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7th Grade Social Studies Canada, Mexico, & U.S. History from the Revolution to Reconstruction

Class 119— John C. Calhoun Speech on Slavery & Review March 9, 2015

Focus: Place your final copy of your David Crockett essay on my desk in the same spot where you turn in your tests. Then, answer the following questions: How do you think John C. Calhoun would view slavery? Why?

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Student Objectives:1. I will analyze a portion of the speech delivered by John C. Calhoun on February 6, 1837.2. I will review for tomorrow’s test.

Homework:-Current Events due 3/9 -Chapter 13 Test Monday 3/9

Handouts:1. John C. Calhoun speech-February 6, 1837

I. John C. Calhoun speech-February 6, 1837II. Review

Key terms/ideas/ people/places:John C. Calhoun Positive GoodEverything on the overview

By the end of class today, I will be able to answer the following:Why did Calhoun call slavery a “positive good?”

Everything on the overview

John C. Calhoun, February 6th 1837I do not belong, said Mr. C., to the school which holds that aggression is to be met by concession. Mine is the opposite creed, which teaches that encroachments must be met at the beginning, and that those who act on the opposite principle are prepared to become slaves. In this case, in particular I hold concession or compromise to be fatal. If we concede an inch, concession would follow concession--compromise would follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible. We must meet the enemy on the frontier, with a fixed determination of maintaining our position at every hazard. Consent to receive these insulting petitions, and the next demand will be that they be referred to a committee in order that they may be deliberated and acted upon. At the last session we were modestly asked to receive them, simply to lay them on the table, without any view to ulterior action. . . . I then said, that the next step would be to refer the petition to a committee, and I already see indications that such is now the intention. If we yield, that will be followed by another, and we will thus proceed, step by step, to the final consummation of the object of these petitions. We are now told that the most effectual mode of arresting the progress of abolition is, to reason it down; and with this view it is urged that the petitions ought to be referred to a committee. That is the very ground which was taken at the last session in the other House, but instead of arresting its progress it has since advanced more rapidly than ever. The most unquestionable right may be rendered doubtful, if once admitted to be a subject of controversy, and that would be the case in the present instance. The subject is beyond the jurisdiction of Congress - they have no right to touch it in any shape or form, or to make it the subject of deliberation or discussion. . . .

As widely as this incendiary spirit has spread, it has not yet infected this body, or the great mass of the intelligent and business portion of the North; but unless it be speedily stopped, it will spread and work upwards till it brings the two great sections of the Union into deadly conflict. This is not a new impression with me. Several years since, in a discussion with one of the Senators from Massachusetts (Mr. Webster), before this fell spirit had showed itself, I then predicted that the doctrine of the proclamation and the Force Bill--that this Government had a right, in the last resort, to determine the extent of its own powers, and enforce its decision at the point of the bayonet, which was so warmly maintained by that Senator, would at no distant day arouse the dormant spirit of abolitionism. I told him that the doctrine was tantamount to the assumption of unlimited power on the part of the Government, and that such would be the impression on the public mind in a large portion of the Union. The consequence would be inevitable. A large portion of the Northern States believed slavery to be a sin, and would consider it as an obligation of conscience to abolish it if they should feel themselves in any degree responsible for its continuance, and that this doctrine would necessarily lead to the belief of such responsibility. I then predicted that it would commence as it has with this fanatical portion of society, and that they would begin their operations on the ignorant, the weak, the young, and the thoughtless --and gradually extend upwards till they would become strong enough to obtain political control, when he and others holding the highest stations in society, would, however reluctant, be compelled to yield to their doctrines, or be driven into obscurity. But four years have since elapsed, and all this is already in a course of regular fulfilment.

Standing at the point of time at which we have now arrived, it will not be more difficult to trace the course of future events now than it was then. They who imagine that the spirit now abroad in the North, will die away of itself without a shock or convulsion, have formed a very inadequate conception of its real character; it will continue to rise and spread, unless prompt and efficient measures to stay its progress be adopted. Already it has taken possession of the pulpit, of the schools, and, to a considerable extent, of the press; those great instruments by which the mind of the rising generation will be formed.

