36
1 This manuscript is contextually identical with the following published paper: Biró, M., Molnár, Zs., 1 Babai, D., Dénes, A., Fehér, A., Barta, S., Sáfián, L., Szabados, K., Kiš, A., Demeter, L., Öllerer, K. 2 (2019): Reviewing historical traditional knowledge for innovative conservation management: A re- 3 evaluation of wetland grazing. Science of The Total Environment. 666: 11141125.The original 4 published pdf is available at: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scitotenv.2019.02.292 5 6 Reviewing historical traditional knowledge for innovative conservation management: 7 A re-evaluation of wetland grazing 8 9 10 Marianna Biró 1, 2* , Zsolt Molnár 1 , Dániel Babai 3 , Andrea Dénes 4 , Alexander Fehér 5 , Sándor Barta 6 , 11 László Sáfián 7 , Klára Szabados 8 , Alen Kiš 8 , László Demeter 1 , Kinga Öllerer 1,9 12 13 14 1 Institute of Ecology and Botany, MTA Centre for Ecological Research, 2163 Vácrátót, Hungary 15 2 GINOP Sustainable Ecosystems Group, MTA Centre for Ecological Research, 8237 Tihany, 16 Hungary 17 3 Institute of Ethnology, MTA Research Centre for the Humanities, 1097 Budapest, Hungary 18 4 Department of Natural History, Janus Pannonius Museum, 7601 Pécs, Hungary 19 5 Department of Sustainable Development FESRD, Slovak University of Agriculture in Nitra, 949 76 20 Nitra, Slovak Republic 21 6 Cattle herder, 5321 Kunmadaras, Széchenyi u. 7., Hungary 22 7 Shepherd, 4251 Hajdúsámson, Liszt Ferenc u. 9., Hungary 23 8 Institute for Nature Conservation of Vojvodina Province, 21000 Novi Sad, Serbia 24 9 Institute of Biology Bucharest, Romanian Academy, 060031 Bucharest, Romania 25 26 *Corresponding author: [email protected] 27 28

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Page 1: 6 Reviewing historical traditional knowledge for

1

This manuscript is contextually identical with the following published paper: Biró, M., Molnár, Zs., 1

Babai, D., Dénes, A., Fehér, A., Barta, S., Sáfián, L., Szabados, K., Kiš, A., Demeter, L., Öllerer, K. 2

(2019): Reviewing historical traditional knowledge for innovative conservation management: A re-3

evaluation of wetland grazing. Science of The Total Environment. 666: 1114–1125.The original 4

published pdf is available at: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scitotenv.2019.02.292 5

6

Reviewing historical traditional knowledge for innovative conservation management: 7

A re-evaluation of wetland grazing 8

9

10

Marianna Biró1, 2*

, Zsolt Molnár1, Dániel Babai

3, Andrea Dénes

4, Alexander Fehér

5, Sándor Barta

6, 11

László Sáfián7, Klára Szabados

8, Alen Kiš

8, László Demeter

1, Kinga Öllerer

1,9 12

13

14

1 Institute of Ecology and Botany, MTA Centre for Ecological Research, 2163 Vácrátót, Hungary 15

2 GINOP Sustainable Ecosystems Group, MTA Centre for Ecological Research, 8237 Tihany, 16

Hungary 17

3 Institute of Ethnology, MTA Research Centre for the Humanities, 1097 Budapest, Hungary 18

4 Department of Natural History, Janus Pannonius Museum, 7601 Pécs, Hungary 19

5 Department of Sustainable Development FESRD, Slovak University of Agriculture in Nitra, 949 76 20

Nitra, Slovak Republic 21

6 Cattle herder, 5321 Kunmadaras, Széchenyi u. 7., Hungary 22

7 Shepherd, 4251 Hajdúsámson, Liszt Ferenc u. 9., Hungary 23

8 Institute for Nature Conservation of Vojvodina Province, 21000 Novi Sad, Serbia 24

9 Institute of Biology Bucharest, Romanian Academy, 060031 Bucharest, Romania 25

26

*Corresponding author: [email protected] 27

28

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Abstract 29

Wetlands are fragile, dynamic systems, transient at larger temporal scales and strongly affected 30

by long-term human activities. Sustaining at least some aspects of human management, particularly 31

traditional grazing, would be especially important as a way of maintaining the “necessary” 32

disturbances for many endangered species. Traditional ecological knowledge represents an important 33

source of information for erstwhile management practices. Our objective was to review historical 34

traditional knowledge on wetland grazing and the resulting vegetation response in order to assess 35

their relevance to biodiversity conservation. 36

We studied the Pannonian biogeographic region and its neighborhood in Central Europe and 37

searched ethnographic, local historical, early botanical, and agrarian sources for historical traditional 38

knowledge in online databases and books. The findings were analyzed and interpreted by scientist, 39

nature conservationist and traditional knowledge holder (herder) co-authors alike. 40

