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A critique paper on Renato Constantino's The Philippines: A Past Revisited

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A critique paper on

Renato Constantino’s The Philippines: A Past Revisited

ALIGATO, Angela Claire R.

BSBA-Marketing Management, 3-1D

Polytechnic University of the Philippines

GEED 10033: Readings in Philippine History

Professor Jacinto Valila Jr.

23/5/2021

The world always look and feel different between those with and without power. Yet, it is

the perspective of the powerful that is always seen. This is on the grounds that understanding

history is a privilege that some has not the resources to afford. Looking back, the factors that may

have given birth to the latter is pertinent to the struggles that a certain community, which in this

sense may refer to any civilized place or in itself a place where various communities reside, has

witnessed and experienced. This is resonant to Professor Renato Constantino’s book, Philippines:

A Past Revisited. It has gained stature over the years especially in the academe as it skillfully

depicts the Filipino struggles on history as a profound catalyst on the evolving Philippine society.

The analysis pointed out by Constatino are mostly, if not all, liberating and informative to

a fault. Recounting the hardships that the Filipinos before this time have suffered calls to mind the

understanding of where the people must be standing today. That those unsung and chronicled

heroes of the past did not shed blood in combat just for people today to end up barely knowing

them and the cause for which they fought. This is the impact of Constantino’s method of writing.

It is not direct as there are some parts that I may have found one dimensional for reasons that

would be mentioned later. Nevertheless, it has the dramatic flair of resounding to its audience rage

and betrayal while scanning through its chapters.

Marxist Framework

There are some faults, however, that can be seen on the book. On his accounts of

understanding historical lenses, a Marxist framework can be inferred. From his viewpoint,

collective liberal consciousness is a result of economic struggles. Where there is no economic

struggle, the “natives” as he referred to Filipinos in the earlier chapter, shall remain in their

barangay which is a separate entity. There is no exploitation hence the absence of class. As said

from the book: “The barangay was a social rather than a political unit.” As said before,

Constantino’s writing is very convincing that if one is to read it without the influence of other

accounts, it may compel one to entirely agree with what was handed. It is agreeable that the so

called “dependent population” or debt peons in the Philippines and chattel slaves in Europe are

different from each other, but through this debt servitude in the Pre-Hispanic colonialism, the

Spanish found an anchorage to impose their exploitative acts. Until such time that the debt is paid,

a father’s debt is transferred to his son. Debt peonage paved way so that more natives holding a

higher position in the community themselves, as mentioned right somewhere in chapter 3 and 4

have become an instrument to spreading Spanish authority.

Another ambiguity is when Constantino considered that Pre-Hispanic slavery does not

exist. He pointed out; “Everyone worked for an immediate need and that was all. The means to

systematically exploit the labor of others were not yet at hand.” It is challenging to appreciate

how it was stated outright that there is an absence of exploitation and it be immediately recognized

as absence of slavery. The grounds was viewed from the context of kinship but not to individual

experiences. While it is true that a barangay is based on familial structure, and there are challenges

in written accounts of Pre-Hispanic slavery, to dispose of individual experiences and portray that

no exploitation has ever existed is objectionable. Experiences included labor intensive wet-rice

agriculture which was done by people from lower position. It is where the Datu has the rights to

retain certain land use privileges to himself. Ultimately, possessing a man in payment of debt.

Moreover, Friedrich Engels, a champion of Marxist theory of the origin of the state and

classes, has mentioned from his book entitled Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State

(1884) that the roots of the emergence of class society was when division of labor and commerce

pursued. This is exemplified through the existence of the Datu, Timawa, and Oripun

(Nagano,2004) in various barangay. Another study that may render Constantino’s points

contradicting is titled Filipino Class Structure in the Sixteenth Century authored by William Henry

Scott. In this study, there exist in the baranganic society where the rights and privileges favors a

person of high position and difficult labors are given to people of lower class position. Pursuant to

the fact that the framework is Marxist, failing to acknowledge the existence of class as well as

political prerogatives even in the baranganic society may seem counteractive.

