90 Days UPSC Mains Optional Answer Writing Initiative · 2019. 2. 28. · society and socialist economy profoundly How there is change in nature of developing society The change in

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90 Days UPSC Mains Optional Answer Writing

Initiative

Political Science – Paper 2

Question and Model Answers from Subject Experts

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19-Nov-2018 - Question 1

In what respect is the new social movement new in nature? Discuss.(150 words) - 2014

Model Answer

Social movements are organizational structures and strategies that may empower certain sections of the population to challenge and resist other sections. Such movements have been academically studied since the 19th century. The second half of the 20th century saw a new wave of new social movements – with changed dynamics and new causes, as the context evolved.

Earliest social movements can be tracked back to the 19th century and include

Labour movements (for improved conditions for the growing working class)

Nationalist movement (for independence specially from European colonialism)

Catholic movement (for legal and political rights of Catholics)

20th century fascist and right-wing authoritarian groups (sometimes considered movements rather than conventional political parties)

New social movements are labelled to select collective actions that emerged and flourished since the 1960s, in the West , and 1970s, in the East. These were facilitated by globalisation and fuelled by information and communication technology. These mainly include

The women’s movement

The peace movement

The green movement

Anti – capitalist or anti – globalisation movements

New social movements are new in nature as compared to traditional social movements in the following ways

Traditional movements were carried by oppressed or disadvantaged. New social movements attract the young, more educated and relatively affluent


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Traditional movements were focused on emancipation, freedom or social movements. New social movements typically have a post – material orientation i.e. with increasing advancement , concern shifted to quality of life issues

Traditional movements have little in common and seldom worked in tandem. New social movements subscribe to a common ideology(may not be clearly defined) – New left ideas and values 9such as rejection of conventional society as oppressive, disillusionment with working class as revolutionary agent)

New social movements tend to have organisational structures that demand decentralisation and participatory decision – making which was absent in traditional social movements

Traditional movements ,in the backdrop of totalitarianism around the world wars, was seen as attempt to achieve security and identity. New social movements imbibe new forms of political activism , being in an altered context. These are seen as rational and instrumental actors using informal and unconventional means

Class based politics of old movement has been replaced by a new politics – democratic pluralism.

In comparison of old movements , new ones offer fresh and rival centres of power and diffuse power more effectively by resisting bureaucratisation , having spontaneity and inculcating decentralised organisation.

The emergence of new generation of social movements practising new styles of activism has significantly shifted views about the nature and significance of movements. Their emergence is evidence that power in post – industrial societies is becoming dispersed and fragmented.


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Describe the changing nature of Comparative Politics, Briefly explain the Political Economy approach to the study of Comparative Politics. (150 words) - 2018

Model Answer

Comparative politics is a methodological sub-discipline of political science , employing comparison as a method of political inquiry. According to John Blondel , it is the study of patterns of national government in contemporary world.

The changing nature of comparative politics.

The comparative politics has mainly two approaches traditional approach and modern approach.

So how comparative politics changed from tradition to comparative , same way the nature of comparative politics also changed.

It changed its nature from normative to scientific.

It shifted its focus from text to context. Just study of constitutions was not enough to understand politics.

Its research area shifted from developed world to developing world.

It also changed its nature from the study of governments to study of politics as system replaced state

Function substituted power , role substituted office and structure substituted institution. This substitution claimed to be solution to the problem of studying different categories of political systems

Change from traditional approach to modern approach also made it comparative in true sense since uniform west are more or less uniform. While , political structure in developing countries are multifunctional and culturally mixed.

It changed from status- quoist to dynamic, from value laden to factual analytic , from formalistic to comprehensive too.


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Political economy approach

Political economy as defined by Friedrich Engels, in the widest sense, is the science of the laws governing the production and exchange of the material means of subsistence in human society. A Political Economy approach studies the effects of people's involvement in society as members of groups, and how that changes their ability to function. Comparative Politics employs Political Economy to focus on the interaction between institutions and human behaviour, the way in which the former shapes choices and how the latter change institutional frameworks.

Political economy, an inter-disciplinary approach involves economics and politics. It is the methodology of economics applied to the analysis of political behaviour & institutions. Since the institutions do not change considerable over time, a comparative perspective helps in identifying institutional influences on political behaviour as well as on social & economic outcomes. In comparative politics, political economy has participated in three major theoretical developments: -

It helped in establishing an analytical perspective to politics in which uncovering regularities, patterns & causal mechanisms are of primary interest rather then political orders.

Political economists provided path- breaking insights into the interaction b/w corporations & governments. It explains why policies in autocracies tend to differ from policies in democracies & government spending is higher in countries with proportional electoral system than in countries with majoritarian electoral system.

(iii) Political economists are at the forefront of explaining how government decisions are altered by the increase in global economic integrations.


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Despite numerous studies proving the effectivity of Political Economy approach, there exists certain limitations which render its use only upto an extent. Political Economy Approach neglects understanding of Constitution, and Political Institutions by turning its focus to economic aspects of polity. Studies related to the approach uses nomenclature like North-South countries, Developing- Developed countries, Third world countries which has made political economy approach biased. The approach is normative, and specialized knowledge is needed for quantitative techniques utilized by it. Political Economy studies are costly due to sophistication, and due to such numerous faultlines, it can't give comprehensive understanding of the subject. Samuel Huntington exclaimed that challenge to reconcile economic determinism, with political determinism remains in this approach.

Adam Smith called Political Economy as that science for statesmen which leads to wealth & prosperity. The approach has now more than four hundred year old history and includes the works of French Physiocrats, Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Karl Marx, among others which despite limitations have led to emergence of conclusive findings beneficial for better understanding of politics.


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How has the development of Global capitalism changed the nature of socialist economies and developing societies? (200 words) - 2017

Model Answer

Global capitalism is a qualitatively new stage in the open ended evolution of capitalism characterised by the rise of transnational capital, a transnational capitalist class, and a transnational state. It has its effect on both developing society and socialist economy profoundly

How there is change in nature of developing society

The change in nature of developing societies is mainly in term of demand of certain rights, abolition of certain restriction, demands of such laws which promote equality.

Putting the social -institutional changes in the society

Not only this , it has made changes in family system too. It has disintegrated the joint family system. Further, moving from joint family to the nuclear family , nuclear family to the double income and no kids , further going for the single mother . Also, emergence of limitation on the marriage system can also be seen .This has changed the social institutions, social pattern and social demands.

This social demands has also converted into the political demand like demand for new rights like right to privacy is somewhat closely related to idea of global capitalism.

Global capitalism has also brought uneven development or development of underdevelopment specially in periphery countries as put by Immanuel Wallerstine in his world system theory . For eg. A disproportionate number of Africans remaining uneducated and undernourished, with the population also suffering disproportionately from diseases such as AIDS. It also led to a concentration of agriculture on the production of ‘cash crops’ for export rather than meeting local needs


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The inherent inequalities and injustices of global capitalism was one of the influences on the anti-globalization, or ‘anti-capitalist’, movement that emerged from the late 1990s onwards. Thus developing societies became more aware of their rights.

How there is change in the nature of socialist economy

Socialist economies like Russia used to follow socialism. In those countries market was not open. They used to follow central planning pattern. Welfare schemes were quite prevalent. Market economy was not there but state command economy was. So government had to spend a lot.

But , it was clearly seen that financial crises was going on there. This institutions of global capitalism like IMF gave loans to prevent the global financial crises and threatening the entire global financial and currency system. The most controversial aspect of the loans that the IMF provided was that ‘conditionalities’ were attached to them. From the 1980s onwards these conditions were shaped in line with the thinking of the Washington consensus, which required recipient countries to introduce ‘structural adjustment’ programmes shaped by a faith in market fundamentalism. This led to a ‘one size fits all’ application of a neoliberal template based on the control of inflation ahead of other economic objectives, the immediate removal of barriers to trade and the flow of capital, the liberalization of the banking system, the reduction of government spending on everything except debt repayment, and the privatization of assets that could be sold to foreign investors.

Although structural adjustment programmes sometimes produced the required benefits, they often inflicted more harm than good on developing and transition countries. This occurred because of the destabilizing impact of ‘shock therapy’ market reforms, which by reducing government spending and rolling back welfare provision increased poverty and unemployment, while economic openness exposed fragile economies to intensified foreign competition and expanded the influence of foreign banking and corporate interests. IMF-led structural adjustment thus often deepened, rather than reduced, economic crises in Russia and elsewhere, and, according to Joseph Stiglitz it did so because the IMF responded, at heart, to the ‘interests and ideology of the Western financial community’ or the global capitalism.


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Thus with the development of global capitalism , financial crises going on in socialist economies further accentuated.


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What is the difference between Interest Groups and Pressure Groups? Are the Pressure Groups in India in a position to fully protect or promote the interests of their members?(150 words) - 2015

Model Answer

Interest groups and pressure groups are both actors of group politics – they are organised efforts aspiring for a particular cause . Although sometimes considered similar , there are debated and slight differences between the two entities.

Interest groups are organisational seeking to advance a particular interest , concern or cause , while usually not seeking to form a government or part thereof . They rely on a variety of campaigning and lobbying methods to exert influence on government policy.

It is often used synonymously with pressure groups, organised groups and catalytic groups . Other scholarly labels include ‘anonymous empire’ ( Finer) , ‘invisible government’ (McKean) and ‘unofficial government’

Pressure groups are non – profit and (usually) voluntary organisations whose members have a common cause , for which they seek to influence political or corporate decision – makers to achieve a declared objective . They are studied for the extend to which they enter the political process. ( Jean Blondel)

Differences between interest groups and pressure groups –

Nature : interest groups are more or less protective while pressure groups are both protective and promotive.

Structure : interest groups are formally organised , while pressure groups are more strictly structured

Orientation – interest groups are interest – oriented , while pressure groups are focussed on pressure tactics

Outlook – interest groups are softer in outlook while pressure groups tend to be harsher in attitude.


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Output – interest groups may or may not influence the governmental action .On the other hand , pressure groups are comparatively more successful in influencing policies

Classification – interest groups are classified into communal , institutional and associational groups. Pressure groups are classified into associational , non – associational , institutional and anomic groups

Usage – The term interest group is used in the US and elsewhere to describe all organised groups. In the UK , interest group is used only for those that forward interests of their members and pressure groups is used to broadly described organised groups.

Interest and pressure groups are manifestations of group action. These groups play a role in government accruing legitimacy. They are often used synonymously ,so it remains difficult to make dichotomous distinctions between the two.


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Describe the changing nature of the State in the developing societies in the context of inclusive growth in the 21" century.(150 words) - 2018

Model Answer

Concept of State comprises the core of Political thought. Political thought has been defined as “thought about the State, its structure, its nature, and its purpose. The world has been divided about two types of societies – developing and developed one.

In past , according to F.W. Riggs developing societies had prismatic society. Prismatic society is the one which is in the state of transition. It has feature of both agricultural and industrial society. The economic model followed was Bazar and canteen model which showed that economic model will depend upon the bargaining power. So obviously rich had more say in economy. The administrative model followed was Sala model. According to this model, no pure rational basis of administration. The influence of family and community could be seen in decision – making. This created inquality and monopolization of development.

The states were overdeveloped states , according to Hamza Alawi. State were more developed than society. Economic structure remained traditional while modern state has been imposed much earlier. Economic and political development was not happening simultaneously. Thus there was not inclusive growth. Gunnar Myrdal calls such state as soft state means state having limited capacity to impose social discipline. There was reluctance on the part of state to enforce the laws which favours the rich and do not lead to inclusive growth.

For eg. China has growth model which is socialist in politics but capitalist in economy. Also , many countries ,including India , adopted mix market economy model With the coming of globalisation , inequality aggrieved further. It also led to 99% vs 1% effect , which in turn led to social unrest. This increased the need of

inclusive growth.

But with the coming of 21st century , there can be seen change in the nature of developing societies in context of inclusive societies. There can be seen the rise of participative culture. With the advancement of information and communication


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technology, inclusive growth came to fore front. For eg , In India, Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana, with the help of JAM trinity , brought economic inclusive growth. Trickle down theory was also adopted for this. With coming of culture of RTI , right based legislation this has further strengthened in political arena . The rise of non – governmental organisation and voluntary organisation has furthered inclusive growth in social arena too.

Since development has become the core concern of developing countries, nature of state is undergoing structural transformation through welfare programmes. In many countries , affirmative actions are also followed to create inclusive society. This shows that society is going in right direction .


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Is the rise of social movemnts a sign of opening up of popular space in political process or decline of representation politics?Examine(2013) - 250 word

Model Answer

Society and politics are inseparable. The rise in social movements ( or collective behaviour) is considered a sign of changing political processes.