Among the historical sources reviewed, we found 420 records on traditional wetland grazing, 41

mainly from the period 1720–1970. Data showed that wetlands in the region served as basic grazing 42

areas, particularly for cattle and pigs. We found more than 500 mentions of habitat categories and 43

383 mentions of plants consumed by livestock. The most important reasons for keeping livestock on 44

wetlands were grazing, stock wintering, and surviving forage gap periods in early spring or mid-late 45

summer. Besides grazing, other commonly mentioned effects on vegetation were trampling and 46

uprooting. The important outcomes were vegetation becoming patchy and remaining low in height, 47

tall-growing dominant species being suppressed, litter being removed, and microhabitats being 48

created such as open surfaces of mud and water. 49

These historical sources lay firm foundations for developing innovative nature conservation 50

management methods. Traditional herders still holding wetland management knowledge could 51

contribute to this process when done in a participatory way, fostering knowledge co-production. 52

53

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Keywords: effect of livestock grazing, knowledge gap, knowledge co-production, traditional 54

ecological knowledge, vegetation structure 55

56

1. Introduction 57

Wetlands contribute significantly to overall biodiversity and play a major role in the landscapes 58

where they are found, acting as key carbon sinks and climate stabilizers of our planet (IUCN, 1993; 59

Mitsch and Gosselink, 2000; Maitland and Morgan, 2002; Zedler and Kerscher, 2005). Being highly 60

sensitive to external factors such as hydrological and pedological conditions, and owing to the fact 61

that many of their functions and services proved useful to humans and were thus often overused, 62

wetlands have become one of the most threatened ecosystems globally (Mitsch and Gosselink, 2000; 63

Brinson and Malvárez, 2002; Zedler and Kerscher, 2005; Davidson, 2014). 64

Wetlands are dynamic and transient ecosystems. Wetland plant communities are influenced by 65

water supply and climate and can change dynamically in space and time, both long-term and short-66

term (van der Valk, 1981; Mérő et al., 2015). Native herbivores, followed by domestic large 67

herbivores, functioned as ecological keystone species influencing succession, plant species 68

distribution and vegetation patterns in many wetland areas (Van der Valk, 1981; Zedler and Kercher, 69

2005). In previous centuries, wetlands were diversely and extensively used and managed not only 70

through grazing, but also fishing, hunting and reed cutting (Mitsch and Gosselink, 2000; Zedler and 71

Kercher, 2005; Poschlod, 2015). Owing to socio-economic changes (e.g. population growth, 72

intensification of agriculture), many wetlands have been drained, while those that escaped are mainly 73

altered and often no longer managed at all, especially in Europe (IUCN, 1993; Esselink et al., 2000; 74

Brinson and Malvárez, 2002; Stammel et al., 2003). 75

Traditional (extensive) land use practices (e.g., grazing or mowing) harnessed the whole 76

spectrum of habitat types around settlements, including wetlands (Poschlod, 2015), while, as a side-77

product, acted as essential ecological-anthropological disturbances, with major effects on plant 78

communities (Bakker, 1989; Wallis DeVries et al., 1998; Marty, 2005; Hill et al., 2009) and overall 79

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species and (micro)habitat diversity (Mori, 2011; Mérő et al., 2015; Vadász et al., 2016). Appropriate 80

grazing regimes may, for example, induce patchiness, lead to greater microhabitat diversity, alter 81

habitat functioning (Davidson et al., 2017). At the same time, the absence of large herbivores leads to 82

homogenization, as temperate wetland plant communities become dominated by tall-growing species 83

such as Phragmites, Typha, and Phalaris (van der Valk, 1981; Esselink et al., 2000; Burnside et al., 84

2007; Lougheed et al., 2008), or to an increased abundance of non-native species (Marty, 2005), 85

followed by an impoverishment, especially of flora (Hill et al., 2009; Manton et al., 2016; Davidson 86

et al., 2017; Rannap et al., 2017). Biodiversity loss may alter and decrease the stability of ecosystem 87

functions (Cardinale et al., 2012); therefore wetland conservation management for biodiversity 88

purposes aims to minimize biodiversity losses or to reverse degradation in order to prevent or 89

overcome ecosystem changes (Maitland and Morgan, 2002; Manton et al., 2016). It also aims to 90

enhance habitat diversity (Vadász et al. 2016) and to maintain or recreate habitats e.g., for birds 91