Historiography by the Articulate

One of the most important topics drawn in the earlier parts of the book is, without question,

the problem of historiography which Constantino considers the chief source of distorted socio-

political perceptions in the Philippines. It showed the problematic Philippine history viewed from

the perspective of the, as mentioned on the book, articulate. The book started with this

to channel within the audience minds that Philippine history, as we grew to learn about it, have

identified with the colonizer’s influence. These influences has restricted structures to which history

is written with cultural ascendancy on the colonizers. Filipino scholars engaged in this pursuit have

critical comprehension based on their studies in the country while being immersed in a colonial

education system. The struggle continued and the colonial legacy causes issues in the intellectual

discourse of history even after the independence. However, the chronicle involving the masses are

unfortunately, diluted from its parts. Thus, it created accounts of the Filipino struggle contorted to

glorify an individual man, the articulate.

Jose Rizal is one of those articulate man who, for his known genius and compassion for his

countrymen, had written about the Filipino struggles. Through so much of his actions against the

abuse of the Spaniards then, reformist it was, he was executed for it. His martyrdom earned him

the sympathy of the people and he was regarded Philippine’s National Hero. However, presently,

with the extensive benefits of social media and Philippine cinema, people are being skeptic about

it. Going back to the topic, Chapter 11 of this book delivered the fact that the people must, indeed,

be skeptic about it. Rizal’s propaganda was reformist rather than separatist. Rizal, even on his last

days had “vehemently repudiated the Revolution, a reformist to the end.” He has the compassion

for the people’s struggle but given his educational and social background, being one of the

Ilustrados, to completely relate with the mass would be high-strung. It would be intellectually

hypocritical of me to directly state that Rizal must not be a hero. His methods of advancing

independence must be appreciated just as much as the sacrifices that the people, the mass, have

experienced are appreciated. Even more, it deserves higher appreciation than the proclaimed

heroes.

Veneration without Understanding of the Past

The preceding statements is relative to one of Constantino’s work; Veneration without

Understanding (1972). Thus, in relation to Philippine’s past, veneration without understanding

equates to pure idolatry. The latter’s consequence, therefore, prevents its learners from seeing

various comprehensive points of view. This inculcates limitation of socio-political perspectives,

worse, ignorance on the struggles of the mass. Understanding history from a perspective that is

spoon-fed to the people from elementary studies and to which restrictions are not removed even

on the tertiary education, results to division of ideas as exemplified by today’s “Dilawan” and

“DDS”. This practice of glorifying the articulate, an individual man, in Philippines historiography,

did not cease to exist on today’s society. Instead of looking at the corrupted actions of the

government representatives, having liberal consciousness and unite against the said criminals, the

people are divided amongst their idols. For this, once again, Constantino’s stance on understanding

history from the struggles of the mass instead of heroes, is imperative on strengthening political

and social consciousness.

Native Consciousness

Another interesting point evident on the present society and its struggle against the

CoVid19 pandemic is how Philippines have long been a casualty of man’s corrupted motives and

greed. At the emergence of capitalism as a world system, the country took its first hit from the

Spanish monarch. The book exemplified how religion is political and was then used in pretext of

the colonizer’s economic agenda. Its impact to Philippines, as a nation, has persisted to the present.

In truth, the conquest that lead for its expedition were not entirely about religion, the motive is to

progress on their economic stance. As other European countries grew in power so do the Spain’s

motivation to join this undertaking.

On Chapters 2-3, the author gave an understanding on Spain’s economic and societal

background as an impulse to their colonization. Spain herself had problems amongst her people.

The rise of the middle class was the catapult of her economy’s transition from feudal to capitalist.