Social movements are a type of group action. Having distinction organisation and strategies , they carry out , resist, or undo a social change . Traditionally social changes were focussed on social advancement such as nationalist movements and labour movements. Rise of social movements (or new social movements ) is changing trends in collective behaviours which concern aspects regarding quality of life such as gender rights , environmental and anti – globalisation movements . It is linked to leftist politics . Liberals prefer to call it resource mobilisation . New social movements ignited in the West since the 1960s. In the East , they started in 1970s. These occurred due to growth of globalisation , rise of trans – national networks , communication revolution etc.

Political process can be defined as the process of the formulation and administration of public policy usually by the interaction between social groups and political institutions or between political leadership and public opinion. Representation politics may be defined as the art or science of directing or administering a political unit (eg a state) , by political representatives (elected individuals , standing in for a person or a group , for a certain time period ) . Commonly , it is the activity of making citizens’ voices , opinions and perspectives present in public policy making processes.

The rise of social movements can be interpreted both as opening up of popular space in politics as well as the decline of representational politics . The disconnect between the parliamentarians and people is being exposed . Social movements show the assertion of civil society , as it becomes increasing aware of its rights. Such movements target political dysfunctions , opening up political space. Also , a global civil society is emerging . The information age accelerates knowledge


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distribution and steers public opinion. Mass media helps these movements to gather momentum and have responsive co-ordination.

In India , one can consider

1. Judicial activism depicts the proactivity of a constitutional institution to preserve democratic society

2. Right to information movement contrasts to the previous red – tapism and secrecy that hallmarked Indian politics , bringing in much transparency and accountability . It also shows the political will to evolve with the times.

3. Corruption movement highlighted assertion of public dissatisfaction with governmental dysfunctions. For instance , the Lokpal Bill had been brought and failed many times.

4. Various environmental movements in India have displayed sentiments of political negligence but also , empowerment of masses.

5. Delhi rape case protests vented the gender rights concerns of Indian women.

Rise of social movements can be linked to political processes, although not necessarily in an exclusive manner. These movements are a hallmark of modern political societies. It exhibits how the flow of democracy is from vertical to horizontal.


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03-Dec-2018 - Question 1

Critically examine the Functionalist approach to the study of International Relations. (2018) - 200 words

Model Answer

Functionalist theory to study international politics belongs to the liberal school of international politics.It is given by David Mitrani. The source of inspiration of this theory are Emmanuel Kant , Victor Hugo and G D H Kohl ‘ s functionalist theory of sovereignty.

The key of a functionalist road to integration is expressed in David Mitrany’s formulation ‘form follows functions’ . It means cooperation only works when it is focused on specific activities (functions) that, would be performed more effectively through collective action than by individual states.

This creates pressure to construct institutional structures (forms) that would facilitate such cooperation among states. Eg European integration in the form of EU Functionalism is also known as peace by pieces. It means dividing the issue in sectors and promoting understanding in different sectors. For eg composite dialogue between India and Pakistan was based on functionalist approach.

Features of it

Divide the issue in sectors. Classify the issue in doable and non-doable and more conflictual and less conflictual issues. First start with doable or less conflictual issues. Give lead to scientist , economist and technician. Keep politician out . It was Richard Cobden’s idea. Cooperation in one doable idea will result into realization of benefit of cooperation. It will create spill over effects for other sectors. Greater cooperation will result into functional linkages which will result into interdependence which in turn will lead to peace.

Criticism –

It is a very slow process and requires lot of patience. There may be set backs which require exceptional political wills. It is also criticized for it willingness to hand over their responsibilities to functional bodies. In the defence of functionalism came the theory of neo functionalism given by Earnst Haas. It is a reformulation of functionalist theory in the context of regional integration.


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Critically examine the Globalisation in the past 25 years from the perspectives of the Western world.(2017} - 150 words

Model Answer

Globalization is a long term historical process that denotes the growing intensity of worldwide interconnectedness, resulting in a shrinking world‟ due to stretching of social, politics and economic activities across political frontiers.

The globalisation in last 25 years is mainly concerned with the new conflicts emerging in the western world. When the process of globalization initiated\ started, it was not naturally process of globalisation rather it is shaped or directed one. Which was directed by the western world through many institutions like IMF, World Bank. Western world promoting neo liberal policies , connecting their economy with global politics. This is how they have ensured the globalisation of the world. This type of globalisation really helped the western countries in terms of expanding their economies and the culture

Now the problem starts- it is 2 way

1. To maintain the principles and philosophies of globalization, to save the global institution and culture around the idea of western philosophies , it is gradually becoming an economic burden to the western world and the new challenges are consistently rising

Earlier, they shaped IMF, World bank , they shaped neo liberal policies like Structure adjustment policies while providing loans , they ensured that those countries must connect their economies. Washington consensus and the post-Washington consensus are related with acceptance and internationalization of western philosophies and values all over the world

Now challenge started for eg some economic recession in one country like Greece but the whole european union have to address this because it is going to have impact throughout the world. Bailout package have to be given.


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2. Because of globalization , there is consistent flow of migrant , free flow of labour from different countries to the these western countries. Since they talk about the freedom of religion , freedom of self determination , now migrant started talking about their rights resulting into the conflict between the local societies and these. Classical example can be of France there are different communities are rising, there is huge settlement of outsiders which are regularly demanding for their own cultural rights

The pattern of migration has been increased towards the west. For eg Trump said that he will not take economic burden or security burden of the globe, cutting down the visa , migrant should be sent back

Thus we can say that globalisation in the western world though initially helped them to gain by economic integration but now they are facing many set- backs regarding it.


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Bring out the major differences between the Classical Realism of Hans Morgenthau and the Neorealism of Kenneth Waltz. (2018) - 200 words

Model Answer

Realism is the hegemonic school of international politics as if provides the most powerful explanation of state of insecurity and war, which is the regular condition of international arena. For realists, international politics is first and foremost about struggle for power, self-interest and survival. However, regardless of the common central theme, the notation that there’s a monolithic theory of realism has been rejected both by those who are sympathetic to and those who are critical of the realist tradition. Therefore the belief that there’s not one realism, at many leads logically to a delineations of different schools of Realism. The main schools are classical realism, neo realism {structural

realism) and neoclassical realism.

Difference between classical realism of Hans Morgenthau and neo-Realism of Kenneth Waltz is as follows –

1. This school of classical realism begins with Thucydides‟ representation of power politics as a law of human behaviour. The behaviour of state as a self-seeking egoist is understood to be a reflection of the characteristics of human beings. Classical realists argue that it is form the nature of man that the essential features of international politics such as competition, fear and insecurity, was etc. can be explained. This reduction of realism to a condition of human nature reappeared in the works of Morgenthau. According to him like all politics, international politics is also shaped by human nature. He argued that the social world is a projection of human nature into the collective plane. Thus, in concrete terms for classical realists the essential continuity of the power seeking behaviour of states in international politics is rooted in the biological drives of human beings.

2. Neorealism concur that international politics is essentially a struggle for power, but they do not attribute this to human nature. According to neorealist international politics could be explained on three levels of analysis individual state and international system level. In this context they criticize classical realism that it couldn’t explain behaviour at a level above


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the state. On the other hand, neorealist uses the ‘system theory‟ to explain the states behaviour in terms of the structures of the international system. The key text in this process is Kenneth Waltz’s “The theory of international political”. As such, neorealism or structural realism is an exogenous or „outside in‟ theory which explains the states behaviour in terms of the „outside‟ or the context/structure in which they operate.

3. In classical realism , Power is a source for individual states pride and projection ( Morgenthau)

While in neo realism Power is also a source for Security maximization (waltz).

Thus we can say that none of it actually tells about the reality of international politics. It is the neoclassical realism which emphasised on both i.e. human nature and structure of international politics , tells the reality of international politics.


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Give an assessment of the Feminist critique of contemporary global issues. (2017} -150 words

Model Answer

The study of international politics has traditionally been ‘gender-blind’ in the sense that it has focused primarily on states & inter-state relations, ignoring sexual politics & gendered relations. This is mainly due to the hegemony maintained by the mainstream theories of realism & liberalism in the field of international politics. Both these perspectives accept that the world affairs are shaped in a significant way, by relations among nation-states. However, since 1980s, feminist perspective on world affairs have gained prominence, which has highlighted the gender-bias inherent in the theories of international politics. Feminism is an umbrella terminology because it compasses many schools in itself

. feminist conception of the problem of the global challenges is as follow

Security - Conventional approaches to security present it as the ‘highest end’ of international politics. For realists,as the states are unitary actors in world affairs, they’ve the prime responsibility of maintaining security. It means that major threats to security are external coming from other states. In this way, for realists, security is only meaningful in terms of national security. Feminists criticizes the Realists’ conception of security, in terms of national security, on the ground that it is promised on masculinist assumption about rivalry, competition & conflict among power-seeking autonomous states. On the contrary, feminists suggest to bring ‘human security’ rather than geo-political version of national security. According to Ann Tickner, the national security conception has its limitations as it may enhance, rather than reduce, the insecurity of individuals by creating a ‘security paradox’.

Trade – Feminist are against the global integration, economic liberalisation . According to them trans national companies , multi national companies and globalisation has increased the hardship for women in general and rural women in particular. They are adversely impacted by roll back of state. This is quite true for third world periphery countries.


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War - War is often justified in terms of the idea that it is role of warrior male to protect the weak and vulnerable, particularly women & children. The feminist scholars have challenged it as ‘protection myth’. According to Tickner, both sides in a war or conflict justify their positions through the use of ‘feminized imagery’ of the other. The; protection myth’ has been formulated to hide the use of rape and other forms of sexual violence as a systematic, organized tactic of war.

Thus we can say that the views of feminist towards the contemporary global challenges are very different are from what the traditional schools of international politics like liberalism and realism.


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What, according to Joseph Nye, are the major sources of a country's soft, power? Discuss its relevance in the contemporary world politics. (2018) - 250 words

Model Answer

Joseph Nye introduced the concept of "soft power" in the late 1980s. For Nye, power is the ability to influence the behaviour of others to get the outcomes one wants. There are several ways one can achieve this: one can coerce them with threats; one can induce them with payments; or one can attract and co-opt them to want what one wants. This soft power – getting others to want the outcomes what one wants – co-opts people rather than coerces them.

It can be contrasted with 'hard power', which is the use of coercion and payment. Soft power can be wielded not just by states but also by all actors in international politics, such as NGOs or international institutions It is also considered the "second face of power" .

A country's soft power, according to Nye, rests on three resources:

1.its culture (in places where it is attractive to others),

2.its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), for eg. Democracy and human rights and

3.its foreign policies (when others see them as legitimate and having moral authority) – when foreign policy reflect that country is taking care of interest of others also.

For eg. India ‘s soft power in terms of culture are Bollywood ,butter chicken, in term of political values is democracy and in term of foreign policy is Panchsheel, India soft policy with respect to Afghanistan in respect to Parliament building, school building , construction of road etc.


https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Nye

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hard_power

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Non-governmental_organization

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The relevance of soft power in contemporary world politics –

It is the power of attraction. It is intangible form of power. Soft power is manufacturing consent. It is non-militaristic form of power. The age of complex interdependence has reduced the scope of soft power and increased reliance on soft power.

Soft power works indirectly. It creates an environment. Both soft power and hard power may fail but soft power is less costly. Excessive use of hard power may make other insecure and may promote other countries to form counter coalition.

Though the basis of soft power is ideational but we can say that soft power is more relevant in 21st century.


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Discuss the changing nature of the modern state with reference to transnational actors. (15 Marks) ( 2017)

Model Answer

State is a core concept of political science. It begins and ends with state. Transnational actors (TNAs) have come to be considered political, social, cultural, and economic agents or groups that have trans societal relations across borders. They pursue their goals somewhat independently of governmental considerations.

Trans-national actors which effect the modern state are mainly of following three types

1) MNCs

2) Terrorist Organisations

3) International institutions ( WTO, AIIB, NDB, UN )

Regarding MNCs, we can quote "Jospeh Nye" : Power Diffusion vertically in the state, from state to Big companies in shaping the foreign Policy and national interest of a nation.

"The Complex Interdependence model " by "Kehone and Nye" can best model explain the Complex relations between states because Over economic dependence of one country on another. For eg China and Vietnam , old enemies but the trade surplus of china on Vietnam has changed the relations between both countries.

Dependency theory of Samir Amin says there is unequal exchange between core and periphery states, development of underdevelopment. World system theory of Immanuel Wallenstein has explained the effect of capitalism on third world. He attributes all conflicts, inter state and intra state , to capitalism. Thus most of the countries in third world , still supplier of raw material and consumer of higher goods and manufactured goods.


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Regarding terrorist organization, We can talk about ' State Sponsored Terrorism by Saudi Arabia and Pakistan', and how the State sovereignty is compromised.

The Third about the " Economic imperialism/ Neo-Colonialism through the partisanship in the UNO, WTO( Dispute Redressal Mechanism) - Eg Indian Food Security Act Controversy, India's patent laws on Medicines) .

