconstitutes environmental information—are poorly defined.Few countries mandate that public agencies must maintain a

Constitutional

guarantees for access

to information

Legislation addressing

access to information

generally, such as

freedom of information

legislation

Legislation specifically

addressing access to

environmental

information

Weak

Chile and the United States do not

constitutionally guarantee the public’s

right to information.

Uganda has no special legislation on

access to information.

Hungary, India, and Uganda lack

provisions specifically addressing

access to environmental information.

OR, access to different types of envi-

ronmental information is treated in

separate laws.

Medium

Hungary and India do not

guarantee the public’s right to

information in their constitutions,

but court decisions have

interpreted the right to free speech

and a free press to include the

right to information.

India and Indonesia have Right

to Information Bills pending

legislative approval.

No countries in this category.

Strong

Indonesia, Mexico, South

Africa, Thailand, and

Uganda constitutionally

guarantee the public’s right to

information.

Chile, Hungary, Mexico,

South Africa, Thailand,

and the United States have

freedom of information

legislation.

Chile, Indonesia, Mexico,

South Africa, Thailand, and

the United States have pro-

visions that specifically sup-

port access to environmental

information.

The Access Initiative

looked for:Country Assessments

Ta b l e 1 : G ra d i n g L e g a l G u a ra n te e s to E n v i r o n m e n ta l I n fo r m at i o n

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17D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

central environmental information service and few haveestablished requirements for public disclosure of industryreports on compliance and environmental performance.

Finding: Room for Improvement in Access to Information State of Environment reports are an important way for gov-ernments to inform citizens about their nation’s environ-mental status. The Aarhus Convention, for example, requiressignatories to publish State of Environment reports everythree to four years. Access Initiative findings show that Stateof Environment reporting processes in most countries aregood, providing citizens with long-term environmental trenddata. This does not necessarily mean that the data providedare always accurate or complete (often they aren’t), but doesimply an effort by authorities to communicate at least a mod-icum of environmental information. Most of the countriesexamined have produced two or more State of Environmentreports in the past decade, in both print and electronic form.

Citizens also have good access to data on outdoor air qual-ity, such as the level of airborne particulates and ozone. Themajority of countries make an effort to actively disseminateair monitoring data, at least in urban areas. The press, radio,or the Internet often provides daily updates.

By comparison, teams in six Access Initiative countriesfound no active dissemination of drinking water informationto the public. Some countries, like Hungary and Thailand,disperse responsibility for collecting water data among multi-ple agencies and don’t integrate the separate data collectionsinto one comprehensive set of findings. For example, in Hun-gary, data on water quality are held by both the environmen-tal inspectorate and the public health service; a citizen seek-ing a complete picture of Hungary’s water situation mustsubmit requests to both agencies.

Information about pollution from industrial facilities is thehardest information for the public to find, and is impossible toobtain in some of the surveyed countries. All the governmentscollect data on facility compliance with air and water laws, butof the nations surveyed only Hungary and the United Statesroutinely make these data public. In Mexico, South Africa, andUganda, researchers were unable to obtain any informationabout facility or sector performance from either companies orgovernments. Corporate rights of privacy are typically treatedas paramount to the rights of individual citizens to know abouttheir environment, limiting access to information about whatcompanies discharge from their smokestacks and pipes. Mostcountries examined do not have an explicit policy limiting acorporation’s rights to claim that information is confidentialand requiring justification of that claim.

Newer public disclosure tools are also coming into playthat, when more widely adopted, promise to improve accessi-bility of data on the environmental performance of privatecompanies. Emissions inventories—which provide a listing ofpollution emissions from each factory, power plant, or other

private facility in standard formats—are among the most pro-gressive. Among the nine countries evaluated, only theUnited States operates a mandatory emissions inventory(which it calls the Toxics Release Inventory) specificallyaimed at making information available to the public. Hun-gary has a legal mandate to establish a similar system. Undera new law, Mexico is drafting regulations for mandatory pub-lic reporting by industrial facilities starting in 2003. Indone-sia is moving toward greater disclosure of facility informationthrough a public rating system that doesn’t reveal specificdata on company emissions, but does grade facilities on theirenvironmental compliance.

Information on environmental emergencies such as largechemical spills into the water or air, explosions and fires atmanufacturing plants, and even natural disasters like vol-canic eruptions or earthquakes can have immediate bearingon citizens’ health and safety, affecting their exposure to riskand their ability to evacuate disaster zones. Based on analysesof 13 emergency events, Access Initiative researchers foundthat access to information varies widely depending on thescale and nature of the emergency.

In the majority of cases, the public received adequate andtimely information. However, governments generally made agreater effort to provide timely information during large-scale and visible emergencies than during smaller or moreconfined industrial accidents at private facilities. One reasonmay be that the larger-scale disasters draw greater mediaattention and occasionally international interest, motivatingauthorities in the spotlight to provide more timely and oftenmore accurate information to the public about the immediatethreats to health and the natural environment. However,researchers also found that once the attention fades, the pub-lic has little or no access to information about the long-termimpacts of most events, regardless of their scale.

Access to Decis ion-Makers andOpportunit ies to Partic ipate

Finding: Minimal Legal R ights toPubl ic Partic ipation The right to public participation through hearings, environ-mental impact assessments, advisory groups, meetings withdecision-makers, and other avenues is poorly articulated inthe legal and constitutional frameworks of most of the sur-veyed countries. The majority of national legal frameworks:

■ exclude certain groups or restrict them from participation

■ don’t require public participation in some sectors of theeconomy or for some development activities (such as thesiting of forest or mining concessions) or

■ lack adequate provisions for participation at differentstages of the decision-making cycle.

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With the exception of Thailand, public participationrights are not explicitly guaranteed in any of the constitutionsor legal frameworks of the countries surveyed (see Table 2).Instead, public participation is usually articulated in govern-ment documents that are not legally binding, like public par-ticipation guidelines or manuals of “best practice.”

Finding: The Burden Is on the Publ icThe Access Initiative found that opportunities to participatevary significantly depending on the government agenciesinvolved, the scale and scope of the project under debate, andthe type of policy under review. What stands out across the

majority of cases, however, is that the onus of initiating par-ticipation in a decision-making process is on the public. Ingeneral, governments are not sufficiently proactive at seekingpublic input. This is true across the range of surveyed coun-tries, regardless of economic development or income levels.For example, although Mexico provides broad constitutionalguarantees to public participation, in practice, accessing doc-uments pertinent to a decision or ensuring that a public con-sultation is carried out requires NGOs or affected communi-ties to prove legal interest and to process formal requests.

Another common finding was that public participation isweak both at the early stages of decision-making and at the

Constitutional guaran-

tees of public participa-

tion, freedom of speech,

and freedom of assembly

Provisions for public

notice and comment in

sectoral policies and

single development

activities

Public notification and

comment requirements

for Environmental Impact

Assessments (EIAs)

Broad legal definitions of

the public and the public

interest

Weak

Chile, India, and Uganda

have constitutional guarantees,

BUT the highest courts have

limited their reach through

decisions, or legal require-

ments limit how speech or

freedom of assembly rights

can be expressed.

Thailand and Indonesia have

no such provisions.

