7. Prov of North Cotabato

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    The Province of North Cotabato v The Government of the Republic of the Philippines Peace Panel on

    Ancestral Domain (GRP) G.R. No. 183591, October 14, 2008 Apr 2, '09 1:48 AM

    for everyone

    Category: Other

    Facts:

    A long process of negotiation and the concluding of several prior agreements between the Government

    of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) took place before

    the Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) come into existence. The GRP and

    MILF Peace Panels signed the Agreement on General Cessation of Hostilities and the General Framework

    of Agreement of Intent in 1997 and 1998, respectively.

    However, as evidenced by early experiences, there was no any smooth sailing peace process between

    the GRP and The MILF. A number of municipalities in Central Mindanao were attacked by the MILF from

    1999 up to early 2000, and they took control of the town hall of Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte in March

    2000, which caused the declaration of an all-out-war against the MILF by then President Joseph

    Estrada.

    The military offensive against the MILF was suspended and the government sought a resumption of the

    peace talks when President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo assumed office. Thus, in 2001, the parties signed

    the Agreement on the General Framework for the Resumption of Peace Talks Between the GRP and the

    MILF. Thereafter, the MILF suspended all its military actions. It was followed by formal peace talks

    between the parties which were held in Tripoli, Libaya in 2001, the outcome of which was the GRP-MILF

    Tripoli Agreement on Peace (Tripoli Agreement 2001). Said agreement contained the basic principles

    and agenda on the security, rehabilitation, and ancestral domain aspects of negotiation. A second round

    of peace talks was conducted which resulted in the signing of the Implementing Guidelines on the

    Security Aspect of the Tripoli Agreement 2001 leading to a ceasefire status between the parties. Still,

    there were many incidence of violence between the government forces and the MILF. Several

    exploratory talks followed leading to the crafting of the draft of MOA-AD in its final form, which was

    scheduled to be signed on August 5, 2008.

    The parties in said MOA-AD are the GRP and the MILF. Its Terms of Reference (TOR) includes not only

    earlier agreements between the GRP and the MILF, but also agreements between the GRP and the

    MNLF. It also identifies as TOR two local statutes the organic act for the Autonomous Region in Muslim

    Mindanao (ARMM) and the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA). Furthermore, it includes as a final TOR

    the generic category of compact rights entrenchment emanating from the regime of dar-ul-muahada

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    (or territory under compact) and dar-ul-sulh (or territory under peace agreement) that partakes the

    nature of a treaty device.

    The MOA-AD defines the Bangsamoro people as the natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and

    its adjacent islands including Palawan and the Sulu archipelago at the time of conquest or colonization,

    and their descendants whether mixed or of full blood, including their spouses. It further proceeds to

    refer to the Bangsamoro homeland, the ownership of which is vested exclusively in the Bangsamoro

    people by virtue of their prior rights of occupation. The MOA-AD mentions the Bangsamoro Juridical

    Entity (BJE) to which it grants the authority and jurisdiction over the Ancestral Domain and Ancestral

    Lands of the Bangsamoro.

    The MOA-AD provides the BJE is free to enter into any economic cooperation and trade relations with

    foreign countries and shall have the option to establish trade missions in those countries. The externaldefense of the BJE is to remain the duty and obligation of the Central Government, which has the

    further duty to take necessary steps to ensure the BJEs participation in international meetings and

    events.

    Moreover, the MOA-AD binds the parties to invite a multinational third-party to observe and monitor

    the implementation of the Comprehensive Compact, which embodies the details for the effective

    enforcement and the mechanisms and modalities for the actual implementation of the MOA-AD. The

    relationship between the Central Government and BJE is described as associative, characterized by

    shared authority and responsibility, under the MOA-AD. The BJE under the MOA-AD is also granted the

    power to build, develop and maintain its own institutions inclusive of civil service, electoral, financial

    and banking, education, legislation, legal, economic, police and internal security force, judicial system

    and correctional institutions.

    However, several petitions have been filed by different interested parties praying that the MOA-AD be

    declared unconstitutional. Thus, the Supreme Court issued a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO)

    enjoining the GRP from signing the same.

    Issue:

    1. Did respondents violate constitutional and statutory provisions on public consultation and the

    right to information when they negotiated and later initialled the MOA-AD?

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    2. Do the contents of the MOA-AD violate the Constitution and the laws?

    Held:

    1. YES. Respondents violate the constitutional and statutory provisions on public consultation and

    the right to information when they negotiated and later initalled the MOA-AD.