They are also wielding their influence on state sovereign issues like financial matters and trade related matters. Through these institutions developed countries exploiting LDCs and Medium developed Countries ( Eg Venezuela vs USA) . IMF forced east European countries to shock therapy third world countries to open their market.

Thus modern state is facing many challenges in increasing complex interdependent globalised world due to trans national actors.


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American President: Donald Trump's proposal to withdraw from the ‘NAFTA’ would bring unforeseen consequences to the regionalisation of world politics. Elaborate.(2017)- 150 words

Model Answer

The North American Free Trade Agreement is an agreement signed by Canada, Mexico, and the United States, creating a trilateral trade bloc in North America. This is the first FTA between developed and developing countries

USA president, Donald trump, recently renegotiated trade terms of North Atlantic Free Trade agreement(NAFTA) with Mexico and Canada because USA felt that it is not getting as many benefits from it as it should be. 682,900 U.S. manufacturing jobs lost in some states and these were mainly transferred to Mexico. Worker mistreatment in the United States or in the maquiladora program is significant. NAFTA may also be responsible for environmental damage along the border. But from an economic perspective, NAFTA is a success. Without it, the United States would not be as strong a competitor with the EU or China. The increased trade was sorely needed after the 2008 financial crisis. Even more people would be unemployed without NAFTA.

NAFTA is considered as an ideal, regional organisation for the economic development of the rest. It is going to deconstruct the growing regional economic powers. It is one of the major defence of the developing countries grouping like SAARC , African Union, ASEAN and it is going to affect all this.

The credibility is going to hit because through these mechanisation/organization it becomes easy to create the consensus .In general, it is believed that regionalisation is against globalisation but actually regionalisation is the step in the globalization. It is difficult to create common consensus at global level than at regional level. It is gradually done on regional level then further corporation move to the next level .It is going to discredit the regional level. For future economic transaction, it is going to be detrimental.

Trump's aggressive 'America First' stance pose threat to global world order through WTO. However, renegotiation of NAFTA terms made it to evade large


https://www.thebalance.com/2008-financial-crisis-3305679

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scale threat to trade and markets. It paved way for to solve 'inconveniences' in other regional blocks and global institutions which is going to be detrimental.


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Discuss the relevance of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on the security of women in conflict zones.( 2018)- 200 words

Model Answer

The Security Council adopted resolution 1325 on women and peace and security on 31 October 2000. The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security. Resolution 1325 urges all actors to increase the participation of women and incorporate gender perspectives in all United Nations peace and security efforts. It also calls on all parties to conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence, rape and other forms of sexual abuse, in situations of armed conflict. The resolution provides a number of important operational mandates, with implications for Member States and the entities of the United Nations system.

It's relevance came into question because despite being acknowledged the importance of women role in promotion of peace and security by UNSC, their role largely been ignored world wide. In Syrian conflict, Yemen war, Afghanistan instability women were prime victims. They are subjected to exploitation be it physical, mental or sexual.

Feminist scholars criticized all existing knowledge in almost all domains being masculine and patriarchal. They even claim world would have been better place, had women been formulated policies. They are still facing hurdles in breaking glass ceiling in corporate world, to reach top echelons in world politics. Largest liberal democracy US, yet to have woman president. UNSCR 3125 is more relevant in current turbulent years in geo politics, in trade wars among top economies of world, growing asymmetrical warfare(terrorism & extremism) and internal turmoil’s like riots, movements.


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Since its inception the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has failed to deliver on its, promises,” What initiatives should be taken to reinvigorate the organization ?(2018)- 250 words

Model Answer

The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is a regional organisation based on the consciousness that in an increasingly independent world, the objectives of peace, freedom, social justice and economic prosperity are best achieved in the South Asian region by fostering mutual understanding, good neighbourly relations and meaningful cooperation among the Member States which are bound by ties of history and culture.

This cooperation can be witnessed in the establishment and initiation of various programs and forums for mutual benefits like South Asian University, SAARC International College, Agreement on Judicial cooperation on Counter-Terrorism, Establishment of Food Bank, South Asia Centre for Policy Studies etc.

However, SAARC’s balance sheet of success is very limited to adoption of several conventions and some minor agreements. It has failed to achieve expected results. The region remains one of the least integrated in the world. Intra SAARC trade is abysmally low at around 5%. It has not been able to implement the Free Trade Agreement. Even small agreements like motor vehicle agreement or power trade agreement remain in limbo.

Reflecting on the status of SAARC, Former Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh stated at the 16thSAARC summit in 2010 that, “We have created institutions for regional economic cooperation but we have not empowered them adequately to enable them to be more proactive”.

One of the major hurdles in the way of cooperation among the SAARC members is the mistrust, mutual security perceptions and hostility especially between India and Pakistan. Because of civilizational links and concerns about separate national identities, member nations are apprehensive about very close integration.


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The charter of SAARC itself has some self-imposed anomalies as its charter has the provision of not discussing the contentious and bilateral disputes but asks for increased cooperation and exchanges. The need for unanimity in decision making further exacerbates the situation because of hostility between India and Pakistan. Pakistan blocked three connectivity agreements proposed in the Kathmandu and has not permitted direct trade between India and Pakistan via land route.

Pakistan’s use of terrorism as instrument of state policy is another impediment. We saw the cancelation of Islamabad summit after Uri attack, which got traction with Bangladesh and Afghanistan, because of their experience with Pakistan sponsored terrorism.

South Asia is home to 1.7 billion people and a quarter of it lives below the poverty line. It is among the least integrated regions of the world. In such a scenario, SAARC needs to develop a practical frame work and realistic term of reference to serve a region which has 40 percent of all people trapped in extreme poverty worldwide.

Terrorism is one of the major challenges that South Asia faces today. If India and Pakistan can come together to stabilise Afghanistan, this will help in rebuilding mutual trust. Though the idea seems too idealistic and far-fetched, but such cooperation through the platform of SAARC will have huge positive spill over.

South Asian nations suffer from epidemics. While India has been capable in tackling polio, Sri Lanka has tackled malaria. India is also world leader in pharmaceuticals. Cooperation through mutual experience will immensely help the South Asia region in tackling these diseases and giving the population a better life. Disasters like cyclone and flood are another area where there is immense scope for cooperation through the platform of SAARC to gain mutual trust. Expediting the functioning of SAARC disaster management centre in Humanitarian assistance and Disaster relief (HADR) and capacity building is another area of effective cooperation.

Neelam Deo says that since SAARC is unable to extricate itself from bilateral problems, perhaps the way forward lies in thinking big. At the macro-level this could include member countries collectively leveraging their status as energy importers to bargain for better prices at a time when oil prices are falling.


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Similarly, as labour exporters to West Asia at a time of a global shortage of skilled labour, they can bargain for better terms.

India needs to play role not as a big brother but as an equal partner for the stability and cooperation in South Asia. Suman Sharma in “India and SAARC” writes that most of the disputes in South Asia are Indo-centric so India should adopt a low profile to get the confidence of its smaller neighbours.

C Rajamohan suggests that India’s patience with Pakistan and persistence with SAARC, must be complemented by a very active engagement with the rest of the subcontinent through all available means, unilateral, bilateral, sub-regional and trans-regional.

India has attempted to make cooperation within South Asian nations through sub-regionalism. At Kathmandu Summit, PM Modi suggested that those who are ready for integration should move ahead. As a result, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal got together soon after the Kathmandu summit to implement the motor vehicle agreement. India has also reenergised BIMSTEC to bypass Pakistan-specific hindrances.

In view of C Rajamohan, what Delhi has done is to create a pragmatic “two-speed SAARC” that will not let Pakistan hold others in the region to ransom. Pakistan is free to choose its economic partners and decide a preferred set of partners. India, after all, can’t compel a sovereign Pakistan to cooperate. That does not, however, mean the rest of the subcontinent must remain a hostage to Pakistan’s problems with India.

It is important to note that the main idea behind SAARC formation was the promotion of political, economic and social interaction, common vision for using region’s potential and interdependence to counter threats. Though unsuccessful in some fields, the overall assessment of SAARC performance shows not very negative trends but emphasizes the need to collaborate further by resolving all outstanding disputes among the member countries and to create understanding on stable basis.

The future of SAARC depends on the good relations between India and Pakistan, the two nuclear powers. Fractious and quarrelsome neighbours do not make a


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prosperous community (Jigme Thinley). SAARC must admit the failures and amend the failures. SAARC needs to learn from EU and ASEAN how to shun their bilateral conflicts for greater good. There is no doubt that India has to be leading driver in South Asian integration. There is a need to promote people to people contacts. SAARC has to be result oriented.


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How has ‘BREXIT’ affected the regionalisation process initiated by European Union and what could be its likely impacts in the regionalisation process of world politics?.(2017) - 200 words

Model Answer

Brexit ,a portmanteau of "British exit", is the impending withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU). It follows the referendum of 23 June 2016 when 51.9 per cent of those who voted supported withdrawal. Withdrawal has been advocated by Eurosceptics, both left-wing and right-wing,[1][2][3] while Pro-Europeanists (or European Unionists), who also span the political spectrum, have advocated continued membership.

The result of the United Kingdom’s (UK’s) referendum on European Union (EU) membership was a major blow to the EU and will alter the future path of regionalism in Europe. There are predictions that it may well strengthen European regional integration, despite earlier concerns about disintegration, and much will depend on the relationship between Germany’s Angela Merkel and France’s Emmanuel Macron.

Brexit’s effect on the regionalization process of world politics

Beyond the EU’s borders, there is also scope to consider how the UK’s exit from the EU will affect regionalism in Southeast Asia.One question that arises is whether the relative importance of Southeast Asia as a region has increased in the wake of Brexit. There is evidence emerging that some officials in Southeast Asia are regarding developments in Europe with some confidence.

There have been some suggestions that the legacy of Brexit will be a changed and “differentiated” EU, with different speeds of integration – and perhaps a core set of states at its center. Yet ASEAN already has this awareness and flexibility. It incorporates an ASEAN-X approach into some policy areas, such as economic integration. Furthermore, commentators have suggested that, for better or worse, ASEAN and national leaders would not place such a decision in the hands of the people in the form of a referendum, in any of its constituent states.


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Soon after the Brexit result, some suggested that there would not be a type of Brexit in ASEAN as “ASEAN is not linked to domestic politics,” “there is no ASEAN citizenship,” there is no “resentment of Jakarta,” and “little is known about ASEAN.” In short, ASEAN’s loose form of regional organization and apparent separation from its citizenry — despite its slogans of being people-centered — decrease the likelihood that something similar to a Brexit would happen in ASEAN.

Other regional organizations such as SAARC,BRICS ,African union etc. are not as strong as EU or ASEAN. Thus it can be said that Brexit has profound effect on the regionalization process of world politics.


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" Would you agree that the on-going debates on international environmental politics continue to be marred by a new North-South ideological divide over historical responsibility and developmental model? Illustrate your answer with suitable examples.(2018)- 200 words"

Model Answer

International environment politics is divided between north and south countries. Example can be taken of conference of parties 21 held in Paris also known as Paris deal. In this , comprehensive but differentiated responsibility principles were diluted which were held right in previous COPs of UNFCCC.

In 2017, US kept out itself from this Paris deal. US stand was to give primacy to its own national development and asking developing countries like China, India to curb down its emission levels irrespective of level of development.

India's stand in the global environment conferences is always that historical responsibility of developed countries to curb emissions and also help developing countries to access clean energy.

Now after withdrawal of USA from Paris deal , even if it is implemented in full sprit, IPCC says that we will still offshoot the two degree temperature rise mark .Same is the case with Kyoto Protocol's clean development mechanism wherein overseas development assistance is being morphed as claims for carbon credits instead of helping them in clean energy

Also, there can be seen the difference in the ideology of the two parts. While US sees environment with the realism perspective and even Mr. Trump called it as Chinese Hoax , India has different views. India believes on its Gandhian Sustainable development model. This is the another baggage of history. But in this ideological battle, environment will be ultimate looser.

The need of the hour is bolster cooperation between north and south and preserve environment. In this, India can lead the world by its various programmes like National Solar Mission , its programme of distributing Solar lamp i.e. solar mam in Africa. Only then environment can be saved.


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Critically examine the notion of “Asian Values" in the context of the on-going debates on human rights.(2018) - 250 words

Model Answer

Today`s world shows sign of positive progress towards the universal system of human rights. The globalization of human rights began when the world was awakened to the crimes committed under one government (Hitler), and the need for a more universal system of accountability and responsibility. But many Asian societies reject outright the globalization of human rights and claim that Asia has a unique set of values, Àsian Values`, which provide the basis for Asia`s different understanding of human rights and justify the `èxceptional`` handling of rights by Asian governments. In asserting these values, leaders from the region find that they have convenient tools to silence internal criticism and to fan anti-Western nationalist sentiments.