Thailand has no requirements

for notification and comment

for EIAs.

Chile, India, Indonesia,

Thailand, and Uganda do not

define the public or the public

interest in legal frameworks.

Medium

Hungary, South Africa, and

Mexico have strong constitutional

guarantees for free speech and

association, but they are not as well

defined by the highest court’s

decisions.

Chile, Hungary, India, and

Uganda: Notice and comment

provisions are specified only for

single development activities

through EIA regulations.

Hungary, India, Mexico, and

Uganda require public notice and

comment at the final stage of EIAs.

Mexico broadly defines the public

interest in the constitution, but

supporting legal regulations almost

always restrict definition to persons

affected or harmed by public or

private action/decision.

Strong

Thailand includes the right to

participation as well as broad

freedoms of speech and

assembly in its constitution.

The U.S. Constitution includes

strong protection of freedoms of

speech and assembly.

Mexico, South Africa, and the

United States have provisions

requiring public notice and

comment in specified types of

both sectoral policies and single

development activities.

Chile, Indonesia, South Africa

and the United States require

public notice and comment at

various stages of an EIA.

Hungary, South Africa, and

the United States broadly

define the public and the public

interest in legal frameworks.

The Access Initiative

looked for:

Country Assessments

Ta b l e 2 : G ra d i n g L e g a l R i g h t s to Pa r t i c i p ate

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19D e c i s i o n s f o r t h e E a r t h : B a l a n c e , V o i c e , a n d P o w e r

end of the process when a decision’s impacts are monitoredand its effectiveness and acceptability reviewed. In otherwords, notification of opportunities to participate, circula-tion of project documents, and public consultations occurmainly in the middle stages of decision-making, when theparameters of the problem or possible solutions have alreadybeen defined and before they are actually implemented oradopted. This reduces “participation” to refining already-defined policies, projects, and solutions.

The use of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) inmost countries in the past 20 years has dramatically increasedpublic access to decision-making that affects the environment.However, an EIA alone does not ensure adequate public partici-pation. Access Initiative researchers found that all surveyedcountries had provisions for public participation in EIAs. How-ever, in practice, the public isn’t consulted early enough in theprocess to really affect key decisions. In addition, officials oftenlimit who is considered a “legitimate” participant and projectsare selectively exempted from review and assessment that wouldrequire public involvement. Even if citizens are allowed to par-ticipate in the assessment process, there are very few provisionsfor actually incorporating their input into the final EIA report.

Access to Justice and RedressWhen disputes arise over environmental decisions, or the pub-lic’s rights to information and participation are ignored, a bind-ing system of review and legal remedy is needed. Access Initia-tive researchers found that access to this kind of systematicdispute resolution by an impartial judiciary or administrativereview was the weakest element of the three access principles.

Finding: Poor Procedures for Enforcement and ReviewAs mentioned earlier, countries have made much progress in thelast decade in establishing a range of legal rights to environmen-tal information and participation. Unfortunately, these rightsare often not defined adequately enough to be legally enforce-able, or the public is not given legal “standing” (the ability toappear in court or bring a legal suit). In other cases, there are noadministrative procedures for reviewing decisions, registeringcomplaints, and resolving disputes. The result is that the rightsgranted to the public in theory may not be effective in practice.

Access Initiative researchers found that in less than 50 per-cent of the cases they assessed was the public able to use admin-istrative or judicial review to contest the way in which nationalor regional environmental policies were made. The situation iseven worse when logging, mining, grazing, or other resourceconcessions are awarded or Environmental Impact Assess-ments are held. In most of these cases, either no administrativeor judicial review is available or legal standing is limited to“affected” people, giving court and administrative officials thediscretion to limit who actually has access. (See Table 3.) Theefficiency, accountability, and independence of judicial sys-tems also vary widely among the countries examined, under-mining people’s ability to enforce their access rights.

Finding: High Costs and Sluggish Processes Legal costs are prohibitively high for the general public in all thesurveyed countries. In Chile and Hungary, fees to register envi-ronmental cases can cost more than 20 percent of the averagemonthly income. Pro bono lawyers are typically available mainlyin capital cities, not in rural areas. Only South Africa has a

Does a review process

exist for decisions on

projects with potential

environmental impacts?

Who has legal standing

to challenge these

decisions?

Weak

Chile, Indonesia, Mexico,

Thailand, and Uganda

No review process is in place.

OR

Parties not participating in the

decision-making process have

no standing to challenge the

decision.

Medium

India and the United States

An administrative or judicial review

process does exist.

BUT

Parties not participating in the

decision-making process have no

standing to challenge the decision.

Strong

Hungary and South Africa

Administrative review processes

do exist.

AND

Parties not participating in the

decision-making process do have

standing to invoke a challenge.

The Access Initiative

asked:Country Assessments

Ta b l e 3 : G ra d i n g L e g a l R i g h t s to R e v i e w a n d R e m e d y

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government-sponsored program with centers in the provincesthat provide free legal help to the poor, and only the UnitedStates and Thailand have large national networks of pro bonolawyers.

Even where fees aren’t a tremendous obstacle to justice,incidental legal expenses add up and the complexity andlength of the legal process are a burden. This is particularly aproblem for the rural poor and community organizations wholack the time and resources to pursue long court cases or totravel to cities to press a case.

Improving Access: What ’s Needed? Better access will require investments to increase the supply ofinformation and opportunities to participate that the govern-ment provides. Better access also will require greater demandfor access rights from citizens, community organizations, andadvocacy groups.

Improved Supply of “Access” Strengthening legal provisions for access to information, partic-ipation, and legal remedy, and working with civil society organi-zations to implement those provisions are clearly critical stepstoward more effective public participation in environmentaldecisions. But governments also must improve their capacity togenerate and disclose information, and to solicit and respond topublic feedback. For example, the UN Environment Programmestresses the need for countries to maintain a central environ-mental information service, and to commit to a practice of earlyconsultation with stakeholders in environmental decisions. Thisincludes ensuring that the public always has access to adequateinformation, including environmental impact statements, priorto participating in public deliberations.

All countries must improve the capacity of governmentstaff to make access to basic environmental information eas-ier. Agencies in many countries present bureaucratic barriersand maintain attitudes of secrecy that can easily exhaust a cit-izen attempting, for instance, to fight the siting of a new fac-tory or request the review of a decision on forest policy. As arule, governments aren’t adequately training staff so thatcivil servants are aware of new legislation and its implicationsfor their work, or helping staff understand the value of publicinput in decision-making. South Africa was the only countryamong the nine surveyed where all government agencies atdifferent levels offer staff training on new rules about envi-ronmental information and public participation.

Donors can help with the task of building the governmentinfrastructure and capacity to make access a reality. Trackingand disseminating environmental information, for example,is expensive. Poorer countries that maintain centralizedinventories of integrated environmental information typicallyrely on funds from other governments and contributors. Forexample, Chile’s environmental information system is sup-ported through donor assistance, and Uganda maintains—with donor support—a highly effective and accessible public

information system for health emergencies. Government com-mitment and the availability of resources also affects whethergovernments adequately train civil servants to provide infor-mation, involve citizens, or judge environmental cases.