The war between the middle class and the feudal lords divided her and from there a central

authority was established. Mercantile capital gradually immersed itself on the feudal society. After

the Reconquista, the war wherein the Arabs and Berbers tried to invade certain areas in Spain from

which she won, the discovery of America, the marriage of Isabella of Castille and Ferdinand of

Aragon, her people started adapting to the capitalist practice on the society. Having been exposed

to capitalism, later on, expeditions progressed their navigation technology, the wars of the

Crusades introduced the Spaniards to spices and they become interested to participate on this

trading. In spite of this, Spain and Portugal was barred from sailing on those trading routes by

Venetian naval power. Determined to be part of it, they pursued other routes hence the “discovery”

of Philippines by Magellan.

To use the word “utilized our resources” would be an understatement on the plight of our

society at the hands of the Spanish conquerors. They have exploited, abused, and maltreated the

natives of the land they have conquered, our country included. Where their exploration are

influenced by the Pope, bringing an end to the native’s “heathen” proclivities and subjecting them

to Catholicism, they are encouraged strongly by what historians remarked as, Gold and Glory,

whereas here is more than god itself. The book showed how by virtue of the patronato real, Spanish

conquerors saw a more solid opportunity to serve their own material interest.

Encomenderos are assigned up on conquered cities to collect tributes which in turn can be

used by the friars to spread their doctrine. It was in this early stage of colonialism that the Spanish

were able to infiltrate the class society amongst the natives and made it oppressive. While it is true

that they were influenced by the papacy, the latter’s intrusion on their policies are resented by the

monarch unless it benefits them. Therefore, election of popes are also political. Popes are chosen

in place because they are perceived to be someone who carries their own interest as them. This

raged conflict between representatives of the church and the crown. Unfortunately, the members

of the colonized country was at the receiving end of their attempts to leverage their respective

economic interest.

First, the encomenderos exacted; tributes, forced labor, military conscription and the

bandala or the “compulsory sale of products to the government” (pg.47) which are often underpaid

or not paid at all. By the end of the fourth chapter, the chieftains of the native communities became

the “pillars of colonial administration and intermediaries between the rulers and the ruled.”

However, due to lack of products, a proposal to abandon the Philippines arose. The lack of products

are determinate to underdevelopment of agriculture whose faults are to Spaniards interested only

on the galleon trade at Manila. The abandonment was strongly opposed by the church for reasons

that the friars also had a large share on the galleon trade. The walled city was built and the money

made from the galleon trade via this economic center was successful that Spaniards are

concentrated there. The imposition of Chines trade on various parts of the Philippines has

weakened the native economy. This lead for the rural population to move to the cities and offer

domestic services to the Spaniards. To further their economic agendas and control, the natives are

resettled on compact villages. Since it would be far from their traditional land, it was met with

hostility. The friars manipulated the chieftains with gifts or threatened their safety. The poblacion-

barrio-sitio system emerged and to inspire other native communities the friars gave the chieftains

a position to lead the community. They would serve as intermediaries between the mass and the

Spanish government. They would be regarded as principales. Of course, it was under the

supervision of the Spaniards and that action was a mere deception for the natives to heed on their

demands. This created the more oppressive and exploitative chieftains who would use theire

administrative position to procure land for themselves only.

The Oppressors, Exploiters and the Intermediaries

By the sixth chapter, friars who were once sincere on their duties on the indoctrination

became abusive on their power. The actions of the friars are morphing to those of the

encomenderos whose action they once despised and complained to the king, only this time, with

their ecclesiastic personification hiding it. They would use the native’s religious faith to fool them

into donating to them. They stole the lands of the farmers and forced them to continuously work

on it. They instituted corporal punishments, committed sexual offense to women and increased

tax. Their power over the spiritual and economic aspects of the crown and its colonies has

strengthened. It was the encomenderos turn to complain about them. Regardless, the two are

oppressors.

The abuses built up which resulted to awakening. Attempts to resist against it were made,

some are violent and some have nativistic features. The attempts were met with more violent force.