The conflict between Universal Human Right and Asian views and how they endanger human security in Asia are evident from the following debates:

1. Rights are ``culturally specific`` in Asia and distinctive than Western views In the debate of culturally relative human right in Asia two versions of cultural relativism can be distinguished. The first one claims that human rights are a Western ideal and do not apply in the same way to non-western societies. The second one formally accepts human rights as universal, but believe that the cultural differences between the West and nonwestern societies should influence the assessment of non-western states by the UN. For example, in article 8 of the Bangkok Declaration of 1993 Asian states declared that “human rights must be considered in the context of a dynamic and evolving process of international norm setting, bearing in mind the significance of national and regional particularities and various historical, cultural and religious backgrounds.”

2. Precedence of Social and economic rights than political and civil rights Proponent of Asian values argues that Asian societies rank social and economic rights over individual`s political and civil rights. And the West is accused of prioritizing civil and political rights over social, economic and cultural rights. Ching,1993 states “The US state department, issues annual


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reports on the human rights situation in countries around the world, but the reports cover only political rights, not social, economic and cultural rights.”

3. Economic Development rights should get priority over other human rights Asian states refer to the right to economic development as basic to the implementation of other human rights. In the process of development, human rights violations are unavoidable and therefore the level of development should be taken into account when the UN judges the human rights records of states, according to the Asian states (Indonesian Statement to the World Conference on Human Rights, 1993). It is evident that there are close relation among economic development, human development, human right and human security in many aspect. And emphasis on the human dimension of development in recent years clearly has reinforced the place of human security in the international policy agenda

But this argument precedence of economic development right is not supported by evidences from many Asian states. Economic development does not always enhanced human rights records, rather they degraded human rights and endangered human security for example in the case of authoritarian governments of Malaysia where Malaysia’s Internal Security Act has been used to “detain without trial not only communists but government critics and opposition activists” .Similarly, there are many allegations about violation of human rights against many economically developed Asian states like, China, Japan, and Thailand. And from the development pathway of a state it is also not clear that human rights violations would be necessary to the goal of achieving economic development, so this is not a justification for human rights violations

1. Prioritizing of group and communal rights over individual rights Another claim in favor of Àsian value` is that the individualism of the human rights doctrine is said not to be suitable for the Asian culture. And the so called Asian value of ``community harmony`` is used as an illustration of ``cultural`` differences between Asian and Western societies, in order to show that the idea of individual`s inalienable rights does not suit Asian societies. However, this Asian view creates confusions by collapsing ``community`` into the state and the state into the regime. When equations are drawn between community, the state and the regime,


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any criticisms of the regime become crimes against the nation-state, the community, and the people

2. More regional instruments and less global directives should be included in the Universal Declaration of human rights In terms of form of the universal Human rights doctrine, the Asian cultural relativist view is that the world community needs more regional instruments and less global directives from the UN. The form in which human rights are protected should also be more cooperative rather than confrontational. This would lead to human rights instruments that are better applicable to specific regions for their culture by taking account of “geographical complexity, diversity and vastness of the region as well as their historical background and levels of political stability, economic development and social progress” (Statement from Indonesia at the World Conference on Human Rights, 1993) (UNHCR,1993). This demand for more regional instruments seems a way to deflect attention by the UN and the world community as a whole from human rights violations and endangering human security in the region.

So, we can conclude that in Asian context the Human rights doctrine may be western, liberal and Universalist, but that does not mean to say that differences in culture cannot be accommodated for. Even more, minority cultures often need the protection of human rights organizations to prevent them from oppression. And this type of protection can ensure human security in Asia. Again it should be also bear in mind that human security expands the notion of human rights towards threats that do not only emerge from states. Human security might allow for a better explanation of why acts by private parties and non-state actors should be seen as human rights violations. Thus in Asian context promotion of human security can also promote human right. But for that it is necessary to promote human right coming behind the so called Àsian Values`. We should always bear in mind that no one culture is ‘right’. We must respect the cultures of others while avoiding extremism and unreasonableness to promote human security in Asia.


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Examine the Indian national movement and Geographical location of India as determinants of India’s foreign policy. (2017)-150 words

Model Answer

According to George Modelski Foreign Policy is the system of activities evolved by communities for changing the behaviour of other states and for adjusting their own activities to the international environment.

There are many determinants to determine one country's foreign policy for eg. History , geography , national movement , diaspora etc.

Indian national movement as a determinant for foreign policy

In light of the preamble of the country which is epitome of our freedom struggle idols . India declared itself a sovereign nation i.e ,make decision without outside influence. Taking cue from it India refuse the alignment with one of the bloc as it consider it a way of neo colonialism and threat to its sovereignty till today we are balancing our relation with them .

Nonviolence and satyagraha are the major weapons by which India gain Independence and It has promoted them as a tool its policy to settle international disputes Despite repeated provocations from Pakistan It has not taken any strong action against and keep try to take out true face of Pakistan in International forums . India freedom struggle was rest on principle of inclusive development of the society and taking together all the section together .It also took this belief in its foreign policy and help various country financially by providing grants to them for their development In freedom struggle culture and region play a important role realising its importance India increased its soft power by making cultural ties with different nation like Nepal and and Other Asean nation. The nationalist agenda at the time of independence is to regain India’s lost glory this belief is manifested in the Increasing role India is playing in Multilateral forums like IMF , demand for security council seat and setting parallel institutions like NDB

Geography as a determinant for foreign policy


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Rightly remarked by Napoleon Bonaparte "Any country's foreign policy is determined by its geography." Geography controls the political environment of a country and may propel its foreign policy and national interests.

The prediction that Lord Curzon made in 1903 has proved to be true. He observed, “The geographical position of India would more push it into the forefront of International affairs. Our first Prime Minister J.L. Nehru too was fully conscious of the geographical importance of India. On 17th March 1950, in a speech in the Indian Parliament, he observed, ”We are in strategic part of Asia, set in the centre of Indian Ocean, with intimate past and present connection with West Asia, South-East Asia and Far Eastern Asia. Even if we could we would not want to ignore this fact.” India is situated at the centre of the Great Asian Arc stretching from Aden to Tokyo and at the head of the Indian Ocean. India’s central and dominant location in the Indian Ocean helps it to play a role of global importance. India is a sub continent where the Peninsula is separated from mainland Asia by the Himalayas in the North, Bay of Bengal in the East, the Arabian Sea in the West and the Indian Ocean in the south. Her location influences global powers to programme India into their respective global strategies. India’s strategic location in South Asia, almost at the beginning of the Asian continent (Ocean side) gives her a central position in Asian politics. Beyond the immediate regions, India is also on the trade route of Japan and the nations of Western world. The Suez Canal makes it nearer to Mediterranean and European nations. Such a strategic location makes it imperative for Indian foreign policy to work for closer and greater economic, social, cultural and political co-operation with other nations.

Similarly, size of India is another geographical factor affecting our foreign policy. India is the world’s seventh largest state in area. The vast size of the country makes it a potential regional leader as it has major portion of mineral resources, arable land and the vast coastline rich in marine resources, in the South Asian region. On land borders, it has China, Nepal, and Bhutan in the north, Myanmar, Bangladesh in the east, and Pakistan in the west while on maritime borders it has Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Maldives. This vast size, thus, presents us both opportunity to develop relations with neighbours and challenges to manage all these bilateral relations simultaneously. Nature of boundary is also an important geographical determinant of Indian foreign relations. The impact of frontiers on Indian foreign policy can be analysed in two parts. The one is impact


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of Natural Frontiers and the second is impact of Unnatural/Man-made Frontiers. Himalayan Frontiers and the Indian Ocean Frontiers are the two Natural Frontiers of India. The existence of Himalayan Frontiers in the North has been a source of great geo-political implications on India’s policy of external affairs and her relations with many other nations. The defense of the Himalayan Frontier is a big factor in Indian security planning. The importance of relations with Nepal and Bhutan has been largely due to their strategic location in the Himalayas. Thus, the Himalayan Frontier is a source of big influence on Indian Foreign Policy. India occupies a central and strategic location in the Indian Ocean area. All the major air and sea routes of the world pass through India. A major part, almost entire load, of her foreign and coastal trade is dependent upon the freedom of Indian Ocean. The security of India stands linked with the security of Indian Ocean. Besides the Himalayan and Indian Ocean frontiers, India has a very large part of land-Pillar Frontiers, Particularly with Pakistan and Bangladesh. The problems of defense of this frontier as well the problem of boundary demarcation have been a source of tension for India’s relations with Pakistan and Bangladesh.

To sum up, we can say that geography and indian national movement are an important, rather vital elements of Indian Foreign Policy. Two of the major principles (Non-alignment and Panchsheel) of our foreign policy clearly reflect the influence of geography and indian national movemnt.


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Do you agree with the view that Indian Foreign Policy is increasingly bring shaped by the neoliberal outlook.?elaborate. (2018) - 150 words

Model Answer

The neo-liberal outlook at the international level is complex interdependence. This is the core of neoliberals. It means growing role of economic diplomacy, growing role of soft power diplomacy, taking membership of different organization , participation in regional and global phenomena, taking leadership over there, helping out the neighbour, ensuring their participation on unequal level wheather they are contributing much or not. It will lead to close cooperation through the commercial and market measures. The meaning of commercial market measure is opening of the economy, being part of global economic system , participating in different institutionalised programmes etc.

India opening of its economy in 1991, adopting the liberalization, globalization and privatization and liberalize the FDI policy indicate towards this. Policies of Look east (now intensified to act east program..), connect central Asia policies, our relationship with japan, Africa etc. are best e.g. to show how neo-liberal (market fundamentalism) policies have shaped our foreign policy. Infact, in Act east policy, one C out of 3Cs is Commerce. Liberal institutionalism inclination has helped India reach out to various corners of world which was/couldn’t be possible without this orientation.

Participation of India in World trade organisation, international monetary fund and world bank in terms of participation in different institution clearly shows this. Also ,membership of different regional and international groups show this like negotiation for RCEP and entry in APEC are going on. There has been close structurally integration between India and China due to neo-liberal outlook. That’swhy Doklam face off failed to get into actual military clashes.

Again, seeing south Asia as SAARc is neo liberal outlook. Be it BBIN project. All the imitative of government of India in south Asia presents neo liberal outlook only .The earlier foreign policy of India towards the interaction with its neighbour was in realist sense i.e. the use of hard power approach for eg. Era of Indira Gandhi. But after it, India changed its approach for eg. Treating south Asean countries at


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equal footing, unilateral help to them ,unilateral economic benefits to them, sub regional projects, sub regional integration etc. India alone is taking burden of them. These are all classical examples of neo liberal outlook.

Thus we can say that India's foreign policy is increasing shaped by the neo liberal outlook.


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02-Jan-2019 - Question 1

India is often said to have a rich strategic culture. Discuss. (150 words) - 2018

Model Answer

The concept of strategic culture has become widely used in the field of international relations, primarily in the context of efforts to explain the distinctive strategic behaviours of states through reference to their unique strategic properties.

Since independence, India has been an independent actor on the international stage with a role, a diplomatic style, and a unique and recognisable personality all her own.

There are core strategic values that India has embraced and lived by since Independence despite changes in strategic, foreign and security policies. It is inspired by not only the Arthashastra, but the Ramayana and the Mahabharata also, leavened by the complexities and contradictions inherent in Indian thought that have evolved over centuries of being a culture that encompassed and assimilated “foreign” influences.

But In 1992, the Pentagon commissioned a study about India’s strategic culture to the RAND Corporation. Its author, George Tanham, concluded that, due to its culture of spiritualism and timelessness, India had no endogenous tradition of strategic thought. Some scholars in Security Studies in India and in the West shared Tanham’s view and claimed that in the land of Buddha and Mahatma Gandhi there was an ideational void where the occidental world had its Thucydides, Machiavelli, Clausewitz, A.T. Mahan or W. D. Sokolowski.

In 2006, some 14 years after Tanham’s study, the U.S. Department of Defense commissioned another study on the same subject. Titled India’s Strategic Culture, its author, Rodney W. Jones, came to conclusions that are diametrically opposed to Tanham’s. For Jones, India does have a distinct strategic culture and the ideas of Kautilya, the ancient Indian theorist of statecraft, are an essential components thereof:


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«India’s strategic culture is not monolithic, rather is mosaic-like, but as a composite is more distinct and coherent than that of most contemporary nation-states. This is due to its substantial continuity with the symbolism of pre-modern Indian state systems and threads of Vedic civilization dating back several millennia .Indian strategic culture therefore draws on Chanakya’s secular treatise, the Arthashastra, which closely parallels Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince, as an exposition of monarchical statecraft, realpolitik in inter-state balances of power, and the practices of war and peace.”