Improved access is impossible without efforts by financialinstitutions—as the financiers of energy reform, electricitygeneration, water infrastructure, and other development pro-jects with environmental impacts—to help nations apply theprinciples of good governance. Financial institutions mustfirst adopt and apply the elements of public participation totheir own operations and then promote transparent andinclusive decision-making by their clients through their lend-ing policies and requirements. In Uganda, for example, agen-cies that have access to World Bank financing are more opento engaging the public in decision-making than those thatdon’t because the World Bank has explicitly encouraged trans-parency through its lending policies there.

Increased Demand for “Access”Most Access Initiative research teams commented on the lim-ited levels of public awareness about environmental issues andaccess rights. Public authorities have a responsibility to build—directly and indirectly—the capacity of their citizens to exercisetheir rights to information and participation. Proxy measuresof how seriously governments take that responsibility includetheir investment in environmental education and their effortsto create favorable environments for public advocacy groupsand other nongovernmental organizations. For the most part,governments are investing in environmental education: SouthAfrica, for instance, has trained staff to develop environmentaleducation materials and incorporate them in regular curriculaat all levels. Chile, Hungary, India, Mexico, and Thailand arealso supporting environmental education efforts.

However, the countries examined by the Access Initiativevary in their treatment of and tolerance for environmentalNGOs. These groups often act as vital catalysts for public par-ticipation in environmental decision-making, helping citi-zens to understand their rights of access and where to findenvironmental information, and often representing individu-als and communities in public deliberations and in judicialdisputes. South Africa offers a good example of a supportiveclimate for NGOs; they do not have to register in court or witha government agency in order to be recognized as a legal orga-nization, and are permitted access to a diversity of domesticand international sources of funding.

Not so in other countries. Onerous registration require-ments in Chile, Hungary, and Uganda; the absence of localfunding sources in Uganda; and restrictions on foreign fundingof NGOs in India limit the ability of public interest groups toform or operate in these countries. Accordingly, most govern-ments can promote greater access by enhancing the capacity oflocal NGOs and working with them to draft new legislation, con-duct education programs, and assess the strengths and weak-nesses of access in government agencies.

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G ove r n a n c e i n a C h a n g i n g Wo r l d

The world of environmental governance is far from sta-tic. In the last two decades, the social and politicalconditions that shape environmental decision-making

have evolved quickly.

Democratic Gains: Since the 1980s, the world has seen a sig-nificant trend toward democratization—the adoption of demo-cratic principles of governance and public participation. Politi-cal and civil liberties don’t guarantee good environmentaldecisions, but they do make it easier for citizens to stayinformed, express their opinions, and hold decision-makersaccountable. The population living under fully or partiallydemocratic regimes has climbed from 2.5 billion in 1981 to 3.9billion in 2001.

NGOs Awaken: Since 1985, the number of nongovernmentalorganizations (NGOs) such as environmental groups has morethan doubled, with more than 40,000 now officially recorded.Using the power of publicity to keep officials accountable andfiling high-profile lawsuits on the public’s behalf, environmen-tal NGOs have helped break open the closed decision-makingloop where government bureaucrats and powerful businessinterests have controlled decisions on natural resources,bypassing public input.

Inexorable Globalization: Economic globalization—thegrowing interdependence of national economies—has beenmarked by a sharp increase in trade and international invest-ment. These bring access to the products and financial oppor-tunities of remote ecosystems, but often disconnect us fromthe environmental and human consequences of our choices.More than 60,000 multinational corporations now operate in aglobal marketplace with few environmental strictures and littletransparency.

Increasing Privatization: Since the mid-1980s, governmentshave increasingly transferred to the private sector some of theirpowers to manage natural resources and provide services likedrinking water supply, wastewater treatment, and electric power.One analyst estimates that water or sewer services provided bythe private sector had reached some 385 million people by 2001.While this can bring greater efficiency and financial viability tothese services, it can also bring serious social repercussionslike job losses or increased prices, and a focus on the bottomline rather than sustainable management of the resource.

Lingering Corruption: Corruption is an important driver ofnatural resource degradation around the world. For example,experts estimate that some 70 percent of the logging takingplace in Indonesia today is illegal, with corrupt officials oftencountenancing the crime. Corruption is, by definition, amongthe most corrosive forces against fair and participatory deci-

sion-making and one of the clearest signs of governance dys-function. While corruption is still widespread, public attitudestoward it are changing and it has come under increasing attackworldwide.

Continuing Armed Conflict: Armed conflict and its accom-panying political and social turmoil often short-circuit any sys-tematic process of environmental management. War can createenvironmental refugees, leave government environmentalagencies handicapped or destroyed, and substitute short-termsecurity needs for longer-term environmental considerations.In 2000, there were 25 major armed conflicts in 23 countriesaround the world.

Emerging Information Technology: The international diffu-sion of information technologies—Internet access, mobilephones, pagers, faxes, e-mail, mapping software, satelliteimagery—has changed the balance of power among govern-ments, corporations, and nongovernmental organizations. Thesetechnologies are helping us to obtain, share, and act on environ-mental information quickly; build international networks; moni-tor environmental changes; and hold corporations accountablefor their actions. Some 650 million people now use the Internet—an increase of almost 600 percent in the last five years.

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What Is the State of EnvironmentalGovernance Today?

No one familiar with today’s environmental trendscould conclude that Planet Earth is well-man-aged. That truth alone hints at the generally poorstate of our environmental governance at scales

from local, to national, to global. Since the Rio Earth Summitin 1992, the capacity of Earth’s ecosystems to sustain us hasdeteriorated in nearly every category we have measured. Thisis in spite of the global environmental treaties we have nego-tiated and the considerable progress we have made at under-standing how ecosystems function. More often than not, westill fail to make environmental decisions that work for bothpeople and ecosystems.

Grading Environmental GovernanceHow well have we put into practice the key environmentalgovernance principles endorsed at the Rio Earth Summit adecade ago? The results of the Access Initiative and analysisof other governance trends like decentralization present amixed picture, with some progress but much yet to be done.

Tentative Steps toward Decentral izat ion andRegional CooperationThe task of shifting responsibility for natural resource deci-sion-making to the appropriate level—nearest to the resourceand its users, but honoring the scale of the ecosystem—is verymuch a work-in-progress around the world. Decentralization isa case in point. At least 60 developing countries claim to betransferring political powers over local resources from a cen-tral authority to more local units of government. However,cases of true decentralization, where real authority is grantedto a local institution that can be held accountable to localstakeholders—through elections or other means—are very rare.

National governments are seldom motivated to decentral-ize by an interest in protecting the environment. Instead,

decentralization is often a response to pressures to downsizethe civil service and reduce central government expenditures.As a result, decentralization often simply shifts the responsi-bility to manage natural resources to more local levels, butdoes not actually grant real authority to make decisions orallocate budgets. In other words, the local body simplybecomes an agent to implement decisions made elsewhere,without local accountability.

Nevertheless, cases of more genuine decentralization inBolivia, the Philippines, some states in India, and elsewheregive credibility to the belief that decentralization done wellcan bring environmental decisions that are more acceptableto local people and more effective at meeting the environ-mental management goals. In a pilot project in the Cambo-dian province of Ratanakiri, village committees given fundsand autonomy by central authorities decided to map theirlocal resources so they could manage them better—a directresponse to the community’s concern about protecting itsresource base.