Worse act made on the part of the Spaniards was when they used the natives to turn against their

own. Case in point was the strategic manipulation of Governor Manrique De Lara to Juan

Macapagal. The former treated Macapagal with such courtesy that he allowed for his supposed

envoy killed. The ambitions of the principales grew. They started sharing the grievances of the

people but to its essences meant the satisfaction of their greed. Diego Silang would be the epitome

for this. They saw revolts as a way to dispose of the Spaniards and in turn, advance their own

economic ambitions.

As the books goes on to show Spain’s economic foothold on the country, the British

penetration in the economy weakened it. Another influence was when Philippines officially

became part of the world commerce through their businesses with the Chinese. Chinese mestizos

emerged and the principalia’s ambitions grew even more. The principales are now seen as an

enemy. There are mass movements against the principales and church members for being

compatriots on this exploitative undertaking. The oppressed went after and punished them. The

first movement was to rejecting religion, the second movement was due to Filipinos being denied

the opportunity in the church’s organization. The fight for the Filipinization of the clergy paved

the sentiment for nationality. With the material benefits, it also allowed native families to afford

education for their sons. Sons who would soon be the articulators of the people’s unrest, the

ilustrados. “The quantitative series of rebellions produced a qualitative leap—the revolution of a

nation. The nation was born of the Revolution as much as the Revolution was the expression of

the nation being born.” (pg.125)

Filipino “Leaders” Turning Against Each Other

From chapters 10 onwards, the theme would be betrayal. It should be expected that upon

reading it, devastation on what could have been would be immensely felt. Before highlighting the

propagandist movement, it should be known first that one particular event in the history of

Philippines sped up the nationalistic movement. The Cavite mutiny on 1872 led to the persecution

of three prominent secular priests; Mariano Gómez, José Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora. Due to their

reformist ideas, they were seen as a threat to the Spanish clergy. On this ground, they were accused

as the masterminds of the mutineers. The GomBurZa were publicly executed, by garrote, on

February 17, 1872. This time has also coincided with the establishment of the Filipino concept as

the term has a rather elitist distinction. The ilustrados dissolved that and the term Filipino began

to refer to the entire people. The death of the Gomburza and the ilustrados stepping up, ultimately

resulted to Spain’s demise and Philippines found its solid ground for awakening.

The printing press serves as a vessel for ilustrados in expressing nationality and their

freedom. A prominent Propagandist was Graciano Lopez Jaena who left the Philippines for Spain

in 1880 after publishing a satirical novel, Fray Botod (full bellied), which according to the book

“depicted all the vices and abuses of the Spanish priests.” Another Propagandist was Marcelo del

Pilar known for his Tagalog parodies of biblical references. The most famous Propagandist was

Jose Rizal. There were unsuccessful attempts made to actually establish a Filipino organization

which would project the demand for reforms in writing until La Solidaridad was founded. Because

the propagandist are for assimilation and not for separation, adding to the fault that it reached

smaller numbers of its audience due to the language it used, the local ilustrados has formed. These

local ilustrados would came to be the leaders of the revolutionaries. Due to misunderstanding

amongst its members and lack of funds, La Solidaridad gradually lost its effectivity.

Rizal and Bonifacio met on the former’s return to Philippines in July 1892. Rizal

established the La Liga Filipina. In fear of numerous protest, on July 6, 1892, Rizal was secretly

arrested by order of Governor Despujol and subsequently imprisoned at Fort Santiago. Rizal’s

arrest marked the crucial period of the propagandists. The La Liga Filipina collapsed into two,

Cuerpo de Compromisarios which supports the reformist ideals of the league and the Katipunan

which views the reformist ideals futile. The Katipunan was headed by Andres Bonifacio.

The Katipuneros were able to amass greater participation from the Filipinos due to the

economic crisis and discrimination. The grievances of each class heightened and combined

altogether. The desire for independence allowed for the Katipuneros to recruit more on their plan

for armed struggle. The plan to rise up in arms spread throughout the country. The Katipuneros

are starting to have the upper-hand on their fight to achieving freedom. They say it can never be

called a betrayal unless it was a product of your own people’s action. The Philippines, once again,

have been betrayed by her own people. Theodoro Patino ratted the Katipuneros out. It is not stated

whether the discovery of the revolution was due to him confessing to Mariano Gil, a priest or

because of his quarrel over wages with a fellow Katipunero that he blurted his angers to his sister,

Honoria, a nun. Due to a rather petty dispute, the chance for uprising was disturbed forcing the

Katipuneros to launch a premature revolution.