However sound the great body of the non-slaveholding States are at present, in the course of a few years they will be succeeded by those who will have been taught to hate the people and institutions of nearly one-half of this Union, with a hatred more deadly than one hostile nation ever entertained towards another. It is easy to see the end. By the necessary course of events, if left to themselves, we must become, finally, two people. It is impossible under the deadly hatred which must spring up between the two great nations, if the present causes are permitted to operate unchecked, that we should continue under the same political system. The conflicting elements would burst the Union asunder, powerful as are the links which hold it together. Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union I openly proclaim it--and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events. We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both. It cannot be subverted without drenching the country or the other of the races. . . . But let me not be understood

as admitting, even by implication, that the existing relations between the two races in the slaveholding States is an evil:--far otherwise; I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved itself to be to both, and will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the fell spirit of abolition. I appeal to facts. Never before has the black race of Central Africa, from the dawn of history to the present day, attained a condition so civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually.

In the meantime, the white or European race, has not degenerated. It has kept pace with its brethren in other sections of the Union where slavery does not exist. It is odious to make comparison; but I appeal to all sides whether the South is not equal in virtue, intelligence, patriotism, courage, disinterestedness, and all the high qualities which adorn our nature.

But I take higher ground. I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good--a positive good . I feel myself called upon to speak freely upon the subject where the honor and interests of those I represent are involved. I hold then, that there never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other. Broad and general as is this assertion, it is fully borne out by history. This is not the proper occasion, but, if it were, it would not be difficult to trace the various devices by which the wealth of all civilized communities has been so unequally divided, and to show by what means so small a share has been allotted to those by whose labor it was produced, and so large a share given to the non-producing classes. The devices are almost innumerable, from the brute force and gross superstition of ancient times, to the subtle and artful fiscal contrivances of modern. I might well challenge a comparison between them and the more direct, simple, and patriarchal mode by which the labor of the African race is, among us, commanded by the European. I may say with truth, that in few countries so much is left to the share of the laborer, and so little exacted from him, or where there is more kind attention paid to him in sickness or infirmities of age. Compare his condition with the tenants of the poor houses in the more civilized portions of Europe--look at the sick, and the old and infirm slave, on one hand, in the midst of his family and friends, under the kind superintending care of his master and mistress, and compare it with the forlorn and wretched condition of the pauper in the poorhouse. But I will not dwell on this aspect of the question; I turn to the political; and here I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions. It is useless to disguise the fact. There is and always has been in an advanced stage of wealth and civilization, a conflict between labor and capital. The condition of society in the South exempts us from the disorders and dangers resulting from this conflict; and which explains why it is that the political condition of the slaveholding States has been so much more stable and quiet than that of the North. . . . Surrounded as the slaveholding States are with such imminent perils, I rejoice to think that our means of defense are ample, if we shall prove to have the intelligence and spirit to see and apply them before it is too late. All we want is concert, to lay aside all party differences and unite with zeal and energy in repelling approaching dangers. Let there be concert of action, and we shall find ample means of security without resorting to secession or disunion. I speak with full knowledge and a thorough examination of the subject, and for one see my way clearly. . . . I dare not hope that anything I can say will arouse the South to a due sense of danger; I fear it is beyond the power of mortal voice to awaken it in time from the fatal security into which it has fallen.

NotesClass 119— John C. Calhoun Speech on Slavery & Review

March 9, 2015

Calhoun calls slavery a “positive good"

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7th Grade Social Studies Canada, Mexico, & U.S. History from the Revolution to Reconstruction

Class 120— Test March 10, 2015

Homework:-Current Events due 3/16-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 1 pgs. 438-442 (due 3/11)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 2 pgs. 443-445 (due 3/12)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 3 pgs. 448-450 stop @ Prison Reform (due 3/13)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 3 pgs. 450-453 start @ Prison Reform (due 3/16)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 4 pgs. 454-458 stop @ Opposition to Ending Slavery (due 3/18)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 4 pgs. 458-459 (due 3/19)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 5 pgs. 461-466 (due 3/20)-Chapter 14 Test Monday 3/23

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7th Grade Social Studies Canada, Mexico, & U.S. History from the Revolution to Reconstruction

Class 121— Immigration and Urbanization March 11, 2015

Focus: Clear everything off of your desk except for your pencil, focus, and outline.

1.

2.

3.

4.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Student Objectives:1. I will recognize the role immigrants play in the United States.2. I will identify anti-immigration movements in the United States.3. I will identify the problems with urbanization.