    Access to public records is predicated on the right of the people to acquire information on matters of

    public concern since, undoubtedly, in a democracy; the public has a legitimate interest in matters of

    social and political significance. The incorporation of this right in the Constitution is recognition of the

    fundamental role of free exchange of information in a democracy. There can be no realistic perception

    by the public of the nations problems or a meaningful democratic decision-making if they are denied

    access to information of general interest. Information is needed to enable the members of society to

    cope with the exigencies of the times.

    It also aids the people in democratic decision-making by giving them a better perspective of the vital

    issues confronting the nation so that they may be able to criticize and participate in the affairs of the

    government in a responsible, reasonable and effective manner. It is by ensuring an unfettered and

    uninhibited exchange of ideas among a well-informed public that a government remains responsive to

    the changes desired by the people.

    The MOA-AD is a matter of public concern for it involves the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the

    State, which directly affects the lives of the public at large. Matters of public concern covered by the

    right to information include steps and negotiations leading to the consummation of the contract

    because requiring a consummated contract will keep the public in the dark until the contract, which may

    be grossly disadvantageous to the government or even illegal, becomes fait accompli. This negates the

    State policy of full transparency on matters of public concern, a situation which the framers of the

    Constitution could not have intended. Such a requirement will prevent the citizenry from participating in

    the public discussion of any proposed contract, effectively truncating a basic right enshrined in the Bill of

    Rights.

    One of the three underlying principles of the comprehensive peace process is that it should be

    community-based, reflecting the sentiments, values and principles important to all Filipinos and shall

    be defined not by the government alone, nor by the different contending groups only, but by all Filipinos

    as one community. Included as a component of the comprehensive peace process is consensus-building

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    and empowerment for peace, which includes continuing consultations on both national and local levels

    to build consensus for a peace agenda and process, and the mobilization and facilitation of peoples

    participation in the peace process? Furthermore, E.O. No. 3 contemplates not just the conduct of a

    plebiscite to effectuate continuing consultations, contrary to respondents position that plebiscite is

    more than sufficient consultation. It establishes petitioners right to be consulted on the peace

    agenda, as a corollary to the constitutional right to information and disclosure.

    2. YES. The contents of the MOA-AD are unconstitutional.

    The MOA-AD explicitly alludes the concept of association, indicating that the Parties actually framed its

    provisions with it in mind. An association is formed when two states of unequal power voluntarily

    establish durable links. In the basic model, one state, the associate, delegates certain responsibilities to

    the other, the principal, while maintaining its international status as a state. Free associations represent

    a middle ground between integration and independence.

    The MOA-AD contains many provisions which are consistent with the international legal concept of

    association, specifically the following: the BJEs capacity to enter into economic and trade relations with

    foreign countries, the commitment of the Central Government to ensure the BJEs participation in

    meetings and events in the ASEAN and the specialized UN agencies, and the continuing responsibility of

    the Central Government over external defense. These provisions of the MOA indicate, among other

    things, that the Parties aimed to vest in the BJE the status of an associated state or, at any rate, a status

    closely approximating it.

    This concept of association is not recognized under the present Constitution for no province, city or

    municipality, not even the ARMM, is recognized under our laws as having an associative relationship

    with the national government. Indeed, the concept implies powers that go beyond anything ever

    granted by the Constitution to any local or regional government. It also implies the recognition of the

    associated entity as a state. The Constitution, however, does not contemplate any state in this

    jurisdiction other than the Philippine State, much less does it provide for a transitory status that aims to

    prepare any part of Philippine territory for independence.

    The BJE is a far more powerful entity than the autonomous region recognized in the Constitution. It is

    not merely an expanded version of the ARMM, the status of its relationship with the national

    government being fundamentally different from that of the ARMM. Indeed, BJE is a state in all but name

    as it meets the criteria of a state laid down in the Montevideo Convention, namely, a permanent

    population, a defined territory, a government, and a capacity to enter into relations with other states.

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    Moreover, it virtually guarantees that the necessary amendments to the Constitution and the laws will

    eventually be put in place. Neither the GRP Peace Panel nor the President herself is authorized to make

    such a guarantee. Upholding such an act would amount to authorizing a usurpation of the constituent

    powers vested only in Congress, a Constitutional Convention, or the people themselves through theprocess of initiative, for the only way that the Executive can ensure the outcome of the amendment

    process is through an undue influence or interference with that process.

    While the MOA-AD would not amount to an international agreement or unilateral declaration binding

    on the Philippines under international law, respondents act of guaranteeing amendments is, by itself,

    already a constitutional violation that renders the MOA-AD fatally defective.

    Decision: The MOA-AD is declared contrary to law and the Constitution.