Shivshankar Menon, India’s National Security Adviser from 2012 to 2014 said “Frankly speaking, for a civilization and state like India not to have a strategic culture is impossible. Of course, India have a strategic culture. It is an indigenous construct over millennia, modified considerably by our experience in the last two centuries.”

India closely assesses the external environment and debate on the efficacy of the use of military power in addressing external threats. That India tends to give priority to dialogue over the use of military power in foreign policy does not mean it did not have a strategic culture; it just means that the strategic preferences are different from the normal understanding of how Great Powers behave.

Today, not much is being heard of the erstwhile supporters of Tanham’s ‘absence’-thesis. Still today, India needs to import military technology, but India never depended on the import ofstrategic thinking nor combat morale and skill.

Indian strategic culture is a function of our assimilative history. As Menon says, “Strategy is not just about outdoing an adversary who is trying to do the same to you. It is also about finding cooperative solutions and creating outcomes in non-zero-sum situations, even when others are motivated by self-interest and not benevolence.”


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Discuss the role of Indian council of culture relations in promoting India’s soft power abroad. (2018) - 250 words

Model Answer

Soft power is one of the key components of foreign policy in this age of mass communication, global trade and tourism. This soft power includes cultural factors, sharing the intellectual, artistic and spiritual culture of a country with the other nations of the world.

Soft power is part of what we can perhaps better call “cultural diplomacy”, using culture to create a favourable foreign policy image for a country to expand its associations and its interests. Cultural diplomacy aids in educating the people of foreign countries as to the values and heritage of a nation, and can correct negative portrayals in foreign media, academic and political presentations Cultural diplomacy has many economic, political and social benefits, but also aids in the defence and security of a nation.

Such cultural diplomacy is particularly important in the case of India that is one of the world’s oldest, most profound and diverse civilisations, with an enduring worldwide impact. India’s older civilizational connections with the many countries of Southeast Asia form a common cultural heritage that can aid in favourable relationships and sustain a common regional identity. India can benefit by such cultural alliances with its neighbours, and they can benefit by India as a cultural ally to help sustain their own national ethos from inimical outside forces.

The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) was founded in 1950 by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, independent India’s first Education Minister. Its objectives are to actively participate in the formulation and implementation of policies and programmes pertaining to India’s external cultural relations; to foster and strengthen cultural relations and mutual understanding between India and other countries; to promote cultural exchanges with other countries and people; to establish and develop relations with national and inter-national Organization in the field of culture and to take such measures as may be required to further these objectives.


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In order to promote India’s Soft power and enhance India’s skills of cultural diplomacy and reinforce the dialogues between the civilizations, Council organizes International conferences on subjects like Indology, Buddhism, Sufism, Tagore and other subjects related to Indian culture, philosophy and society. These Conferences eventually help the Council to accomplish its resolve to continue to symbolize India’s great cultural and educational efflorescence. To sustain and share this idea to promote India’s rich heritage, these Conferences prove very useful and interactive, with bringing eminent Indians scholars & other International scholars at the same platform.

The ICCR extends support to many academic institutions, universities and NGOs for organizing seminars and conferences on subjects such as Indian Literature, Buddhism, Languages, Indian Art & Culture.

ICCR, in consultation with Indian Missions abroad, has established Chairs of Indian Studies in various foreign universities. The purpose of these Chairs, apart from educating foreign students about India, is to become a nucleus around which Indian Studies could develop in academic institutions abroad. The academics/scholars deputed to these Chairs not only teach courses on various aspects of India from politics & economy to society & culture, but through other academic activities like research guidance, seminar co-ordination, publications, delivering public lectures, develop scholarly interactions with the academics of that country and assist in disseminating information on India and in creating a better appreciation of various India related issues.

In addition to Chairs abroad, ICCR also operates two Chairs in India i.e. SAARC Chair and Nelson Mandela Chair for which scholars from abroad are invited to India. While African scholars are invited for the Nelson Mandela Chair which is permanently based in JNU, scholars from SAARC countries are invited for the SAARC Chair which rotates between different universities.

Thus we can say that Indian council of cultural relations has profoundal role in promoting india ‘s soft power abroad.


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India’s current foreign policy marks significant qualitative shifts from that of previous regimes.Discuss (2018) - 150 words

Model Answer

India's current foreign policy is a mix of both qualitative and no qualitative i.e. only quantitative shifts from previous regime. We can see policy shift in terms of more pro – active engagement. From previous non- alignment to multi – alignment and also lead in global problem solving for eg . international solar alliance ,QUAD revival and talk with Taliban through unofficial way.

Qualitative shift

The shift in India’s current foreign policy from that of previous regime is shift in degrees. Earlier neo realism was tool i.e. we maintained a distance and maintained equal footing and negotiations with the neighbours and also ,social constructivism in theoretical model. But now, neo liberal model for eg. we are going in unilateral way i.e we are ready to cooperate with Pakistan even if Pakistan is not ready for that and social constructivism model in practise is. a shift of degree . We can find more particular look on these bodies rather than having earlier model.

Use of hard power and soft power. Starting from yoga day to going to all visits. Our prime minister attempts to soft power through these visits.

Quantitative

No major change in our policies towards US, Africa , central Asia but our policy has been intensified. More tools are being used. We collaborated with Japan for Asia Africa growth corridor . More help and economic initative has been given . With America hard power relations and defence relations were earlier also. But now, It is more institutionalised for eg 2+2 imitative. Its not qualitative shift but shift of degree for eg LEMOA, CiSMoA. In central Asia, we are exploring political and economic future of India. Importance of East African states in greater Indian defence strategy.


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We always followed inward Indian ocean policy but now we are following outward policy in the Indian Ocean . inward policy is that we have confined to our border to stop any kind of violation. But now its outwards policy For eg Doklam faceoff. Doklam was not situated in India. We had just referred a treaty with Bhutan and we moved and stopped Chinese troops from entering in India.

More global engagement for eg regarding terrorism , we can see policy shift. India followed policy of inward looking in area of terrorism i.e. when terrorist will come , we will go against them. Now , on one hand we are consolidating our border , we are also going towards policy of hot pursuit , moving surgical strike but at the same time , at the global level , we are running a campaign against terrorism. India resolution to announce a terrorist as global terrorist and talking about terror financing of terror network of Pakistan is a new phenomena.

Diaspora policy was not that strong but it has become major political tool of India.

Thus we can say that India's current foreign policy has both quantitative and qualitative shifts from previous regime.


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What determinant factors play an important role in making India’s foreign policy?Illustrate with examples. (2016) - 150 words

Model Answer

Those factors that influence and determine the foreign policy of a country are its determinants. Some of these factors are static or of unchanging nature whereas others are in a state of flux and their dynamics are continually adjusted to the changing circumstances.

External Determinants

1.Power Structure

The relations that nations establish among themselves are backed by their respective national interests and powers. In fact, such relations involve struggle for power among them. The net effect is that international relations constitute a power structure in which the more powerful nations—the super powers and the major powers—play a more vigorous and leading role than the relatively less powerful nations.

The power vacuum caused by the weakened power of the formerly powerful European states, because of their involvement in two World Wars compelled the U.S.A. to come out of its isolationism and assume a new global role in international relations.

The emergence of the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. as the two super powers with cold war in between them, made it imperative for the newly independent states like India, to adopt a policy of keeping away from the cold war and yet attempt to have friendly co-operation with both the super powers.


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2. International Organizations

The role and importance of international institutions as instruments of states’ foreign policies, and the political, military, functional, economic and humanitarian roles played principally by the United Nations in international relations cannot be overestimated. These international organizations to varying degrees serve as modifiers of state behaviour and as independent actors in their own right. They have profound impact on the determination of the foreign policy of a state. No state can decide and conduct its policy arbitrarily to the detriment of other states. UN and other multilateral forums come to the rescue of the aggressed state. Usually sanctions are imposed which in some cases become very effective provided the international community imposes them sincerely. 3. Reaction of other states

Likewise the system of states is fast transforming into a society of states state where each and every individual states has regard for the rights of other states. Being sensible to the sensibilities of other states, no state can adopt a unilateral policy. It has to take into account, and accommodate, if possible, the interests of the other stake-holders as well. India and the US have to take stock of Pakistani interests in Afghanistan. They are also cognizant of the fact that no plan for Afghanistan can work until and unless Pakistan is taken aboard in this regard. 4. World Public Opinion

The state, while formulating its foreign policy has to take into account the world public opinion. World public opinion is more effective when it is supported by the domestic public opinion of the given state. Power is not about military hardware or nukes and ammunitions; its equally important component is a state’s prestige known as ‘soft power’ . It is well known that the US administration was made to effect changes in its Vietnam policy largely due to hostile world public opinion. The real strength behind the objectives of Disarmament, Arms Control and Nuclear Disarmament, Anti- colonialism, Anti-apartheid policiesof various nations, has been the World Public Opinion.


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5. Alliances and Treaties (Bilateral and Multilateral):

The extensive and intensive system of alliances that emerged in the Post-1945 period had a big impact on the foreign policies of all the nations. During 1945-90 both the United States and the USSR, recognized and used alliances as the means for consolidating their respective positions. Their foreign policies, as well as the foreign policies of their allies were always governed by the goal to secure new partners in their respective alliances and to maintain and consolidate the alliance partnerships. Even now, after the demise of Warsaw Pact, the U.S.A. continues to consider NATO as the mainstay of its foreign policy in Europe.

NTERNAL DETERMINANTS

1.Historical and Cultural Influence

The cultural and historical traditions of a country also deeply influence the foreign policy. Generally people possessing a unified common culture and historical experience can pursue an effective foreign policy because of the support of all sections of society who share the same values and memories. Equally important are the processes through which the contents of Shared norms and practices of society, as distinguished from the degree of unity that supports them shape the plans that are made and the activities that are undertaken with respect to the external world.

India’s apprehensions of China and Pakistan are the product of their historical traditions. India and China have to some extent shelved their historical mistrust in order to pave ground for their mutual trade. It is believed by the Complex Interdependence theorists that in the present age of interdependence, it is highly improbable that the two countries would go to war.

2. Size and Geography

The size of a state's territory as well as it’s population greatly influences its foreign policy. Generally the leaders and people of countries with small territory


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and population do not expect their country to carry great weight in international affairs. On the other hand the leaders and people of large countries are ready to assume special responsibilities. Size has been a factor in the foreign policies of the U.S.A., Russia, China, India, Brazil, France and others. However, sometimes even small states which have rich resources also leave a deep impact on world politics. For example, Britain, a small country, played leading role in world politics in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. In our own times the oil-rich countriesof the Middle East, though small in size are playing a significant role in international politics.

On the other hand large states like Canada and Australia have not been able to pursue effective foreign policy. Commonwealth of Independent states (CIS) which came into existence after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, though quite large in size, is not able to play an effective role in contemporary international relations.

The geography of a country, including its fertility, climate, location in relation to their land masses, and water-ways etc. also influence the country's foreign policy. It is a major factor in determining self-sufficiency of a country. The role played by English Channel in the development of Britain as a major naval power and consequently as an imperial power is well known. The influence of the Atlantic Ocean on the US Foreign Policy has been always there. Indian Foreign Policy now definitely bears the influence of the geographical location of India as the largest littoral state of the Indian Ocean. Generally land-locked countries, nations in the tropics and those bordering a superpower are less self-sufficient in comparison to the countries which have access to warm-water ports or are located in the temperate zones and far removed from superpowers. For example in the nineteenth century USA adopted isolationist policy chiefly on account of its geographical location. Though the importance of geographic factors is acknowledged almost at all hands, its importance has considerably declined due to technological and scientific developments. 3. Population

The human force constitutes another determinant of foreign policy. The strength of a nation depends upon the quality and quantity of its human factor. The


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enormous population of China enabled it to pursue a forceful foreign policy. On the other hand the falling birth rate in France compelled her to toe a weak foreign policy during the inter-war period. Qualitatively, the population should be healthy, educated and prosperous. It should also possess technical know-how. It is however, to be noted that the population of a country has to be evaluated in relation to its other attributes. If the resources of a country are not sufficient to meet the requirements of the large population, the latter may pose a serious challenge to the very existence of the state.

4. Natural Resources

The natural resources of a country also profoundly influence the determination of a foreign policy. The natural resources apart from minerals, gas and water resources also include the food grain. During the present century, food has tended to be an important factor in the determination of a country’s foreign policy. It is said that during the Second World War the foreign and military policy of Germany was to a large extent, determined by her limited food reserves.

5. Economic and Industrial Development

The stage of economic development which a country has attained also has its impact on its foreign policy. Generally the industrially advanced countries feel more deeply involved in relations with other countries because they have to import different kinds of raw materials and commodities from other countries.. Again, an industrial country is expected to have a higher gross national product (GNP) and can devote greater funds for external purpose, economic aid programme, military ventures and extensive diplomatic commitments.