Besides decentralization, there has also been someprogress in building regional institutions to manageecosystems that cross national borders. River basinauthorities such as the Mekong River Commission, theInternational Commission for the Protection of the Rhine,or the Nile Basin Initiative have evolved to coordinatedevelopment activities among the countries that sharethese watersheds.

Other mechanisms are also taking shape to addressregional concerns. The European Union (EU) provides one ofthe best examples of what a regional body can accomplish inpolicy integration across borders, although it is only begin-ning to frame its environmental policies around ecosystems.Members of the EU have accepted a range of uniform envi-ronmental standards, monitoring criteria, and best practicesto address transboundary pollution such as acid rain. Theprospect of gaining EU membership has also pushed severalEuropean nations to bring their environmental standardsand policies in line with the EU—often a significant improve-ment over their existing practices. Meanwhile, Europe’sEspoo Convention provides a framework for conducting envi-ronmental assessments when proposed projects will result inimpacts across borders.

Nonetheless, the development of regional mechanismswith real authority and a mandate to sustain ecosystems isstill in an early stage. By and large, these regional efforts arefew in number, with limited experience, and, with the excep-tion of the EU, with powers that are often quite circum-scribed so as not to infringe on national sovereignty. Enforce-ment mechanisms may be weak or nonexistent, and thuscompliance is largely voluntary. At this point, such agree-ments may function best as conduits for information-sharingamong parties—itself an important achievement. However,they have not yet become centers of management innovationor progressive transboundary thinking.

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Access: A Gap between Pol icy and PracticeGovernments are making decisions that affect the environ-ment with a degree of openness and transparency that wouldhave been unthinkable just a decade ago. Forty-four devel-oped and developing countries have adopted “access to infor-mation” laws, which impose obligations for disclosure on thegovernment. New environmental legislation is also startingto make more environmental information available to thepublic as a basis for informed participation.

Governments are also showing a greater understanding ofthe need to identify and incorporate public opinion whendeveloping policies and plans. In the last 30 years, govern-ment agencies have expanded beyond just giving publicnotice or holding public hearings on high-impact projects tousing consensus-building exercises, policy dialogues, andstakeholder advisory committees. And some corporations,even major polluters, are beginning to publicly report ingreater detail on their emissions, practices, and goals. Theentry into force in October 2001 of the Aarhus Convention,which enshrines a detailed commitment to access principlesin international law, reflects the progress made by somecountries in embracing good governance norms since the RioEarth Summit.

But the recent findings of the Access Initiative suggestthat the evolution to systems of access that are truly open,participatory, and effective is a gradual one. Much more mustbe done to transform government promises and legal com-mitments into a strong, integrated practice of access to infor-mation, public participation, and justice.

Many of the nine countries examined in the Access Initia-tive have enacted provisions guaranteeing access to environ-

mental information and participation. Yet the countries sur-veyed share common weaknesses in implementing those lawsand commitments. The provision of access remains more pas-sive than active. Countries collect data on facility compliancewith pollution regulations, but then fail to integrate that dataacross agencies or make it publicly accessible. Governmentstrack changes in environmental quality over time, but fail togive the public access to different levels of detail or diversepresentations of environmental information. Countries passnew access laws, but fail to train public officials and judgesabout the new rights, and tolerate a lingering culture ofsecrecy and indifference to the public interest.

The onus is on the public to identify opportunities tomake their opinions heard. The public is generally responsi-ble for initiating participation or exercising their legal rights.On the positive side, governments are increasingly trying toinvolve the public in decisions on new projects by solicitingtheir input during the “environmental impact assessment”process. However, the public’s input is all too often limited inscope or occurs too late in the process to be useful. None ofthe countries surveyed by the Access Initiative has a mecha-nism in place to track whether or how public comments actu-ally influence decisions.

In terms of access to justice, more and more law or admin-istrative courts are upholding people’s rights to challengeenvironmental decisions, obtain information, or sue for dam-ages. However, access to justice is limited in some countriesby narrow interpretations of what information is coveredunder freedom of information laws, or who has legal standingto file a suit. High court costs and lengthy procedures are alsoformidable obstacles.

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Lack of Progress in Mainstreaming theEnvironmentOne of the most basic explanations for the lack of progress inmeeting the goals of the Rio Earth Summit is the continuingfailure to integrate environmental thinking into mainstreameconomic and development decisions. At the national level,ministries of environment remain weak, and at best operateon the margins of significant policy decisions. Traditionaleconomic models that fail to incorporate the costs of environ-mental decline continue to drive most decisions. The fact thatno finance ministers or trade negotiators are expected toattend the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Developmentin Johannesburg is one clear indicator of the continued mar-ginalization of the environment and its estrangement fromkey economic areas of trade and finance.

In addition, agencies charged with natural resource man-agement, including ministries of agriculture, forestry, andmining, still prioritize short-term production of commoditiesover long-term delivery of ecosystem goods and services. Inboth the European Union and the United States, for instance,only a fraction of the enormous agricultural subsidies dis-pensed annually is targeted to ecosystem conservation.

This lack of integration at the national level is projectedinto international economic policies as well. Internationaltrade and investment agreements continue to be developedwithout attention to how they may unintentionally under-mine national and international environmental objectives.For example, even though the North American Free TradeAgreement (NAFTA) has been hailed for including an innova-tive environmental side agreement, it also contains a provi-sion that could stifle domestic environmental regulation byallowing corporations to sue for compensation if regulatory

changes—such as new pollution rules—cause them to lose profits.

One area of progress stands out.Many local communities worldwide haveproved willing to adopt action plans thattry to integrate their social and eco-nomic goals with their environmentalgoals. More than 6,400 local govern-ments in 113 countries have adopted orare in the process of formulating “LocalAgenda 21” plans that identify waysthese communities can move toward sus-tainable development by improvingtransportation efficiency, water andwaste handling, and land use planning.These plans are largely self-motivatedand self-financed, and show that themost creative energy for environmentalintegration is currently being generatedat the local level.

An Ad Hoc and Ineffect ive Systemof International Environmental GovernanceAs environmental awareness has taken root over the last threedecades, nations have struggled to assemble a coherent sys-tem of global environmental governance. The most visibleelements of this are the 500 or so international environmen-tal agreements now in effect. About 150 of these are globaltreaties and the others include a more limited set of parties.

Some of these agreements have amassed credible recordsof success, such as the Montreal Protocol, the Convention onInternational Trade in Endangered Species (CITES), andsome of the regional treaties. Three decades of negotiationson such treaties have also brought other benefits: greaterinternational awareness of environmental issues, agree-ments on common goals and definitions, elaboration of use-ful partnerships, and a body of applied experience that willmake future progress easier. Perhaps one of the most signifi-cant advances has been the emergence, through cooperativemonitoring and scientific consultation, of a global capabilityto assess environmental threats more quickly.

Unfortunately, our assessments usually stop short ofaction. In fact, our prodigious efforts at environmental diplo-macy have largely failed to make serious headway against theworld’s most pressing environmental challenges—at least asmeasured by current environmental trends. For example, theConference of the Parties of the Convention on BiologicalDiversity—one of the prize outcomes of the Rio Earth Sum-mit—recently admitted that in spite of the treaty, “biologicaldiversity is being destroyed by human activities at unprece-dented rates.”