The book’s eleventh chapter was “action-packed” to simply say it. The feelings of

contempt towards opportunist on the Filipino struggles, that the former chapters have shown will

intensify on this part of the book. Blood has been shed, guns are fired and revolutionaries are

executed, it was truly a horrific time. The fight for independence inspired other provinces to rise

up against the Spaniards.

As mentioned from the book, this reign of terror only sparked up the forces of the

revolution. From these struggles, power mongers used it on their own cause. Emilio Aguinaldo, as

good as a military commander he was, a traitor to the Filipinos too, seized this opportunity to cast

Cavite a sole revolutionary government, a republic. He used this inspirational rhetoric of a

Philippine republic that the Katipunanwas undermined. The book emphasizes that the fight of the

Katipunan is the real fight of the Filipinos, as it should be. Ulterior motives that is not beneficial

to the Katipunan cause is betrayal to the Filipino’s cause. Bonifacio failed to gather representatives

from each provinces that could weaken Aguinaldo’s claim to central governance. It could be

attributed to defeats that his force has suffered unlike that of Aguinaldo’s. It could also be

attributed to when he was attacked for his educational background by Daniel Tirona, an entitled

elitist.

Aguinaldo did not recognize the Katipunan leadership and took his oath in front of a priest

after the Tejeros Convention. His first act as a self-proclaimed leader “for the people” was to take

an oath in front of a Catholic priest which is inconsistent to the Katipunan principles from which

his revolutionary advances are based. From this point, the essence from which leadership is

appointed not by riches or privilege but through compassion and political will; where the greater

mass as victims of unjust elitist perpetrators has all the rights to lead the people, was lost. As stated

from the book; “Tejeros was the defeat of the revolution of the masses.” Bonifacio’s compatriots

have turned against him and joined Aguinaldo. They were promised a position on the government

which would solidify protection on their interest. Aguinaldo, insecure for his leadership, saw

Bonifacio as a threat. Therefore, he did all means to eliminate Bonifacio.

The death of Bonifacio reversed the country back to a reformist engagement with the

Spanish. Aguinaldo, blinded with his insecurities, lost his integrity as a president. To add more

insult to the death of Filipinos who fought alongside the Katipuneros, he surrendered the revolution

with Spaniards in exchange of about 400,000 pesos and agreed to exile in Hong Kong. Aguinaldo’s

exile was proposed by yet another traitor, a fellow ilustrado, Pedro Paterno who mediated the

signing of the Biak-na-Bato Pact between Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo and Spanish Governor-General

Fernando Primo de Rivera. Emilio Aguinaldo may have had the worse karma in the form of Pedro

Paterno for he would once again be betrayed by the man during the Philippines-American war.

After its defeat in the Spanish-American War of 1898, Spain ceded Philippines to the

United States in the Treaty of Paris. The Filipino people triumphed. Paterno immediately crawled

his way into becoming the president of the Malolos Congress’ and the head of the General’s

cabinet. Aguinaldo and his congress showed their real purpose on their quest to remain in power.

The lands taken back from the Spaniards was not distributed to the people but rather to its leaders

who are tasked to be responsible to divide it amongst the people in the community. It is imperative

to understand that at this point, community leaders have acquired a taste for wealth therefore, the

distribution was not assured.

The Americans pursued on its annexation to the Philippines. The “Benevolent

Assimilitaion” honeyed with its friendly tones, still meant one thing, expansion of American

sovereignty to the country. Initially, Aguinaldo was playing safe and coy to engage battle with

Americans. It was not only until a Filipino soldier was killed by an American that the Philippine-

American war broke out. Influenced by the eloquent traitor, Pedro Paterno, Aguinaldo considers

negotiating with the Americans. From this on, another great general whose valor exceeds that of

Bonifacio came to lead the revolution, General Antonio Luna.