Homework:-Current Events due 3/16-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 2 pgs. 443-445 (due 3/12)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 3 pgs. 448-450 stop @ Prison Reform (due 3/13)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 3 pgs. 450-453 start @ Prison Reform (due 3/16)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 4 pgs. 454-458 stop @ Opposition to Ending Slavery (due 3/18)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 4 pgs. 458-459 (due 3/19)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 5 pgs. 461-466 (due 3/20)-Chapter 14 Test Monday 3/23

Handouts:1. Pittsburgh Post-Gazette Bones may be from graves of 57 Irish immigrants March 25, 2009

I. Immigration II. NativismIII. Urbanization

Key terms/ideas/ people/places:Irish Germans Push/Pull Nativism The Know Nothing PartyAmerican Party Urbanization

By the end of class today, I will be able to answer the following:Why did people move the U.S.? To the cities?What is nativism? What was the philosophy of The Know Nothing Party?

NotesClass 121— Immigration and Urbanization

March 11, 2015

Immigration There are two reasons why either immigrants move to the U.S. or people living on farms migrate to the city

(Push/Pull Factors-see page 439) Irish

o 1845-Pototo Blight-1/3 of the crop destroyedo 1846-entire crop nearly destroyedo Catholico An gorta mòr-the great hunger in Irisho “The leaves blackened, the tubers rotted, and ‘a sickly odor of decay’ spread over the land, ‘as if the hand

of death had stricken the potato field.’” 1846-55-over a million people died from the famine or diseases caused by the famine

Great Famine sometimes called the Irish holocaust Germans

o Revolutiono The Germans usually came with a little more wealth and moved west to buy farmland.

Immigrants don’t entire avoid the South, but they certainly don’t want to compete with slave labor

Nativism: preserve the country for native-born white citizens anti-Catholic America was to be for Americans only immigrants -taking job opportunities hostility to anything un-American

The Know Nothing Party: “When curious persons asked members concerning the name, aims, principles, and purposes of the order the

usual answer was: "I don't know." This gave rise to the name by which the order was most popularly known "Know Nothing." The official and political name was the American Party.”

Must live in country for 21 years to be a citizen Don’t let foreigners or Catholics serve in office “Americans should rule America” “Put none but Americans on guard tonight.”

Urbanization: Unlike today, the poor lived on the outskirts of town Violence

o No police forceso Culture of violence prompted working-class males to preserve their honor in the face of hardship by

acting tougho Male tavern culture-“the city is infested by gangs of hardened wretches…brought up in Taverns.”

Fireo Most terrifying danger to urban life and property

Sanitationo Hygiene

People dug wells in back yard, despite contamination from outhouses Rain, pits below outhouses overflowed spreading filth and stench Horse manure littered streets Get rid of garbage

Hogs and geese in alleys where dogs, rats, and vultures all scavenged

Warnings of unattended infants being eaten Why go to city?

o Urban wages compared favorable to ruralo City jobs less physically demandingo In town, even the poor sat on chairs instead of stools and ate off plates instead of the common poto Stoves instead of pen fire placeso Theaters, processions and public markets were offered as well as a wider variety of churcheso 1840s-running water comes to middle class homeso Autonomy

____________________________________7th Grade Social Studies

Canada, Mexico, & U.S. History from the Revolution to Reconstruction Class 122— American Renaissance

March 12, 2015

Focus: Explain the following quote: “I heartily accept the motto,—“That government is best which governs least….”

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Student Objectives:1. I will analyze the American Renaissance.2. I will define the following terms:

Transcendentalism Romanticism

Homework:-Current Events due 3/16-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 3 pgs. 448-450 stop @ Prison Reform (due 3/13)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 3 pgs. 450-453 start @ Prison Reform (due 3/16)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 4 pgs. 454-458 stop @ Opposition to Ending Slavery (due 3/18)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 4 pgs. 458-459 (due 3/19)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 5 pgs. 461-466 (due 3/20)-Chapter 14 Test Monday 3/23

Handouts:1. “Resistance to Civil Government” by Henry David Thoreau (Thaw-roe)2. “Woman in the Nineteenth Century”-Margaret Fuller3. “The Slaves’ Dream”-Henry Wadsworth Longfellow

I. Transcendentalism and key authorsII. Romanticism and key authors

Key terms/ideas/ people/places (24) :Transcendentalism Romanticism Ralph Waldo Emerson Henry David ThoreauMargaret Fuller Nathaniel Hawthorne Edgar Allan Poe Emily DickinsonHenry Wadsworth Longfellow Walt Whitman Herman Melville

By the end of class today, I will be able to answer the following:What does Thoreau believe?What does Fuller believe?What is Transcendentalism? Romanticism?