(Mérő et al., 2015; Manton et al., 2016), amphibians (Mester et al., 2015; Rannap et al., 2017), and 92

Red-listed Nanocyperion species (Gugič, 2009; Hill et al., 2009). To achieve their goals, 93

conservation strategies often maintain, reinstate or mimic past traditional management regimes 94

(Mori, 2011; Duncan, 2012; Middleton, 2013; Babai et al., 2015) to provide the “necessary” 95

disturbances. 96

Unfortunately, recent publications on wetland ecology rarely contain information on past 97

traditional management practices (but see Stammel et al., 2003; Burnside et al., 2007; Molnár, 2014). 98

Even less is known about the practical details of these traditional practices and their effects on 99

wetland vegetation. Knowledge of traditional uses would certainly help when planning the proper 100

conservation management of contemporary wetlands (cf. Middleton, 2016). For example, in order to 101

meet biodiversity management or restoration targets, what type of livestock species and breeds 102

should be deployed, in which seasons, and with what intensity? 103

Traditional land-use practices are often based on local traditional ecological knowledge 104

(Berkes et al., 2000). This knowledge and practices still survive in some areas of Europe (e.g., in the 105

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post-communist member states of the European Union) (Babai et al., 2015; Varga et al., 2016; Hartel 106

et al., 2016). Holders of this knowledge understand their living environment well; for example, they 107

can recognize and name about half the native flora, ca. 100 local habitat types, and have a deep 108

understanding of the ecological dynamics of the local landscape (Babai and Molnár, 2014; Molnár, 109

2014). Traditional ecological knowledge on grazing practices may be crucial when developing 110

feasible and innovative management methods to ensure the maintenance of desired ecological 111

conditions. Innovative methods are often rooted in the past and not only have ecological or 112

conservational value, but also social, cultural and economic benefits (Hartel et al., 2016). Reviving 113

past management practices may decelerate the abandonment of erstwhile management traditions and 114

erosion of the related knowledge, and also bring in policy-relevant, innovative methods, such as 115

outdoor pig rearing (Neugebauer et al., 2005; Hill et al., 2009) or re-designed silvopastoral or 116

silvoarable agroforestry systems in agroforestry innovations (Hartel et al., 2016; Rois-Díaz et al. 117

2018). In some wetland areas, where traditional land uses still persist, a greater amount of this 118

knowledge has survived; such areas include the Lonjsko Polje and Kopački Rit floodplains in 119

Croatia, the Temes region and Bosut forest in Serbia, and the Hortobágy region in Hungary (Gugič, 120

2009; Tucakov, 2011; Molnár, 2014; Varga et al., 2016; Kiš et al., 2018, but see also Duncan, 2012; 121

Ludewig et al., 2014, for examples from other European regions). 122

Traditional ecological knowledge is disappearing rapidly due to globalization and lifestyle 123

changes (Biró et al., 2014). Considerable wetland-related knowledge was already lost, even from the 124

living memory of elderly land users, after extensive wetlands throughout Europe were drained (cf. 125

Middleton, 2016). However, ethnographers and local historians had documented “smaller or larger 126

parts” of the knowledge and practices of past generations. This historical documentation could be 127

utilized effectively by ecologists and conservationists. An ecological re-evaluation of these sources 128

of historical traditional practices and traditional ecological knowledge may thus provide valuable 129

understanding of how particular wetlands were managed centuries or several decades ago and the 130

ways in which vegetation was affected by management (Gimmi et al., 2008; Szabó, 2013). 131

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Traditional knowledge holders who are still active (e.g., traditional herders) could also help this re-132

evaluation process if this is pursued in a participatory way (Molnár et al., 2016; Kis et al., 2017). 133

Our objectives were to 1) reconstruct past grazing regimes and their effects on wetlands using 134

historical sources of traditional knowledge from the past 300 years; 2) discuss the conservation 135

relevance of these findings; and 3) evaluate the knowledge-base potential of historical traditional 136

grazing practices for tradition-based but innovative conservation management methods of wetlands, 137

adapted to the present socio-ecological environment. 138

139

2. Methods 140

2.1. Study area 141

We studied the Pannonian vegetation region (Fekete et al., 2016) and its neighborhood in the 142

central region of the Carpathian Basin, in Central Europe (Fig. 1). The study area belongs to six 143

countries (Hungary, Slovakia, Ukraine, Romania, Serbia, and Croatia). The climate is subcontinental, 144

the mean annual temperature of Hungary is 10-11°C, and annual precipitation is between approx. 145