6. Military Power

Besides all the preceding factors, the military strength of a country also determines the effectiveness of its foreign policy. A state possessing sufficient military strength has greater initiative and bargaining power in the international arena. The case of Israel can be quoted as an example. She continues her precarious existence despite the combined opposition of the Allied nations; she has power to maintain an assertive foreign policy. Unlike geographical and natural resources, the military capacity is not a static factor. It keeps on changing. The


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states try to impress about their military superiority in a number of ways, such as nuclear tests, mobilization of army, periodical display of military forces, devices and techniques.

Military strength of a country is closely linked to its resourcefulness and the development of its industry. A developed civil industry can be made to manufacture military hardware during the time of wars and crises


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What are impediments of the developments of South Asian Free Trade Area( SAFTA) (2017) - 150 words

Model Answer

The SAFTA Agreement was signed on 6 January 2004 during Twelfth SAARC Summit held in Islamabad, Pakistan. The Agreement entered into force on 1 January 2006, and the Trade Liberalization Programme commenced from 1st July 2006. Following the Agreement coming into force the SAFTA Ministerial Council (SMC) has been established comprising the Commerce Ministers of the Member States. PROBLEMS IN SAFTA

The Governments of the SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) Member States comprising the People's Republic of Bangladesh, the Kingdom of Bhutan, the Republic of India, the Republic of Maldives, the Kingdom of Nepal, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka hereinafter referred to as "Contracting States" are also member countries of SAFTA.

PROBLEMS IN SAFTA

A. LIBERALIZING PROTECTIONIST REGIMES: After the Second World War, significant protectionist sentiment compelled the economies of South Asia to pursue import-substituting industrialization (ISI). They maintained a strong anti-export bias, a massive public sector, and a control-ridden private sector at their periphery. ISI advocates worked to limit trade, especially intra-regional trade. Pre-1990 tariff levels in Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan are demonstrative. In the early 1990s, a few South Asian economies began to slash tariffs and liberalize their domestic trade regimes. According to the United Nations’ Commodity Trade Database, while considerable tariff liberalization did occur, the region has continued to rank among the most highly protected in the world, second only to the group of socialist economies.

Both simple and trade-weighted average tariff rates were highest in India and lowest in Sri Lanka


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B. DOMINANCE OF INDIA

India has emerged as the region’s unquestioned economic leader. It has failed to reach its full potential, however, due to tenuous relations with its neighbors. Experiences of the last two decades (1985-2005) have shown how difficult it is to bring about reasonable economic integration between such politically acrimonious members of the SAARC as India and Pakistan. Their relationship has always been one of suspicion. In stark contrast, the small economies of Bhutan and Nepal have maintained strong trade links with India. Since 2000, several macroeconomic and financial indicators suggest a marked improvement. India’s trade with Asian economies, particularly China, has improved significantly after the currency crisis of 1997-98. India’s stock market has boomed, with capitalization growing at a heady pace. Recent rankings show India as one of the three most favored destinations for FDI. The flow of resources to India has provided benefits to the rest of the region. Since India constitutes 70 per cent or more of SAARC’s area and population, and has political conflicts with all its neighbours, India has to redefine its role, from seeking reciprocity in bilateral relations, to being prepared to go the extra mile in meeting the aspirations of all other SAARC nations. A shortcoming in the current situation is that unlike Europe, SAARC is not an association of nearly equally sized countries. India and the other SAARC member-nations have a common border bilaterally only with India, and not with each other. The economic and quality of life disparities among South Asian nations are also quite wide.

C.MORE THAN INCOMPLETE REFORM PROGRAMS - Reform implementation has remained slow and incomplete in the region. According to South Asia scholars, governance issues have proven to be its Achilles’ heel. Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI), an annual ranking, found that Bangladesh was the most corrupt nation in the world, receiving a score of 1.7 out of 10. Other ranked South Asian countries also recorded poor performances. The economies of South Asia have continued to suffer from macroeconomic, financial, and governance-related constraints. These deficiencies have combined to retard productivity growth rates and rein in the competitiveness of export-oriented sectors. In effect, private economic activity has suffered from infrastructural bottlenecks, poor economic governance, labor and land constraints, and deficient financial market performance. The most conspicuous economic constraints have been attributable to power shortages, archaic labor


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laws, and inefficient customs procedures and trade regulations. Small and medium-sized business enterprises have frequently faced problems in accessing capital from the organized financial sector. While property rights have been properly defined, implementation has been arbitrary. Bureaucracy and rent-seeking practices in government continue to increase transaction costs enormously.

Longstanding social challenges have only exacerbated these economic difficulties—the presence of corruption, inefficient government systems, incompetent bureaucracies in the larger South Asian economies, domestic turmoil, and foreign conflict have all proved detrimental.

1. ECONOMIC CASE FOR SAFTA

Historical figures reveal a steady decline in intra-regional trade in South Asia during the postwar period—down to 2% of total trade levels by the mid-1960s. Despite small improvements in recent years, consistent figures of less than 5% indicate the low likelihood of uniting the sub-region as a cohesive trading bloc in the short-term. Moreover, the World Bank concludes that SAFTA member countries have tended to trade far more extensively with industrial economies like the United States and the European Union, due perhaps to differences in factor endowments (India and Pakistan provide a case in point). While Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, in contrast, respectively received 20% and 15% of their total imports from South Asian countries (notably India), their import volumes covered a small share of Indian exports. As a share of total exports, Indian trade flows to neighbouring sub-regional economies did see a small increase in the 1990s, from 3% in 1990 to 5% in 2002. These improvements were not, however, universal—unilateral non-discriminatory tariff liberalization was carried out on a most-favoured-nation basis.

2. CONFLICTS AMONG MAJOR ECONOMIES OF SAFTA

In November 2006, India claimed that Pakistan was deviating from the SAFTA Agreement and was refusing to implement it in letter and spirit. The Indian Minister of External Affairs suggested that it would be difficult to operationalize SAFTA unless Pakistan implemented it earnestly. While Pakistan had expanded the basket of tradable goods under the positive list by 78 items,


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obstructions to trade continued. The minister accused Pakistan of applying conditions to trade with India under SAFTA, a step that went against the essence of the agreement.

The comprehensive objective of the alliance and SAFTA agreement was to consolidate South Asia’s economic and geopolitical potential, and promote the welfare of the population of the region and improve their quality of life. But more than three decades since it was formed, SAARC stands on shaky ground, and according to some experts has largely been a ―somnolent and disappointing body,‖ its achievements meagre and unconvincing. Economically, the region is one of the least integrated in the world, with very low levels of intra-regional trade and investment. Intra-regional trade is under 5 percent of total official trade – less than it was fifty years ago – while intra-regional foreign investments as a proportion of total investment figures are just as paltry. Juxtaposed to this, intra-regional trade accounts for nearly 35 percent of the total trade in East Asia, 25 percent in Southeast Asia, and almost 12 percent in Middle East and Africa. The SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Agreement) group comprises a region that has tremendous economic potential, but despite having 23 percent of the world’s population, the region accounts for only 6 percent of Purchasing Power Parity based global GDP, 2 percent of world goods trade, 3 percent of global foreign direct investment, but more than 40 percent of the world’s poor..


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Analyses the significance of India’s Look East Policy in the light of concerns of indigenous peoples of North-East India. ( 2018) - 150 words

Model Answer

The Look East policy is an important foreign policy initiative of our country in the post-Cold War period. It was launched in the year 1991 by the then Narasimha Rao Government with the aim of developing political contacts, increasing economic integration and forging security cooperation with countries of Southeast Asia. The policy marked a strategic shift in India's perspective of the world. As a result the Look East policy seeks to make India as an important factor in the Asia-Pacific strategic discourse. It is a late recognition of the strategic and economic importance of the region to India's national interests.

The North-eastern region of India is a store-house of mineral resources, bio-diversity and water resources. Yet these natural bounties are yet to be harnessed. The profound economic and political changes that followed in the wake of independence created a sense of unease among the tribal population of the region. Since the development initiatives of the Indian government in this region have been based on its security concerns the state-centric security approach has kept the region isolated and underdeveloped. In recent years the development of this region is being factored into the overall strategy of national development as well as in the conduct of India's relations with the other countries. As a result, in the second phase, the Look East Policy has been given a new dimension wherein India is now looking towards partnership with the ASEAN countries integrally linked to economic and security interests of the North-eastern region.

Taking into account of its geographical proximity, its historical and cultural linkage with Southeast Asia and China, it is presumed that vibrant commercial exchanges with Southeast Asia can galvanise growth and development in the Northeast. The policy also has the potential of solving the problem of insurgency, migration and drug trafficking in the region through regional cooperation.

The Look East policy was launched in recognition of the backwardness that is prevalent in the region and to provide the people with the development of infrastructure to facilitate various economic activities including the widening of


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the trade. It was also felt that such an opportunity for pulling resources under this policy will be to compensate the existing feelings of marginalisation within the various tribal populations. The Look East policy above all aims at the revival of ancient trade routes. Such recognition and revival of ancient trade has the potential of abating the numerous insurgencies in Northeast India through regional and sub-regional cooperation’s.

Drug trafficking is another rampant illicit activity prevailing in the North-eastern region. The prevalence of drug trafficking in the region is mainly due to the porous borders, proximity to the Golden Triangle, constant ethnic conflict, unemployment, poverty and proximity to international market. Besides this the insurgent groups active in the region use this to finance their activities. Though it is feared that the problem of drug trafficking in the region might increase with the success of Look East policy, yet it is felt that with the consequent enhancement of the rail and road connectivity improved border management such problem can be grossly tackled. Ethnicity, insurgency, immigration and drug trafficking in the North-eastern region are interrelated problem and trans border in nature. The trans border nature of these problems can be solved by way of effective regional cooperation. The Look East policy will recede or control these problems to a great extent.

The main component of the Look East policy is to develop the North-eastern region through expansion of regional trade linkage with the economies of its eastern neighbours. The proposed development of the North-eastern region through increased trade and investment will the engage the people of the region in productive and profitable activities. Otherwise the people will be left again in the development process thereby alienating them further.

The main focus of the Look East policy is to bring about economic development of the region through regional cooperation, in order to achieve such cooperation in the Northeastern region the policy rightly focus on solving the problems that plague the region. The political impact of the Look East policy in relation to the four core issues confronting Northeast India viz. insurgency, migration and drug trafficking, is felt to be important in solving the current political impasse in the region. The economic potentials existing in the sub-region can best be exploited with the setting up of trade and communication facilities at the borders in the


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region. With such improved transport and communication systems illicit activities in the border areas can be controlled to a great extent.

The Look East policy rightly seeks for the creation of an enabling environment so as to end the landlocked situation and isolation of the Northeastern region by opening up the borders and re-integrating the region's economy through improved trade and connectivity between the Northeast India and Southeast Asian countries. However, when we consider the existing ground realities the growth of border trade between the Northeastern region and neighbouring countries is slow and nothing significant happens on the ground. Thus, the Look East policy needs a reorientation and strengthening of the policy with hard action on the ground to suit the developmental interests of the region on the fulfillment of the objectives of this policy.


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Suggest measures so that India’s partnership with Africa becomes a true symbol of south -south cooperation , delivering clear -cut economic and political dividends to both side of the equation. (2017) - 250 words

Model Answer

India-Africa relations are enjoying an unprecedented renaissance, founded on shared economic interests and longstanding historical ties. Two-way trade has grown from $5.3 billion in 2001 to some $70 billion in 2013, though it still remains much below China’s trade with the continent (which stands at over $200 billion). Technical cooperation and training are set to further expand the ambit of shared interests

Modi’s major focus is economic diplomacy that advances Indian economic activity at home, encapsulated in the slogan ‘Make in India’. It is now a crucial programme designed to facilitate investment, foster innovation, enhance skill development, protect intellectual property and build best-in-class manufacturing infrastructure in India so that India can become part of the global supply chain. It covers a wide range of sectors from automobiles and components, electronic systems, and food processing to biotechnology, defence manufacturing, media and entertainment and space. The potential impact of such an initiative on Africa’s prioritisation of beneficiation (i.e., adding value to raw materials rather than exporting them to other countries to do that and re-importing such goods at higher prices) and industrialisation to reduce its commodity trade dependency is one that African states and the African Union need to take note of, for its potential impacts on such cooperation with India.

In the political terrain, it may be time to expand the focus of the Forum to include a platform for political and security dialogue that would reflect changing geostrategic trends in the two regions, as well as mutual concerns about the spread of radicalism. From Boko Haram in Nigeria to al-Shabaab in the Horn of Africa, African governments are battling non-state actors across the Sahel belt from west to east. Many of these states are politically fragile, with limited capacities to effectively respond to this threat, which also has a transnational dimension. Cooperation between India and the AU in the exchange of lessons learnt and effective instruments would also serve to elevate the mechanism to


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one that encompasses all dimensions of the relationship between Africa and India, rather than focusing on an element that sees Africa largely through a development cooperation prism.