"Resistance to Civil Government"Henry David Thoreau

“Practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in Massachusetts are not a hundred thousand politicians at the South, but a hundred thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to the slave and to Mexico, cost what it may. I quarrel not with far-off foes, but with those who, near at home, co-operate with, and do the bidding of those far away, and without whom the latter would be harmless. We are accustomed to say, that the mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because the few are not materially wiser or better than the many. It is not so important that many should be as good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere; for that will leaven the whole lump. There are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to the war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing; who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of free-trade, and quietly read the prices-current along with the latest advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. What is the price-current of an honest man and patriot to-day? They hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. They will wait, well disposed, for others to remedy the evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. At most, they give only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to the right, as it goes by them. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man; but it is easier to deal with the real possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it.”

Mohandas Gandhi on Thoreau:“Thoreau was a great writer, philosopher, poet, and withal a most practical man, that is, he taught nothing he was not prepared to practice in himself. He was one of the greatest and most moral men America has produced. At the time of the abolition of slavery movement, he wrote his famous essay "On the Duty of Civil Disobedience". He went to gaol for the sake of his principles and suffering humanity. His essay has, therefore, been sanctified by suffering. Moreover, it is written for all time. Its incisive logic is unanswerable.”

Martin Luther King, Jr. on Thoreau:

“During my student days I read Henry David Thoreau's essay On Civil Disobedience for the first time. Here, in this courageous New Englander's refusal to pay his taxes and his choice of jail rather than support a war that would spread slavery's territory into Mexico, I made my first contact with the theory of nonviolent resistance. Fascinated by the idea of refusing to cooperate with an evil system, I was so deeply moved that I reread the work several times.”

“I became convinced that noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. No other person has been more eloquent and passionate in getting this idea across than Henry David Thoreau. As a result of his writings and personal witness, we are the heirs of a legacy of creative protest. The teachings of Thoreau came alive in our civil rights movement; indeed, they are more alive than ever before. Whether expressed in a sit-in at lunch counters, a freedom ride into Mississippi, a peaceful protest in Albany, Georgia, a bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, these are outgrowths of Thoreau's insistence that evil must be resisted and that no moral man can patiently adjust to injustice.”

Woman in the Nineteenth CenturyMargaret Fuller

Meanwhile, not a few believe, and men themselves have expressed the opinion, that the time is come when Eurydice is to call for an Orpheus, rather than Orpheus for Eurydice; that the idea of Man, however imperfectly brought out, has been far more so than that of Woman; that she, the other half of the same thought, the other chamber of the heart of life, needs now take her turn in the full pulsation, and that improvement in the daughters will best aid in the reformation of the sons of this age….

Yet, by men in this country, as by the Jews, when Moses was leading them to the promised land, everything has been done that inherited depravity could do, to hinder the promise of Heaven from its fulfillment. The cross, here as elsewhere, has been planted only to be blasphemed by cruelty and fraud. The name of the Prince of Peace has been profaned by all kinds of injustice toward the Gentile whom he said he came to save. But I need not speak of what has been done towards the Red Man, the Black Man. Those deeds are the scoff of the world; and they have been accompanied by such pious words that the gentlest would not dare to intercede with "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do…."

It may well be an Anti-Slavery party that pleads for Woman, if we consider merely that she does not hold property on equal terms with men; so that, if a husband dies without making a will, the wife, instead of taking at once his place as head of the family, inherits only a part of his fortune, often brought him by herself, as if she were a child, or ward only, not an equal partner.

The Slave's DreamHenry Wadsworth Longfellow

Beside the ungathered rice he lay, His sickle in his hand;

His breast was bare, his matted hair Was buried in the sand.

Again, in the mist and shadow of sleep, He saw his Native Land.

Wide through the landscape of his dreams The lordly Niger flowed;

Beneath the palm-trees on the plain Once more a king he strode;

And heard the tinkling caravans Descend the mountain-road.

He saw once more his dark-eyed queen Among her children stand;

They clasped his neck, they kissed his cheeks, They held him by the hand!--

A tear burst from the sleeper's lids And fell into the sand.

And then at furious speed he rode Along the Niger's bank;

His bridle-reins were golden chains, And, with a martial clank,

At each leap he could feel his scabbard of steel Smiting his stallion's flank.