500-800 mm (Kocsis, 2018). 146

During the Holocene, the area was mostly covered by floodplain vegetation, with forest-steppe 147

vegetation on loess and sand ridges, and inhabited in the early Holocene by native large herbivores 148

(Magyari et al., 2010; Németh et al., 2017). A substantial part of the wide expanses of wetland 149

consisted of floodplain oak forests and swamp forests, but extensive treeless wetlands may also have 150

existed (Magyari et al., 2010; Fehér, 2018). For several millennia, the area was populated mostly by 151

nomadic herding tribes. Later, according to medieval sources, the floodplains played a prominent 152

role in the lives of local inhabitants (Belényesy, 2012). 153

In the 16th and 17th centuries, when the region was under Ottoman occupation, livestock 154

represented a mobile form of wealth among people hiding from the enemy (Szűcs, 1977). Year-155

round, free-range cattle and pig husbandry that made intensive use of the wetlands continued to be an 156

important source of income until the first half of the 19th century, thanks to the export of livestock to 157

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Western Europe (Bellon, 1996). Most of the drainage of extensive wetlands (measuring up to several 158

hundred thousand hectares in area) took place in the region between 1850 and 1900 (Andrásfalvy, 159

1975). The period saw parallel increases in the production of forage (maize, alfalfa) and in stockyard 160

husbandry, which resulted in the substitution of breeds and the rapid decline of wetland husbandry 161

(Andrásfalvy, 1975; Balassa, 1990). In recent decades, the practice among villagers of grazing their 162

pigs on wetlands has been abandoned almost completely in each country. Wetland grazing, 163

meanwhile, continues to the present day in several areas, mostly by cattle, with smaller quantities of 164

sheep and pigs. 165

166

2.2. Literature search and analysis 167

When searching the literature for sources of historical traditional knowledge, we looked for 168

information on the types of livestock and objectives of grazing in wetlands, grazed plant species, the 169

activities of livestock and their effects on vegetation, as well as the main habitat types of grazed 170

wetlands, including specific microhabitats. For the purposes of this study, we regarded wetlands as 171

areas that are usually dominated by Phragmites australis, Carex, Typha, Schoenoplectus and 172

Glyceria spp. and euhydrophyte species. Both online and printed historical sources were reviewed. 173

The internet search was carried out in the Arcanum Digitheca Digital Library Online Database 174

(http1) and in the Public Collection Library of the Hungaricana Online Database (http2) in June-175

October 2018. These databases store over 17 and 11 million pages, respectively, containing 176

information on the entire study area, as it largely matches the territory of the erstwhile Austro-177

Hungarian Monarchy. We conducted our search using the Hungarian equivalents for the words 178

“marsh, wetland, tussock, moor, reed, sedge, grazing, pasture, and wet pasture”, namely the terms 179

“mocsár, zsombék, láp, nád, sás, vizes hely, legel, legelő, vizes legelő, mocsaras legelő”, and the 180

local terms for cattle, cows, pig, swine, horse, sheep, goat, geese, buffalo, and herds of these 181

livestock. We repeated this search also in the national languages of the other five countries in 182

libraries and collections (ethnographic, local historical, early botanical and agrarian papers, 183

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encyclopedias and books). Additionally, we examined ethnographical and other books that were not 184

available through the digital databases (approx. 6000 pages). Altogether 165 historical sources 185

contained relevant information (see the complete reference list in the Supplementary Material). 186

We set up a digital database, into which we collated the records that mention wetland grazing, 187

assigning them to different thematic columns. We separated any mentions of wet meadows from 188

mentions of wetlands (including marshes, floodplains, water bodies and moors) dominated by 189

Phragmitetea, Caricetea and Lemnetea plant communities, and did not process the former, as we 190

focused on non-conventional grazing areas in wetlands. Grazer species mentioned only a few times, 191

e.g., geese and buffalo, were omitted from our analysis (5 records). Analysis and interpretation of 192

historical information was greatly facilitated by some particularly detailed documentation from the 193

late 18th century, before the regulation of the rivers, consisting of hundreds of pages of travel diaries 194

by the renowned botanist, Pál Kitaibel (Gombocz, 1945), and several hundred sheets of maps (scale: 195