General Antonio Luna was a dedicated leader of the Aguinaldo’s military force.

Disciplined yet ill-tempered, Luna made enemies even on the congress. One of those was Felipe

Buencamino and Pedro Paterno. Hearing the news about attempt to negotiate with the Americans,

Luna raced to Cabanatuan to arrest Paterno and Buencamino. There were accounts that even

mentions how Luna slapped Buencamino square on his face during a heated meeting. The two was

later released by Aguinaldo. They threatened Aguinaldo that with the capabilities of Luna, the

latter may overthrow him in power. Again, Aguinaldo is insecure and acquiring the taste for wealth

on his betrayal to the Katipuneros, he let the fate of Bonifacio happen to Luna. On June 5, 1899,

General Luna along with his trusted aide, Col. Francisco “Paco” Roman was stabbed to death.

Aguinaldo denied the allegations that he ordered the execution of Luna. The death of Luna made

headlines in the American press for he was regarded “one of the bitterest foes of the Americans in

the Philippines, has been assassinated by order of Aguinaldo (Keat, 1899). The Califronia based

newspaper wrote:

LONDON. June 13.— The Filipino Junta here confirms the story of the assassination of

General Antonio Luna, and says it was the result of a long contest on the part of Luna

against Aguinaldo. It is also said at the Junta that Agoncillo has returned to Paris from

Rome, where he had an audience at the Vatican, and was told that a Filipino bishop might

be appointed if the Filipinos would release the imprisoned Spanish friars.

The American imperialist was able to successfully penetrate the society, luring the mass with

export-import trade. The greatest deception in American Colonialism was miseducation of the

Filipinos. The strategic maneuver of sending scholars in the America to intellectually liberate them

and institutionalizing American education system in the Philippines subjugated national

consciousness to passive-aggressive colonial mentality.

In retrospect, Renato Constantino’s analysis of our Philippine history from the perspective

of the people gives much to be appreciated. For all the times that collective minds tries to

understand a shift or major change that occurred, factors that took place earlier on are studied. To

know about it would be a disrespect on the struggles of the Filipinos in the past. To understand It

would be beneficial as it broadens our empathy to the marginalized communities or any

underprivileged groups. The people have suffered abuse, exploitation degradation, intellectual

manipulation, rape and death at the hands of Spanish Colonizers and for it the children of

yesterday, today and tomorrow have been the victims of something they are innocent of. We owe

it to the unwritten stories of our silent heroes, valor of our yesterday's chieftains or generals, the

fight of the masses women and men that we as scholars of today must ensure that their struggles

have not been for naught.

References:

Constantino, R. (1972). Veneration without understanding. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 1(4),

3–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/00472337185390141

Constantino, R., & Constantino, L. R. (1975). The Philippines: A past revisited. Quezon City:

Tala Pub. Services.

Engels, F. (1884). The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. Origins of the

Family. https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/.

Keat, W. (n.d.). GENERAL LUNA IS MURDERED BY AGUINALDO. San Francisco Call 14

June 1899 - California Digital Newspaper Collection.

https://cdnc.ucr.edu/?a=d&d=SFC18990614.2.2.4&e=-------en--20--1--txt-txIN--------1.

Nagano, Y. (2013). Philippine historiography and colonial discourse: Eight selected essays on

postcolonial studies in the Philippines (An introduction to the Japanese translation), trans.

Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes. Occasional Papers, UCLA Center for Southeast Asian Studies, UCLA

International Institute, University of California Los Angeles. http://escholarship.

org/uc/item/8zt322fw, accessed, 4.

Scott, W. (1980). Filipino Class Structure in the Sixteenth Century. Philippine Studies, 28(2),

142-175. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42632521

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