This poor overall record comes as little surprise. A recentUnited Nations University study points out that few environ-mental treaties contain specific targets and timetables or ade-

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quate enforcement provisions, and financing is a perennialproblem. A more systemic problem is that current environ-mental agreements have arisen in an ad hoc and largely unco-ordinated fashion as each new environmental problem—acidrain, ozone depletion, climate change—has entered the publicconsciousness. They reflect a single-issue approach towardenvironmental stewardship and have not sprung from anintegrated perspective that sees the common drivers of envi-ronmental decline, nor are they generally framed with partic-ular reference to ecosystems.

International institutions created to specifically addressenvironmental issues, such as the UN’s Commission on Sus-tainable Development (CSD), the Global Environment Facil-ity (GEF), and the United Nations Environment Programme,also face daunting tasks in facilitating a global consensus,efficiently discharging their broad mandates, and financingtheir activities. For example, while the CSD has provided aninternational forum for raising environmental issues, itseffect on national policies and the implementation of Agenda21—the Earth Summit’s action plan for sustainable develop-ment—has been negligible. Meanwhile, a recent evaluation ofGEF shows that it is maturing into a useful mechanism tohelp developing nations fund environmental priorities in afew key areas and to make progress implementing the termsof the environmental treaties they sign—an accomplishmentthat should not be minimized. Yet its success is necessarilybounded by its limited funds, and no one would contend itcan adequately address the greater environmental financingneeds of developing nations.

Current efforts are now underway to harmonize the manyinternational environmental agreements so that globalresources and attention are focused more effectively. Otherefforts are attempting, through the next round of World TradeOrganization negotiations, to make sure the global tradingregime does not undermine national and international envi-ronmental laws. We can also take heart at the determination ofthe international community to carry forward the final nego-tiations on the Kyoto Protocol to address climate change, inspite of the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from thetreaty. But these positive events will do little to address thefundamental reluctance that nations have shown to shoulderthe domestic political and financial costs to make environ-mental treaties enforceable and living instruments that canstimulate meaningful national actions.

The Bottom LineOn a global basis, our capacity to consistently make environ-mental decisions that protect ecosystems, are informed by pub-lic input, and equitably meet human needs is poor. At theinternational level, there is rhetorical commitment to thegoals of sustainable development and participatory decision-making. However, there is far less commitment to localizingthese goals in national policies, decision-making practices,and the design of government agencies. As a result, public

access to environmental information, to true participation,and to redress when the decision process fails, is still limited.

Other findings reinforce the inadequacy of our currentenvironmental governance. National decentralization effortshave yet to lead to significant devolution of power over nat-ural resource decisions to the local level. Trade and invest-ment policies that drive our decisions are largely opaque tothe public and indifferent to environmental concerns. Theinternational agreements and institutions meant to addressglobal environmental problems have robust missions, butweak enforcement powers and insufficient funding. Suc-cesses at the local level show that good environmental gover-nance is possible, but can’t be completely effective withoutstrong national and international support.

Toward a Better Balance

Balance means making environmental decisionsthat foster ecosystem health, treat people fairly,and yet make economic sense. Finding this balancehas eluded us, as global environmental trends

clearly show. How do we move toward a better balance? Atleast five steps must define our drive for better environmentalgovernance:

Invest in Governance Models thatRespect EcosystemsOur governance must fit the reality of how the biosphere isorganized or it can’t hope to match human needs with Earth’sbiological capacities. Ecosystems are the planet’s primarybiological units—the source of all the environmental goodsand services we rely on for life, and the ultimate foundation ofthe global economy. They should therefore become the logicalcenter of our management efforts and the point of referencefor our environmental decisions—what we can call an “ecosys-tem approach” to environmental management.

If we want to make ecosystems the fundamental unit ofmanagement, we must encourage innovative governance thatgives credence to this unit and makes decisions with refer-ence to it. This means promoting decentralized managementof natural resources in many cases, so that local stakeholderstake a more primary role in governing the ecosystems theyhave a stake in. It calls for larger regional thinking as well—thecurrent use of river basin authorities that link a larger groupof users across many jurisdictions is an example. But theseare not rigid or exclusive models, and in the real world a vari-ety of new institutional and economic arrangements candevelop that link users with the ecosystems they depend on,to the benefit of both.

In Quito, Ecuador, for example, city water users pay asmall fee into a special fund to protect the watershed in theAntisana Reserve, source of the city’s water supply. In this

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way, city residents see themselves as stakeholders in a distantecosystem, and have decided to help manage and pay for thevital service it renders. On a much larger scale, theMesoamerican Biological Corridor project casts its vision of abiologically and economically viable landscape over sevenCentral American countries. The project links local commu-nity planning efforts and management of protected areasalong the corridor route, with an emphasis on finding eco-nomic uses of the land along the corridor that will help main-tain its ecological richness, such as low-intensity agricultureand forestry. The plan effectively combines regional ecosys-tem-based goals with a decentralized, community-basedapproach to landscape management.

In some cases, making our governance conform to ecosys-tems will mean reconfiguring existing management agenciesor creating new institutions and relationships that betterreflect the actual scale and dynamic of ecosystems. This doesnot imply wholesale abandonment of the centralized struc-ture of most state agencies, which may continue to provideimportant coordinating, monitoring, or oversight functions,even as they give up some of their discretionary powers toother levels. But it does imply more flexibility in matchingecosystems to management structures.

Bui ld the Capacity for Publ icPartic ipationCrucial to the success of reformulating our natural resourcemanagement to respect ecosystems is vigilant application ofthe principles of access and participation. Managing ecosys-tems inevitably involves making trade-offs among differenttypes of ecosystem use. For instance, a forest can be managedto maximize timber and pulp production through intensiveharvesting, but only by trading off some of its potential to sup-port biodiversity, agroforestry, or nature-based tourism. Publicparticipation provides the only reasonable means to negotiatesuch trade-offs in an equitable manner and to make sure thegoals that drive the day-to-day actions of natural resource agen-cies reflect the priorities of the community of stakeholders.

Too often, however, public participation is hampered by alack of capacity on the part of government agencies, the busi-ness community, and other governance institutions to supplyrelevant information, coordinate the process of public input,and digest this input. At the same time, the public oftendoesn’t know its rights to environmental access or how to usethem, and doesn’t understand the full context of the decisionsthat affect their lives. Attention to both problems is required.

A first step is to make sure that governance institutionsrecognize, as part of their core missions, the need to build thecapacity for public participation. That means committingstaff and budget resources to making the opportunities foraccess clear and straightforward. It also means committing tobuild basic environmental literacy among the public. In thebusiness community it means increased attention to corpo-rate codes of conduct that recognize community interests,

the adoption of clear environmental reporting processes thatmake the data publicly available, and the establishment ofcommunity liaisons and outreach.