1: 28 800) from the First Military Survey of the Habsburg Empire (http3). The localization of records 196

was performed using ArcGIS version 10.1 (ESRI 2012). In the paper, the erstwhile condition of the 197

wetlands and information about the details and effects of grazing are presented using quantitative 198

summaries and original quotations. Local folk terms for plants and habitats have been replaced, 199

respectively, by their Latin and/or English equivalents. 200

Analysis and interpretation of historical mentions was carried out by groups of co-authors 201

(traditional knowledge holder herders, nature conservationists and scientists) to avoid 202

misinterpretation and to detect unreliable or distorted information. Scientist and conservationist co-203

authors based their interpretations on their personal field experience and information from the 204

literature, whereas herders used their own personal herding experience and knowledge inherited from 205

family members and elders. Herder co-authors, for example, helped to define old plant names and 206

information on livestock activity, while by remembering their grandparents’ stories they helped 207

decrease the knowledge gap caused by the shifting baseline syndrome (c.f. Soga and Gaston, 2018). 208

209

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210

3. Results 211

Among the historical sources we found 420 records pertaining to traditional wetland grazing in 212

the past. The earliest records date from the 15th century, but the bulk of them were generated 213

between 1720 and 1970. (Fig. 1). The livestock grazed on the wetlands were mostly cattle (208 214

mentions, 49%), pigs (149 mentions, 35%), horses (29), and sheep (34) (Fig. 1). The sources 215

emphasized the importance of extensively kept breeds of animals, such as Hungarian grey cattle and 216

certain breeds of pigs. 217

218

3.1. Habitat categories of grazed wetlands 219

In relation to wetland grazing, we found 508 mentions of habitat categories (Fig. 2). A total of 220

83 mentions were related to microhabitats (e.g., muddy patches) and 257 to habitat mosaics (e.g., 221

large permanent wetlands). Vegetation types (dominated often by one or two wetland species) were 222

mentioned in 168 cases, most frequently Phragmites and Typha beds. 223

224

3.2. Reasons for keeping livestock on wetlands 225

The sources often explicitly stated why livestock was kept on wetlands (253 mentions, Fig. 3). 226

The most important reasons were grazing in general, stock wintering, and surviving forage gap 227

periods in summer and early springtime. The livestock was usually tended by a herder, who 228

monitored the movement of the herd, but we found no mention of grazing where the herder was 229

constantly beside the herd. Management purposes were mentioned in eight cases e.g., cleaning 230

marshy hayfields from litter by trampling and grazing or preserving other pastures from grazing by 231

pigs. 232

In the case of pigs, the main objective was to make money by keeping the animals on wetlands. 233

The removal of creatures (e.g., fish and their remains) left behind after floods was a rarely 234

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mentioned, but important objective: “the fish stuck in the hollows of the floodplain were gobbled up 235

by pigs.” (Oláh, 1540 in Andrásfalvy, 1975). 236

237

3.3. Timing and activity of livestock on the wetlands 238

We found 232 mentions in the records concerning the timing when livestock was kept on the 239

wetlands (Fig. 4). Almost half of the mentions indicated the importance of stock wintering on 240

wetlands. It was mentioned several times that cattle herds kept on conventional pastures were moved 241

to large floodplain wetlands for winter (even distances of up to 200 km, see Mód, 2003). Wetlands in 242

the region served as basic grazing areas, particularly for cattle and pigs, and in many places, these 243

livestock grazed all year round on wetlands. It was also common for pigs to spend only certain 244

periods on the wetlands in spring and summer. From autumn they were driven to nearby or more 245

distant (up to 100-150 km, see Szabadfalvi, 1971) woodlands to fatten on acorns. 246

We found 388 cases describing livestock activity on wetlands, with grazing being the most 247

frequently mentioned (Fig. 5). When activities of livestock were described, besides grazing, 248

trampling, wallowing and uprooting were also commonly mentioned. Almost a sixth of all mentions 249

referred directly to trampling, uprooting or wallowing (61). There were 19 accounts of livestock 250

entering deeper water: “From one grazing place to the next, they waded in waist-high water.” 251

(Szűcs, 1942). 252

253

3.4. What plants were consumed by livestock on wetlands? 254

Regarding the types of vegetation consumed by livestock, we found 383 mentions, classified 255

into 19 species or groups of species (Table 1). The most frequently mentioned plants were 256