These are the measures where India’s partnership with Africa becomes a true symbol of south-south cooperation.


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India’s Research and Information System for developing countries is a major initiative in the area of South-South cooperation. Discuss. (2018) -200 words

Model Answer

South–South Cooperation is a term historically used by policymakers and academics to describe the exchange of resources, technology, and knowledge between developing countries, also known as countries of the Global South.

Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) is a New Delhi–based autonomous policy research institute that specialises in issues related to international economic development, trade, investment and technology. RIS is envisioned as a forum for fostering effective policy dialogue and capacity-building among developing countries on global and regional economic issues.

The focus of the work programme of RIS is to promote South-South Cooperation and collaborate with developing countries in multilateral negotiations in various forums. RIS is engaged across inter-governmental processes of several regional economic cooperation initiatives. Through its intensive network of think tanks, RIS seeks to strengthen policy coherence on international economic issues and the development partnership canvas.

In recent years, the global dialogue on South-South Cooperation (SSC) has become more prominent in discussions on international cooperation, highlighting the importance of SSC in the global arena. The desire of Southern economies to harness the potential of their cooperation has led to the conception and formalisation of several platforms such as India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS), BRICS, IBSA, New Development Bank and Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) including many others. There is evidence that substantial attention is being paid to discussions on SSC including intensified intergovernmental dialogue on SSC in the United Nations as well as at the High Level Forums (HLF) on Aid Effectiveness of the OECD/DAC, where a larger role for SSC is being discussed. In these discussions, there have been serious efforts at viewing SSC as a process that is distinct from the North-South Cooperation (NSC).


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SSC takes different forms and modalities for extending assistance to partner countries. They include technical assistance, capacity building programmes, knowledge sharing, production cooperation financial assistance and technology transfer. The SSC is often perceived by the partner countries to be more receptive and adapted to their needs and priorities. As a result, expectations from the SSC have increased manifold.

Course on Development Partnership held at Research and Information System for Developing Countries, New Delhi is intended to familiarise the participants to a broader concept of SSC particularly on the Development Cooperation in the context of ongoing resurgence of the economies of the South in the wake of major changes being witnessed in the global aid architecture. The programme would, among other things, focus on rationale, concepts and contours of SSC by building on the individual accomplishments of the respective countries, thus explaining the benefits from and barriers to their collective engagements. It would also throw light on the key principles, policies, modalities (that includes national sovereignty, national ownership, independence, equality, non-conditionality, non-interference and mutual benefit) and practices that are evident across SSC and respond to how the policy orientations or the strengths of SSC can be practically applied.

Thus we can say India's research and information system is a major initative in the area of south-south cooperation.


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Analyze the stalled progress of Doha round of WTO negotiations over the differences between the developed and developing countries. (2017) - 200 words

Model Answer

The Doha round of trade talks was an attempted multilateral trade agreement. It would have been between every member of the World Trade Organization. It was launched at the Doha, Qatar WTO meeting in November 2001. Its goal was to finish up by January 2005, but the deadline was pushed back to 2006. The talks were finally suspended in June 2006. That's because the United States and the European Union refused to reduce agricultural subsidies.

The Doha round process was ambitious. First, all WTO members (almost every country in the world) participated. Second, decisions must be settled by consensus, as opposed to majority rule. That means every country must sign off. Third, there are no piecemeal sub-agreements. That means there is either an entire agreement or none at all. In other words, unless every country agrees with the whole deal, it's off

The agreement's purpose was to boost the economic growth of developing countries. It centered on reducing subsidies for developed countries’ agricultural industries. That would allow developing countries to export food, something they were already good at producing. In return, the developing countries would open up their market to services, particularly banking. That would provide new markets to the developed countries’ service industries. It would also modernize these markets for the developing countries.

it had been successful, Doha would have improved the economic vitality of developing countries. It would have reduced government spending on subsidies in developed countries, but boosted financial companies. Perhaps they would have focused on developing those markets instead of selling derivatives. That might have lessened the devastation of the financial crisis.

Unfortunately, agribusiness lobbies in the United States and the European Union put political pressure on their legislatures. That ended the Doha round of


https://www.thebalance.com/what-is-the-world-trade-organization-wto-3306366

https://www.thebalance.com/what-is-the-european-union-how-it-works-and-history-3306356

https://www.thebalance.com/farm-subsidies-4173885

https://www.thebalance.com/wto-membership-benefits-and-importance-3306364

https://www.thebalance.com/government-subsidies-definition-farm-oil-export-etc-3305788

https://www.thebalance.com/what-is-banking-3305812



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negotiations. As a result, bilateral agreements have increased. They are easier to negotiate. Whether this is good for developing countries remains to be seen.

The failure of Doha also means that future multilateral trade agreements are also probably doomed to fail for the same reason as Doha. The EU and U.S. agricultural industries won't take the risk of allowing low-cost foreign food imports to take any of their domestic market share.

Similarly, small emerging market countries have seen what the United States and EU agribusiness has done to local economies in Mexico thanks to NAFTA. That means major trade agreements that are in the works are more likely to fail unless there is a level playing field for local farmers.

That includes the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, the pending agreement between the United States and the EU.

The main reason the Doha talks collapsed was that the United States and EU weren't willing to give up their agricultural subsidies.

But other sticking points must be resolved if the talks are to resume. First, China, India, and Brazil need to be more supportive of the talks. They must also be willing to take on the leadership role given to developed countries.

Second, the United States, Japan, and China must realize their "currency wars" are exporting inflation to other countries, such as Brazil and India. They must accept the responsibility and not treat their monetary policies as simply domestic issues.

Third, Doha must dangle the carrot of more liberal service export regulations. That would entice the United States and other developed countries. Otherwise, they will move ahead on their own with the Trade in Services Agreement negotiations.


https://www.thebalance.com/what-are-bilateral-trade-agreements-pros-cons-and-list-3305911

https://www.thebalance.com/multilateral-trade-agreements-pros-cons-and-examples-3305949

https://www.thebalance.com/what-are-emerging-markets-3305927

https://www.thebalance.com/mexico-s-economy-facts-opportunites-challenges-3306351

https://www.thebalance.com/facts-about-nafta-statistics-and-accomplishments-3306280

https://www.thebalance.com/free-trade-agreement-types-and-examples-3305897

https://www.thebalance.com/transatlantic-trade-and-investment-partnership-ttip-3305582

https://www.economist.com/node/11848592

https://www.thebalance.com/what-is-a-currency-war-3306262

https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2013/11/25/the-2013-wto-bali-ministerial-prospects-and-new-horizons/

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Evaluate India’s stand on recent Rohingya refugee issue. (2018) - 150 words

Model Answer

The Issue that has come to be known as ‘the Rohingya crisis’ is a tragedy that was in the making for over several decades and concerns the plight of hundreds of thousands of people belonging to the Rohingya-Muslim minority community in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. Myanmar does not recognise the community as its citizens and considers them “illegal immigrants” from Bangladesh. Recent violence in Rakhine State has displaced several hundred thousand Rohingyas within Myanmar and driven out some 700,000 of them to neighbouring Bangladesh after the military launched a crackdown. The United Nations (UN) has described the violence against the Rohingya community as a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing .The massive refugee outflow has created a serious humanitarian crisis that carries implications on regional stability and security

Broadly, two schools of thought have explained India’s Rohingya approach. Though differing on most issues, both agree that the lack of a national policy framework on refugees has complicated India’s handling of the Rohingya crisis. The first school argues that the current Rohingya approach has some elements of continuity, as it is “consistent with [India’s] traditional hesitation about automatically designating asylum seekers as refugees. According to this line of thinking, India has conventionally “created disincentives” for refugees to “stay on in India permanently”, citing the case of refugees from Bangladesh (East Pakistan then) during the 1971 war. India helped Bangladesh but did not regard those fleeing the country as refugees and that “ensured their return” to Bangladesh after the war. This school may not be completely wrong when it argues that India discourages permanent settlement of refugees and that the lack of a national refugee policy complicated Delhi’s approach towards the Rohingya crisis. However, there seems to be a big difference between the BJP-led government’s Rohingya approach and older ways of managing refugees. In the case of the Rohingyas, the government shut the doors to them, whereas India had always welcomed refugees in other cases. Moreover, no refugees in the past had been seen as posing a “terrorist threat”, whereas the security concern was the key argument of the government in the case of the Rohingyas.


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The second explanation views the current approach as a departure from the past and analyses it from the perspective of potential implications on India. This school argues that the framing of the Rohingya crisis through the security argument is short-sighted as it could create more security challenges for India, including “greater radicalisation” of a repressed community that could have serious “spill over” effects on India. According to this line of reasoning, the government’s Rohingya approach has put at stake the lives of thousands of Indian diaspora communities in different countries including Myanmar. It asserts that the government’s silence has allowed “ceding space for other countries to take the lead” in the Rohingya crisis. Further, the approach has undermined India’s long traditional heritage as an “open” and “democratic” society that has always kept its doors open for refugees. There is also a notion that the Rohingya approach might have been driven by a “trend” under the BJP-led government towards Muslims, citing the proposed 2016 Citizenship Amendment Bill that recognises “non-Muslim refugees” in India as “citizens” of the country This impression gained cogency in late 2017, at a time when security was being beefed up along the Indian states bordering Myanmar to bar Rohingya refugees, the Indian government allowed hundreds of refugees, mostly Christians and Buddhists, fleeing violence in Myanmar to enter its northeastern state of Mizoram.

Three issues emerge from the above analysis of the two views on India’s Rohingya approach. First, the way India has handled the Rohingya crisis has raised questions on its democratic credentials. Second, India’s reservations in taking the lead may have already undermined its regional and global leadership aspirations. Third, the approach may have served short-term security goals, but concentration of thousands of desperate people in the neighbourhood could create a fertile breeding ground for radicalisation. Taking a hard position towards the Rohingya refugees makes India a potential target of radical groups

It may not be erroneous to say that the current debate has emphasised on the implications of India’s approach in handling the Rohingya crisis. These issues need serious consideration by policy-makers.


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Has the recent Indo- Israeli relationships given a new dynamics to India’s stand on Palestinian’s brotherhood . (2017) - 250 words

Model Answer

Recent Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit underline the growing ties between two major democracies, one in South Asia and one in the Middle East. There is now domestic consensus in India that strong ties with Israel are essential for Indian national security interests.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi deserves credit for investing personally in this relationship and for finally de-hyphenating India’s relationship with Israel from Palestine. This was an important move, as for decades, even as Israel stood with India in times of crises, Indian political leadership was shy of reciprocating. Everything was done behind the scenes; New Delhi expected that Israel should continue its cooperation on defense and intelligence while it could get away with being coy. Modi has changed this for the better, as bilateral relationships should stand on their own merit. If the Arab world can engage with Israel despite proclaiming to be the biggest supporter of the Palestinian cause, India can certainly be more honest with Israel. India’s ties with Israel have always been embroiled in its own domestic politics, but in recent years a wider political consensus has emerged on strong Indo-Israeli ties.

Today, the relationship is moving beyond just defense. Israel’s technological prowess remains unmatched in areas as diverse as waste management and reprocessing, desalination, agriculture, waste water recycling, health, biotechnology, and nanotechnology. This is something that India is looking to tap into.

The overall relationship has never been stronger. It is a sign of a mature partnership between India and Israel that India’s vote at the UN against U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision on Jerusalem and the reported cancellation of the Spike anti-tank guided missile deal did not vitiate the climate ahead of Netanyahu’s visit. As the Israeli prime minister himself pointed out, “I don’t think it [India’s UN vote] materially changes the tremendous flowering of relations between India and Israel.”


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India-Israel counterterrorism cooperation is quite robust and has been scaled up gradually over the last few years through a joint working group on terrorism. Intelligence-sharing in this realm has been the most important element of this partnership. Israel is helping India improve border management along the India-Pakistan border given Israel’s experience in dealing with cross-border infiltration and terrorism. Cybersecurity cooperation is also expanding, with cybersecurity academies being set up in India by an Israeli company, Vital Intelligence Group.

Thus in spite of its growing engagement with Israel ,India continued to support Palestine issue. It supports the two-state policy. It also voted against declaring Jerusalem as Israel's capital. Thus India has successfully de-hyphenated its relation with Israel from Palestine.


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The natural behavior of India and United States is likely to serve each other’s interests. Hence, a deliberate strategy of dovetailing their efforts will obviously benefit both.Elaborate. (2017) - 2015 words

Model Answer

The engagement between US and India, both at government and business levels, has grown significantly over the last few years. In fact, the US Administration under President Donald Trump has recognised India as a foremost foreign policy priority.