Another important way to build social capacity for partici-pation in environmental decision-making is to provide a goodfoundation for the growth of NGOs and other civil societygroups. This means strengthening their rights of access toinformation through press freedom and freedom of informa-tion laws, and recognizing their right to represent their mem-bers in whatever forum decisions are being made. It alsorequires recognizing—and funding—their ability to respondquickly to community needs and provide services the govern-ment can’t efficiently provide. Empowering civil societygroups as environmental stewards thus means more than justofficial tolerance; it implies active support for partnershipsbetween these groups, government agencies, and businesses.

Recognize the Standing of EveryStakeholder in Environmental Decis ionsA commitment to building the capacity for public participa-tion must include broadening the definition of who theaffected public is. Within the “management unit” of theecosystem, who should have standing to influence decisionsor negotiate for some of the ecosystem’s goods and services?Traditionally, the parties with influence and access have beenfew—creating public tension, local resistance to decisions,and a grossly unequal sharing of burdens and rewards. Equityand public acceptance of decisions on how to manage ordevelop a resource will only emerge if a broader approach toenvironmental standing takes root.

One useful model might be the “rights and risks”approach recently put forward by the World Commission onDams to guide decisions on large development projects likedams. In this approach, anyone holding a right (such as awater right) or facing a risk from a proposed action (such asdisplacement by a dam) must have an opportunity to partici-pate in the decision-making process. This includes not justthose who reside in the ecosystem, but also those who dependon or value the ecosystem, no matter where they live. Norights are automatically considered superior to all others,and there is an attempt to avoid simply trading off gains andlosses as a “zero-sum game.” Where ecosystems are con-cerned, it is also important to recognize the standing of thosewho can speak for the ecosystem itself, whether they be mem-bers of an environmental or recreation-focused NGO, or sci-entists within a government agency responsible for managingthe ecosystem.

Insist on Sustainabi l i ty in Al lSectors of the EconomyMany of today’s environmental impacts originate in deci-sions outside the traditional scope of those decisions thatfocus on harvesting resources or managing parks. Theseimpacts are driven by larger decisions on economic develop-

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ment, trade, and investment. We have to expand our defini-tion of environmental governance to include these areas if wewant to make progress in reversing our environmentaldecline. It is not enough for natural resource agencies aloneto adopt an ecosystem orientation and embrace a participa-tory approach to decision-making. The acceptance of envi-ronmental sustainability as a principal mandate must perme-ate every sector of government and business activity outsideof the “environment” area as well.

Privatization is one example of how following this man-date could bring important and immediate benefits. Whengovernments privatize the responsibility to deliver water orprovide electric power, they must make sure they are also con-ferring the responsibility for environmental stewardship andequitable service as well. In other words, contracts should bestructured to require or reward companies for water-savingpractices, generating green power, or extending service tolow-income areas, and other beneficial practices.

Environmental sustainability must also become a guidingprinciple for international institutions like the World TradeOrganization (WTO), Export Credit Agencies, and othermembers of the international finance community. Thismeans that they must explicitly recognize environmental pro-tection as a legitimate factor moderating trade and invest-ment policies. As a practical matter, it means making surethese policies do not directly or indirectly undermine currentinternational environmental agreements or interfere withnational environmental laws. These institutions must alsoembrace greater transparency and participation in theirinternal decision-making practices, which are now largelyhidden from public view.

Measure Progress in Governance as aKey Environmental IndicatorEnvironmental governance is gaining a higher profile todaythan ever before. Discussion and experience have brought theinternational community to at least some agreement on goodgovernance norms and their importance to better environ-mental performance over the long run. But in some respects,this has only emphasized how difficult it is to speak in detailon the state of environmental governance. Neither developednor developing nations routinely assess indicators of trans-parency, participation, or civil society activity as a measure ofenvironmental performance. As a consequence, it is impossi-ble to measure our progress toward good governance goals.

The Access Initiative results demonstrate both the feasi-bility and the value of monitoring indicators of environmen-tal governance, such as the extent of public access to environ-mental impact reports, or the ease of disputing a governmentdecision in court. The Access Initiative framework provides amodel that can be readily applied or adapted to the needs ofindividual nations. Adopting such a monitoring framework—either by the government itself or a local NGO—and makingthe results public, is probably the most immediate and clear-

cut step nations can take to encourage better governance inthe short term.

Decis ions for the EarthGovernance is on the global agenda today as never before. Asdemocratic movements flourish and NGOs awaken to newactivism, issues of transparency and fairness have come intosharper focus. This is true in the environmental arena as well.In fact, there is growing dissatisfaction with environmentalgovernance in countries around the world. A Gallup Interna-tional poll in 2000 found that in 55 out of 60 countries sur-veyed, the majority of people did not think their governmentswere doing enough to address environmental issues. “Cor-rupt” and “bureaucratic” were the two most common descrip-tions used by people to characterize their governments.

At the same time, a global consensus has emerged on thebasic principles of good environmental governance: access,participation, transparency, appropriate scale, and ecosystem-based. These form the basic toolkit for environmentally

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B et te r G ove r n a n c e fo rS u s ta i n a b l e E c o s y s te m s

I n ve s t i n G ove r n a n c e M o d e l s t h at R e s p e ct E c o s y s te m sMake ecosystems the fundamental unit of environ-mental management and governance.

B u i l d t h e C a p a c it y fo r P u b l i c Pa r t i c i p at i o nIncrease the public’s environmental literacy and abil-ity to give useful input into environmental decisions.Increase the government’s willingness and capacity todeliver environmental information and digest publicinput.

R e c o g n i ze t h e S ta n d i n g o f E ve r yE n v i r o n m e n ta l S ta k e h o l d e rBroaden the definition of who can participate in envi-ronmental decisions to include all affected parties.

I n s i s t o n S u s ta i n a b i l i t y i n A l l S e cto r s o f t h e E c o n o m yIncorporate sustainability into the mandates of agen-cies, businesses, and financial institutions beyond theusual environment and natural resource sectors.

M e a s u re G ove r n a n c e a s a Key E n v i r o n m e n ta l I n d i c ato rMonitor and publicly report on indicators of environ-mental governance like transparency, access to infor-mation, and public participation.

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empowered and educated citizens—the most potent driver forbetter environmental decisions.

The future lives in the decisions we make now. Movingtoward greater transparency and accountability in our deci-sion-making, toward more participation and equity in ourenvironmental choices, is the way we make better decisionsfor the Earth.

A World of Decisions

How are people around the world rising to thechallenges of environmental governance?From the garden plot to the global commons,case studies in World Resources 2002–2004

explore why it’s so difficult to make inclusive and effectivedecisions about ecosystem use—and the infinite creativity,adaptation, and experimentation that success requires. Somecase studies illuminate the power of an informed community,some the difficulties and benefits of integrating economicand environmental goals. Others examine the tensionsbetween traditional approaches and new ideas, betweenimmediate human need and long-term environmentalhealth, between lofty goals and practical results.

Women, Water, and Work: The Success of SEWAThroughout India, women are typically responsible for thefamily’s water supply and often for crop irrigation, but mentypically exercise the real authority over water-related deci-sions. In several Gujarati villages, “watershed committees”consisting mostly of women are beginning to change thatdynamic. Bolstered by a unique trade union called the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), women-led water-shed committees have begun to take action, lining villageponds to prevent salt contamination, adopting water-savingfarm practices and building rooftop rain collectors. As localaquifers gradually recharge and village ponds refill, thewomen find their voices have become more welcome and theirexperience more respected on other matters of village life.