Before him, like a blood-red flag, The bright flamingoes flew;

From morn till night he followed their flight, O'er plains where the tamarind grew, Till he saw the roofs of Caffre huts,

And the ocean rose to view.

At night he heard the lion roar, And the hyena scream,

And the river-horse, as he crushed the reeds Beside some hidden stream;

And it passed, like a glorious roll of drums, Through the triumph of his dream.

The forests, with their myriad tongues, Shouted of liberty;

And the Blast of the Desert cried aloud, With a voice so wild and free,

That he started in his sleep and smiled At their tempestuous glee.

He did not feel the driver's whip, Nor the burning heat of day;

For Death had illumined the Land of Sleep, And his lifeless body lay

A worn-out fetter, that the soul Had broken and thrown away

NotesClass 122—American Renaissance

March 12, 2015

Transcendentalism: The belief that people could rise above material things Individualism-put every person in touch with the divine, without any need for tradition, a written scripture, or an

institutional church Enforced the qualities of

o Self-relianceo Willingness to question authorityo Quest for spiritual nourishment

Key transcendentalists:o Ralph Waldo Emersono Henry David Thoreauo Margaret Fuller

Romanticism: Great interest in nature, an emphasis on individual expression, and a rejection of many established rules Key Romantics

o Nathaniel Hawthorne-Scarlett Letter Surrealism and symbolism-preferred to call his long works of fiction “romances” rather than

novelso Edgar Allan Poeo Emily Dickinsono Henry Wadsworth Longfellowo Walt Whitmano Herman Melville

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7th Grade Social Studies Canada, Mexico, & U.S. History from the Revolution to Reconstruction

Class 123— Great Awakening and Temperance March 13, 2015

Focus: Who were the leaders of the First Great Awakening? What were some of the philosophies that emerged from it?

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Student Objectives:1. I will analyze the Second Great Awakening.2. I will analyze the temperance movement.

Homework:-Current Events due 3/16-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 3 pgs. 450-453 start @ Prison Reform (due 3/16)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 4 pgs. 454-458 stop @ Opposition to Ending Slavery (due 3/18)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 4 pgs. 458-459 (due 3/19)-Read and outline Chapter 14 Section 5 pgs. 461-466 (due 3/20)-Chapter 14 Test Monday 3/23

Handouts:none

I. Second Great AwakeningII. Temperance Movement

Key terms/ideas/ people/places:Second Great Awakening Lyman Beecher Charles Finney Burned-Over DistrictErie Canal Demon Rum “T-Totalers”

By the end of class today, I will be able to answer the following:What is the difference between temperance and prohibition?Where is the burned –over district? How did it get its name?

NotesClass 123— Great Awakening and Temperance

March 13, 2015

social reform: organized attempt to improve what is unjust or imperfect in society

The Second Great Awakening: did away with the notion of predestination, the idea that people were predestined to go to heaven.

Lyman Beecher: Sermons proclaimed the universal appeal of the Risen Christ to every race, nation, gender, and class He does preach revivals Mission to help transform society

Charles Finney: Saw himself carrying on the work of Edwards and Whitefield-called their revivals the First Great Awakening and

theirs the Second Great Awakening Finney and Beecher don’t get along but will eventually mend their fences, Beecher even invited Finney to preach

at his church in Boston.

Burned-Over District: -Erie Canal

-extensive moral decay that was following the expansion of transportation and commerce- Mule boys- Cabin girls

- Evangelical fires raged fiercely - Charles Finney did most of his work (emphasized good works-good deeds and piety)- Boatman’s Friend Society-help workers- Bethel churches-churches founded especially for boatmen- Missionaries-sometimes taunted cursed or threatened with fist/knives- Burned-Over District evangelical fires ignited many of the era’s social reform movements:

- asylums for orphans- mentally ill - temperance- health reform- public education- abolitionists

Temperance and Demon Rum:- Irish-Catholicism, alcohol makes people poor, beatings, child abuse-everything that’s wrong with society- American Temperance Society 1825-average American over 15 consumed 7 gallons of alcohol a year (whiskey/cider)

Turn of 21st Century-less than 2 gallons (beer/wine) All social classes drink heavily

o School Children might have a drunk teacher in the classroom Temperance workers drove the “water wagon” through towns encouraging converts to jump on Temperance=moderation-condemned distilled liquors but not beer and wine “taking the pledge”-like AA meetings—sign document…if you place a “T” by your name = no booze = “T-Totalers” By 1840, the average person over 15 drinks 1.8 gallons a year