During his recent visit to New Delhi, US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson described US and India as natural allies. There is trade relationship and people-to-people ties. Over 130 American companies are doing business in Hyderabad alone. There is incredible visa demand and enthusiasm on both sides. All this growth seems natural and there’s even more that we can do to realise the full potential of our strategic partnership. Given India’s size, diversity, entrepreneurial spirit, and powerful democratic system, US sees India as a great economic partner and strategic ally in the years to come

Bilateral trade expanded to a record $115 billion, and two-way investment to $40 billion. For Indian companies, the United States offers a unified, highly-developed and prosperous consumer and business market of some 320 million people and hundreds of thousands of companies, with many more markets and consumers accessible from the US through free trade agreements. The interest and investment by Indian companies is welcomed, which creates jobs and prosperity for both.

United States and India are looking at working together to improve the ease of doing business and increasing bilateral trade. Services trade is incredibly important to both our nations. NASSCOM estimates that US purchases over 60% of India’s services exports. In fact, in 2016 alone, this amounted to nearly $15 billion. India has proposed a broader agreement on services trade in WTO in Geneva, and the US and others are looking at how we might engage in a substantive dialogue to improve this on a global level.


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It is important to remember that the US maintains one of the lowest average applied tariff rates in the world and is one of India’s biggest trading partners, purchasing close to 20% of India’s total goods and services exports. President Trump’s focus on free, fair, and mutually beneficial trade aims to highlight areas in which the United States commitments to free trade and open markets have not been reciprocated by some of our trading partners. It is also worth noting that India’s nearly $30 billion-dollar trade surplus with the United States is its largest trade surplus with any country.

The sheer size and diversity of two economies demand that we do more to realise the full potential of commercial partnership. There are many sectors that offer promising opportunities for growth and synergies. One of these is energy. This was a significant milestone in the growing partnership between the United States and India in the oil and gas sector, and it will enable India to diversify its suppliers and bring down oil prices for businesses and consumers. Beyond energy – including fossil fuels, renewable, and nuclear energy – other sectors ripe for expanded collaboration include environmental technologies, travel and tourism, healthcare and agribusiness. Thus natural behaviour of India and US is likely to serve each other's interests.


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Do you think that India’s capacity building role in Afghanistan has shrunk the strategic space for Pakistan there. discuss. (2018) - 200 words

Model Answer

India has adopted a low-key role in the last few years, has set itself apart as a country which is genuinely interested in reconstruction and development. India’s small-budget interventions in Pashtun areas have been well-received by the population in areas infested by the militants, which has even forced the Taliban to grudgingly acknowledge India’s constructive role. Thus, India does have the acceptability to play a key role in Afghanistan in the next few years. The partnership agreement between the two countries allows India to strengthen linkages in the security sector too. The common Afghan, irrespective of her/his ethnicity, is keen that India continues to play a bigger role in stabilising Afghanistan.

In contrast, Pakistan has lost credibility among the Afghans, who consider it as a country which does not have anything positive to offer, and can only export terrorism and destabilise the situation further. There is a pessimistic view in certain circles in India that India will find it difficult to stay engaged given Pakistan’s continuing nexus with the Taliban.

India’s contribution in reconstruction Afghanistan is significant. The progress of development cooperation and the ongoing projects creates more visible role of India in Afghanistan. Since the first JWG meeting held in 2016, there have been promising and notable progress of India-assisted development projects in Afghanistan that includes the India-Afghan Friendship Dam (Salma Dam), Doshi Charikkar Power sub-stations, Stor Palace, construction of Afghanistan parliament building, completion of first phase of Chabahar port and supply of 1.1 million tons of wheat. Supply of 2000 tons of pulses is also in transit to Afghanistan. The Shahtoot Dam and drinking water project will open major opportunities expecting to supply irrigation water for about 10,000 hectares of agricultural land and drinking water to around two million people in Kabul city

The supply of 1000 new buses is in process along with repairing of old busses for which 18 containers of spare parts had been delivered to Afghanistan. India will


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be constructing low cost housing in Jalalabad for the returning Refugees. India agreed for Afghan National Institute of Mining proposed to provide 100 undergraduate and graduate level scholarships in India’s mining sector. India and Afghanistan has agreed upon for the implementation of Agricultural fellowship programe by 2020-21. The water supply network for Charikar, Parwan province is near completion which was self-funded by Afghanistan and India. The second phase of the work will be assisted by India as proposed by Afghanistan. Further the High Impact Community Development projects (SDPs), India has affirmed its commitment to begin the phase IV of the projects and Phase I, II and III are in-progress.

India’s cooperation in health and nutrition sector has immensely attributed on positive note. Assistance to the Indira Gandhi Institute for Child Health (IGICH) which is established in 1970 is 200,000 USD per annum. Afghanistan has further requested to train 33 doctors from IGICH in India. Three lakh children are treated at IGICH annually.

Pakistan is fast losing popular goodwill in Afghanistan. It may not be possible for the Taliban to take over Kabul so easily given that support from Pakistan will be hard to come by because of both the gaze of the international community on Afghanistan and increasing preoccupation with the internal security situation; and c. there is a recognition in Afghanistan cutting across all ethnicities and groups that the war ravaged country would need continued assistance from all possible sources and, among the regional countries, it could bank on India as a reliable partner. Even the Taliban may not be too averse to receive continued Indian assistance. The perception that India is open to the idea of working with Pakistan in Afghanistan (even if it is impracticable) has enhanced India’s image among ordinary Afghans.

Thus, if India retains the political will to remain engaged in Afghanistan, it can do so even as the latter becomes turbulent. India must be ready to provide the necessary resources to sustain its engagement. It needs to improve its delivery mechanisms and cut down on implementation delays. India must show greater receptivity to the needs of common Afghans and build contacts at multiple levels.


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Do you agree that the growing assertiveness of China is leading to multilayered Indo-Japan relations. comment. (2018) - 200 words

Model Answer

The friendship between India and Japan has a long history rooted in spiritual affinity and strong cultural and civilizational ties. India’s earliest documented direct contact with Japan was with the Todaiji Temple in Nara, where the consecration or eye-opening of the towering statue of Lord Buddha was performed by an Indian monk, Bodhisena, in 752 AD. The modern nation States have carried on the positive legacy of the old association which has been strengthened by shared values of belief in democracy, individual freedom and the rule of law. Over the years, the two countries have built upon these values and created a partnership based on both principle and pragmatism. Today, India is the largest democracy in Asia and Japan the most prosperous

Evidence of Chinese factor in Indo-Japan Relations.

Both the countries have border (land/maritime) issues with China- a common ‘enemy’ for India and Japan.

Border conflicts between India and China have been a long issue and it is evident from the recent dispute over the Doklam plateau in the Himalayas started two-and-one-half months ago. Both the countries have been seen accusing their counterparts of breaching the existing border norms.

Japan has the similar border issue with China and is one of the perennial sources of friction for two neighbours still harbouring scars from World War II. Both the countries have the simmering territorial dispute over islands in the East China Sea are known as the Senkakus in Japan and the Diaoyu in China. At present, both the island is administered by Japan but are claimed by China. The conflict has been on rising in the last few years is because of increasing China’s maritime mightiness in the region.


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Japan-India Global Strategic Partnership in Indo-Pacific’ dealt with the Japanese and Indian perceptions of the security situation in the Asia Pacific and situated the Indo-Japanese relationship in that context. While Japan’s foreign policy became more assertive as it faced threats from North Korea and a rising China during the nineties, India became an important factor in Japanese foreign policy. Japanese PM Abe’s renewed stress on the importance of India fits into that line of thinking.

The dominance of China in the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean and Pacific Region is the threat to commercial and strategic interests of both the nations. India has already shown its genuine concern over South China Sea and sought to firmly articulate its principled position of freedom of navigation, maritime security, expeditious resolution of the dispute according to international law and the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, developing a Code of Conduct, and settlement through dialogue and peaceful means. India’s more than 40 percent of total trade volume traverses through the South China Sea, and on account of its interest in harnessing fossil resources in the region.

The issue of Democracy and Human Rights, shared values of democracy binds together. India and Japan are not only natural allies in the Asia-Pacific region but it also sharing common democratic values. India is the largest democracy in the Asia while Japan is the most prosperous. Both the countries rather confronting choose to function as a vibrant democracy with a social matrix which emphasizes harmony and consensus among its citizens. After the establishment of People’s Republic of China in 1949, the authoritarian rule has been a new normal in the country. Imprisonment of political opponents and journalists common practices can be seen as a part of the Chinese Government agenda. While the press has many restrictions and the religious intolerance also common phenomena in the country.

Thus it can be said that the growing assertiveness of China is leading to multilayered Indo – Japan relations.


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01-Feb-2019 - Question 1

Discuss the various impediments in India’s way to a permanent seat in security council. (2018) - 200 words

Model Answer

UN security council consists of two types of members: Permanent and temporary. The five permanent members: US, UK ,Russia, China and France enjoy veto power. This provision has been widely criticized by different nations. Also there is voice for increasing African, South American and Asian representation in UNSC.

India has been a temporary member many times. It wants to secure permanent membership in UNSC for its growing importance in world affairs.

But the Indian journey to UNSC Permanent membership seems very difficult. Following are the major roadblocks:

1.P5 Resistance: Permanent members never get to a consensus to allow expansion of council and offer permanent seat to another country. China being India’s rival will always veto down any such agreement for India. Thus this remains the biggest roadblock.

2.India’s economic contribution: Compared to P5 Countries India’s contribution to Security council budget is very minimal, which again discredits its claim to join council as a permanent group.

3.International diplomacy: India is seen as a soft country, especially on matters related to middle east and gulf countries. It maintains neutrality and puts its own interest before taking a hard stance. This is misinterpreted by P5 countries as India’s inability to offer and sanction extreme measures. Especially US is not comfortable with this behaviour.

4.India's reluctance to sign the non proliferation nuclear treaty in 1968 with the US is also a major factor why it(US) is against India's permanent membership

5.India's closeness with Japan will also be a major reason for China's objection 6.The structure of UNSC is very complex . For India to be a permanent members ,


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it needs the nod off 2/3 rd of the general members with the support of P5 which requires an amendment to the UN charter act

7. With superpowers like Germany and Japan already in queue , India's admission is a far fetched dream as these countries are signatory of Comprehensive test ban treaty(CTBT)

India needs to be a permanent member as it has 1/6th of world's population, largest democracy,7th largest economy and one of the largest contributor to peace-making troops, leader of developing countries and has a better say in global platform and deserves a strong position too. India needs support of 129/193 members of UNGA for a seat in UNSC. It is as obvious that Pakistan will raise Kashmir issue and China may veto against the resolution. But India should not loose hope about UNSC reforms it demanded from so long It will be India's foreign policy test as how much support it gains and become successful to break the dominance of P-5 in UNSC and secure its position in the most powerful body of the world.


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30-Feb-2019 - Question 2

The Nuclear Non- proliferation treaty has failed to achieve the ultimate objective of Global nuclear Departmeny. Discuss the deficiency in the provisions of NPT. (2017) - 200 words

Model Answer

Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) is often referred to as the cornerstone of the global nuclear system and a foundation for the international security environment in which we live. With only four states remaining outside its ambit, the NPT formally retains wide support within the international community. But still, it failed to achieve the ultimate goal of global nuclear department. Salient Provisions of NPT: 1.No Nuclear Weapon State will transfer its weapons and technology to Non- Nuclear States.

2.Non-Nuclear States will neither develop nor receive Nuclear weapons

3. Development of Nuclear !technology for peaceful purposes as a right

4.1 January 1967 as the cutoff date:

This treaty shall enter into force after its ratification by all nuclear-weapons states signatory to this treaty and by other states signatory to this treaty, after the deposit of their instrument of ratification.

5. Provision for withdrawal:

Each party shall, in exercising its national sovereignty, have the right to withdraw from the treaty if it decided that extra-ordinary events, related to the subject-matter of this treaty, have jeopardized the supreme interests of its country

NPT stands criticized by several countries, especially by India, on the following grounds:

1. It was a discriminatory treaty which tried to perpetuate the superior power position of nuclear weapon states vis-a-vis the non-nuclear nations.


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2. It unduly tried to legitimize the power gap between nuclear and non-clear nations.

3. It did not provide for either disarmament or arms control in international relations.

4. It failed to check the N-programmes of France and China which, in violation of the Moscow Partial Test Ban Treaty, continued the policy of conducting nuclear tests.

5. NPT was really a political instrument of nuclear weapon states. It divided the states into nuclear haves and have-not’s.

6. NPT was a discriminatory and inadequate Treaty

7. There is a problem with the non-universal status of the NPT and its inability to remain sustainable on the ground.

The future viability of the NPT requires a concerted effort by its membership to honestly address its vulnerabilities and to undertake the reforms that are commensurate with the treaty’s importance for maintaining international peace and security.


Documents

90 Days UPSC Mains Optional Answer Writing Initiative · 2019. 2. 28. · society and socialist economy profoundly How there is change in nature of developing society The change in