Ok Tedi Mine: Death by Dumping The developers of the Ok Tedi mine in Papua New Guinea,BHP Billiton, acknowledge that their dumping of mine wasteinto the local river has created an environmental disaster thatthreatens the livelihoods and food security of local people forat least the next 50 years. Yet the government of Papua NewGuinea has granted the company unrestricted legal indem-nity for all the pollution and destruction it has caused andthat will occur in the future. With governments often eagerfor the financial benefits that a gold or copper mine can pro-vide, accountability may be less likely to come from nationallaws and regulations than from public pressure, courts of law,

and NGO efforts to ensure that mining communities have avoice in how their ecosystem is used and protected.

Going for Olympic GreenThe athletes concentrate on bronze, silver, and gold, but theInternational Olympic Committee also focuses on green. In1994, the Committee added “environment” to the Olympicprinciples of sport and culture. Usually, the city hosting theOlympics engages local civil society groups to help shape thegame’s environmental goals and pinpoint the region’s prior-ities. The environmental ambitions of the host cities and thedegree of local involvement have varied from game to game.However, many recent Olympics are demonstrating howlarge events, participatory processes, and creative public-private partnerships can be the means to integrate environ-mental and economic goals, and local and global interests.

Mind over Mussels : Rethinking Mapelane ReserveThe goal was laudable: to protect natural resources. Butwhen the South African government set up the Mapelane

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Nature Reserve on the coast of Sokhulu in 1984, they shutout locals who depended on the mussels gathered there.Years of violent conflict between park rangers, recreationalcollectors, and subsistence harvesters ensued. Now, nudgedalong by a University of Cape Town researcher, park staff arefinding common ground with local harvesters by acknowl-edging the rights of local people to use the resource withinsustainable limits, and working together with them to deter-mine what those limits are and how they are best achieved.

Iranian Revolut ion: A V i l lage TestsEnvironmental Democracy Tapping their own energy, addressing their own priorities,exploiting their own creativity, the 2,700 residents of ruralLazoor, Iran are developing a model environmental initia-tive based on new ways of making decisions about agricul-ture, water, forests. Although centralized government con-trol and planning remains strong in most of Iran, this tinyvillage and several others in the watershed have transformedthemselves into grass roots democracies with full govern-ment support. In Lazoor, residents have planted almost

7,000 fruit and nut trees, constructed terraces and embank-ments to control flooding, and are weighing economic ven-tures such as a mineral water factory and a medicinal plantgarden.

Chicago Wi lderness: Saving the Urban JungleAn unlikely coalition is weaving Chicago’s 200,000 acres ofparks and natural areas into an urban green infrastructure, asessential and valued as roads and sewers. The group, calledChicago Wilderness, pursues small neighborhood projectsand biodiversity education in schools at the same time as itcontributes to regional planning efforts. It includes scientificassociations; local and national environmental organiza-tions; county, state, and federal resource managers; regionalplanners; and private corporations. By emphasizing the con-tribution of natural habitat to the area’s economy andlifestyle, Chicago Wilderness has begun to construct a rea-sonable model for urban ecosystem management that othercities are starting to replicate.

The Mesoamerican Bio logical Corridor:Fol lowing the Path of the Panther In the mid-90’s, when the Wildlife Conservation Societybegan a project called Paseo Pantera or Path of the Panther,they envisioned a chain of natural area corridors connect-ing existing parks and protected areas from Panama toMexico. As the plan encountered the reality of a growingpopulation with aspirations for a better livelihood, the con-tinuous corridor morphed into a system of buffers and con-nectivity zones where economic development would takethe form of lower-impact farming, forestry, and eco-tourism. The compromise has made the project, alsoknown as the Mesoamerican Biological Corridor, far moreappealing to regional governments and development fun-ders, but many question whether it will still protect theregion’s threatened biodiversity.

Charting a Course for Earth’s Future The Earth Charter is a declaration of common values andaspirations for a sustainable future. Individuals and organi-zations from around the world have collaborated in shaping itover the decade since the Rio Earth Summit. Four major prin-ciples and 16 specific goals speak to environmental concernswith an emphasis on social and economic justice and arespect for traditional knowledge and cultural diversity.Armed with this document, local communities and nationalgovernments are now exploring how to use the Charter’s eth-ical vision as an educational tool, to focus dialogue, and as aframework for policy and action. An important challenge is toattach specific, measurable indicators to the Earth Charter,so that governments and local authorities can gauge theirprogress toward sustainability, inclusiveness, economic jus-tice, and respect for nature.

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A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s

Generous support was received from the Metanoia Fund, theNetherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Swedish Interna-tional Development Cooperation Agency, and the Earth Char-ter Initiative to prepare this summary and make it available atthe World Summit for Sustainable Development in August2002. Underlying research for the summary and the main vol-ume was supported by the United Nations Development Pro-gramme, the United Nations Environment Programme, theWorld Bank, and the World Resources Institute. Support forevaluation of results was provided by the Surdna Foundation.Additional support for the companion website of environmen-tal information, EarthTrends was provided by Ford MotorCompany, the David and Lucile Packard Foundation, theSwedish International Development Cooperation Agency, theUnited Nations Development Programme, the United NationsEnvironment Programme, the V. Kann Rasmussen Founda-tion, the World Bank, and the World Resources Institute.

This summary volume benefited from comments andassistance provided by Richard Andrews, Duncan Brack, Mar-ion Cheatle, Gerard Cunningham, Navroz Dubash, KirkHamilton, John Hough, Tony Janetos, Arun Kashyap, BillLaRocque, Charles McNeill, Bedrich Moldan, Elena Petkova,Frank Pinto, Mirjam Schomaker, Frances Seymour, DanTunstall, and Jake Werksman.

For more information• About the World Resources report, visit www.wri.org/wri.• About the Access Initiative, visit www.accessinitiative.org.• About environmental statistics, conditions, and trends, visit

http://earthtrends.wri.org.

© 2002 World Resources InstituteAll rights reserved. Printed on recycled paper.First printing August 2002Published by World Resources Institute10 G Street NEWashington, DC 20002 USA

The World Resources series is a collaborative product of fourorganizations: the United Nations Development Programme,the United Nations Environment Programme, the WorldBank, and the World Resources Institute. The views expressedin this volume are those of the staff from each organizationand do not necessarily reflect the judgments of the organiza-tions’ boards of directors or member governments.

Photo credits

Cover © 2002 Bob Sacha. The Mapparium is located at the Mary Baker

Eddy Library for the Betterment of Humanity in Boston,

Massachusetts.

Opposite Page 1 Community conservation land use meeting, WWF project,

Zombitse, southwest Madagascar, Frans Lanting/Minden Pictures

Page 2 India, Andra Pradesh, Rishi Valley, students in tree nursery, Mark

Edwards/Peter Arnold.

Page 3 Man with machete in Costa Rican rainforest, William Burger,

Field Museum

Page 4 Worker in terraced fields in Bali, Indonesia, Jeff Hunter/Getty

Images

Page 5 Woman with tree seedling, Green Belt Movement, Kenya, William

Campbell/Peter Arnold

Page 22 Rice thresher, Nong Village, Laos, Nevada Wier/Getty Images

Page 23 Farmers in wagons, Bagan, Burma, Eric Meola/Getty Images

Page 24 Rice harvest, Sikha, Nepal, Nevada Wier/Getty Images

Page 28-9 Fisherman checking net, Carlos Casares, Argentina, AP/Wide

World Photos

U N I T E D N A T I O N S D E V E L O P M E N T P R O G R A M M E

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W O R L D B A N K

W O R L D R E S O U R C E S I N S T I T U T E

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D e c i s i o n s f o rt h e E a r t h

WORLD RESOURCES2002–2004

Fu l l Re p o r t

F o r t hc om i n g

Fe b r u a r y 2003

To order the complete report, World Resources2002–2004: Decisions for the Earth: Balance, Voice, andPower, forthcoming in February 2003, or the companionCD-ROM with mapping software, TerraViva! WorldResources, visit www.wristore.com.

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U N I T E D N AT I O N S D E V E L O P M E N T P R O G R A M M E

THE UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME (UNDP)is committed to the principle that development is inseparable fromthe quest for peace and human security and that the United Nationsmust be a strong force for development as well as peace. UNDP’s mis-sion is to help countries in their efforts to achieve sustainable humandevelopment by assisting them to build their capacity to design andcarry out development programmes in poverty eradication, employ-ment creation and sustainable livelihoods, the empowerment ofwomen, the protection and regeneration of the environment—givingfirst priority to poverty eradication.

UNDP, at the request of governments and in support of its areasof focus, assists in building capacity for good governance, popularparticipation, private and public sector development and growthwith equity, stressing that national plans and priorities constitutethe only viable frame of reference for the national programming of operational activities for development within the United Nations system.

UNDP strives to be an effective development partner for theUnited Nations relief agencies, working to sustain livelihoods whilethey seek to sustain lives. It acts to help countries to prepare for,avoid, and manage complex emergencies and disasters.

Visit the UNDP websiteht tp://www.undp.org

U N I T E D N AT I O N S E N V I R O N M E N T P R O G R A M M E

THE UNITED NATIONS ENVIRONMENT PROGRAMME (UNEP)was established in 1972 as the environmental conscience of theUnited Nations. UNEP has created a basis for comprehensive, coordi-nated action within the UN on problems of the environment. UNEP’smission is to provide leadership and encourage partnerships in car-ing for the environment by inspiring, informing, and enablingnations and people to improve their quality of life without compro-mising that of future generations.

One of the most important functions of UNEP is the promotion ofenvironmental science and information. UNEP has always recog-nized that the environment is a system of interacting relationshipsthat extends through all sectors. It places, among other things,emphasis on environment for development. UNEP nurtures partner-ships with other UN bodies possessing complementary skills anddelivery capabilities and enhances the participation of the privatesector, scientific community, NGOs, youth, women, and sports orga-nizations in achieving sustainable development.

UNEP derives its strength and influence from the authorityinherent in its mission—environmental management. UNEP has andwill continue to play a pivotal role in caring for the environment for the future.

Visit the UNEP websiteht tp://www.unep.org

W O R L D B A N K G R O U P

FOUNDED IN 1944, THE WORLD BANK GROUP CONSISTS OFfive closely associated institutions: the International Bank for Recon-struction and Development (IBRD); International DevelopmentAssociation (IDA), International Finance Corporation (IFC); Multi-lateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA); and the InternationalCentre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID).

The World Bank is the world’s largest source of development assis-tance, providing nearly $30 billion in loans annually to its clientcountries. The Bank uses its financial resources, its highly trainedstaff, and its extensive knowledge base to individually help each devel-oping country onto a path of stable, sustainable, and equitablegrowth. The main focus is on helping the poorest people and the poor-est countries, but for all its clients the Bank emphasizes the need for:• Investing in people, particularly through basic health and educa-tion • Protecting the environment • Supporting and encouragingprivate business development • Strengthening the ability of the gov-ernments to deliver quality services, efficiently and transparently •Promoting reforms to create a stable macroeconomic environment,conducive to investment and long-term planning • Focusing onsocial development, inclusion, governance, and institution-buildingas key elements of poverty reduction.

Visit the World Bank websiteht tp://www.worldbank.org

W O R L D R E S O U R C E S I N S T I T U T E

THE WORLD RESOURCES INSTITUTE IS AN ENVIRONMENTALthink tank that goes beyond research to create practical ways to pro-tect the Earth and improve people’s lives. Its mission is to movehuman society to live in ways that protect Earth’s environment forcurrent and future generations.

WRI’s program meets global challenges by using knowledgeto catalyze public and private action: • To reverse damage to ecosystems. WRI protects the capacity of ecosystems to sustain life and prosperity. • To expand participation in envi-ronmental decisions. WRI collaborates with partners worldwideto increase people’s access to information and inf luence overdecisions about natural resources. • To avert dangerous climatechange. WRI promotes public and private action to ensure a safeclimate and sound world economy. • To increase prosperitywhile improving the environment. WRI challenges the private sector to grow by improving environmental and communitywell-being.

In all of its policy research and work with institutions, WRIbuilds bridges between ideas and action, meshing the insights ofscientific research, economic analysis, and practical experiencewith the need for open and participatory decision-making.

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WHO SHOULD DECIDE WHERE TO BUILD A ROAD OR LOCATE A

dam? When is the public consulted? Can people appeal deci-sions they find unfair? World Resources 2002–2004 examines howwe make environmental decisions and who makes them, which isthe process of environmental governance. The report argues thatbetter environmental governance is one of the most direct routesto fairer and more sustainable use of natural resources. Deci-sions made with greater participation and greater knowledge ofnatural systems—decisions for the Earth—can help to reversethe loss of forests, the decline of soil fertility, and the pollutionof air and water that reflect our past failures.

Tenth in the biennial World Resources series on the globalenvironment, the report defines governance in everyday terms,with reference to a wealth of case studies. It assesses the stateof environmental governance in nations around the world andsummarizes results from the Access Initiative, a first-everattempt to systematically measure governments’ performancein providing their citizens access to environmental information,decision-making, and justice.

World Resources 2002–2004 also presents a wealth ofnational statistics on current environmental, social, and eco-nomic trends in more than 150 countries. The report departsfrom previous editions by making the full World Resources data-base freely accessible and searchable online in the companionwebsite, EarthTrends (http://earthtrends.wri.org). The award-winning EarthTrends site also provides data tables, country pro-files, maps, and feature stories about current conditions. Inaddition, the World Resources database is published on CD-ROM with mapping software as TerraViva! World Resources.

The World Resources series is produced by a unique collabo-ration of the United Nations Development Programme, theUnited Nations Environment Programme, the World Bank, andtheWorld Resources Institute. This guide, prepared for the WorldSummit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, high-lights issues that will be developed more fully in the main volumeof the report, forthcoming in February 2003.

For ordering information, please visit www.wristore.com.

Design by Glenn Pierce/The Magazine GroupCover photo © 2002 Bob Sacha

WORLD RESOURCES

2002–2004

ISBN 1-56973-533-6

T H E W O R L D B A N K