Phragmites australis, Typha spp., Bolboschoenus maritimus, Schoenoplectus lacustris, and Carex 257

spp. For Phragmites australis, Bolboschoenus maritimus, and Schoenoplectus lacustris, the 258

preference for young shoots or leaves was emphasized in mentions related to cattle: “the cattle 259

would take Bolboschoenus maritimus even from under the water until the plants grew old.” (Varga, 260

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1994). Most commonly mentioned as the preferred forage were the young leaves and shoots of reeds 261

as well as narrow-stemmed reeds, especially during summer droughts and in winter. Some mentions 262

showed the importance of reed beds as winter pastures, which were prepared in summer: “In July … 263

the reeds were cut, even if they were not needed. The reed that sprouted in its place did not wilt by 264

winter.” (Andrásfalvy, 1975). In winter, the cattle would also suffice on dried plants or those 265

withered from frost: “Carex, Typha, Juncus, Eleocharis, and even the Phragmites provided good 266

feed in winter.” (Györffy, 1941). 267

With several plant species, the consumption of roots was of major significance (seven species 268

were specified as being consumed by pigs, mostly in late winter, early spring) (Table 1). The sources 269

often recorded (68 mentions)that pigs were fond of the underground parts of plants, such as the 270

young tubers of Bolboschoenus maritimus (“[pigs] did not like them so much after they had 271

hardened” (Havel et al., 2016)), the roots of Carex and Phragmites, the underground tubers of 272

Typha species, and the sweet-tasting, young underground reed shoots (5-10 cm long). These were 273

sometimes compared with the most valuable food source for pigs at the time, mast (acorn) feeding: 274

“they eat sweet reed shoots as greedily as they eat acorns in other places.” (Bél, 1727). Pigs were 275

also fond of the tender white parts at the base of the stem of Typha species and young reed leafs. Pigs 276

relished the forage provided by wetlands and were also very fond of food of animal origin (e.g., 277

worms, maggots, fish [including dead fish], frogs, carcasses of animals, birds’ eggs and chicks, 278

snails, mice, snakes, larvae): “The wetland pigs also cleaned up the carcasses, devouring the dead 279

livestock…” (Balassa, 1990). 280

On several occasions, sources emphasized how well-nourished wetland-grazed pigs were: 281

“They can eat good Typha tubers, plenty of Bolboschoenus, on which the pigs grow as fat as on 282

mast.” (Török, 1870). Certain wetland plants (e.g., Trapa natans, Phragmites australis) were once 283

regarded as of full nutritional value, and not merely fed to livestock as a “last resort”: “When the 284

water caltrop [Trapa natans] is in its early stages of growth, pigs like it as much as acorns or maize 285

[…] It is as useful as mast, and makes them just as fat.” (Szabóné Futó, 1974). Sources also 286

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mentioned some plants whose consumption could cause problems to the livestock, although we could 287

only find information on this in connection with cattle, for pigs “would eat everything”. Cattle very 288

much liked the young, sweet leaves of Glyceria maxima, for example, but overconsumption would 289

make them bloated. When cattle consumed the muddy grass left over after a flood (Bodó, 1992), or 290

the young shoots or roots of Cicuta virosa, which are easily turned up from loose soil, this could 291

result in death (Sajó, 1905). 292

293

3.5. Effects of livestock on wetland vegetation 294

In 54 cases, sources provided explicit information on how cattle and pigs altered or otherwise 295

impacted wetland vegetation (Fig. 6). One of the most important effects of cattle was that the 296

wetland vegetation remained low in height: “Even young, tender reeds were unable to grow if they 297

were constantly grazed.” (Havel et al., 2016). In extreme drought, livestock was forced to graze on 298

Typha spp. and Schoenoplectus lacustris, “leaving the soil bare” (Kitaibel 1800, in Gombocz, 1945). 299

Grazing of Carex elata had a substantial impact on the structure of tussocky areas: “Carex tussocks 300

could easily be recognized despite being grazed bare, and from among them rose older and younger 301

leaves of Aspidium Thelipteris.” (Borbás, 1881). 302

Another important impact of cattle was the creation of open surfaces of mud and water (Fig. 7): 303

“… all [the cattle] walked there, trampling even the Bolboschoenus maritimus, so that sometimes, it 304

would not even emerge from the water […] there was such a large expanse of clear water.” (Havel 305

et al., 2016). “This trampled and churned sea of mud provided an ideal home for swamp birds.” 306

(Glück, 1903). Margittai (1939) mentions occurrences of Elatine triandra “in puddles on the 307

pasture, in the inner, muddy part of cattle footprints”. Further spectacular effect of grazing by cattle 308

was the emergence and maintenance of trails and paths by trampling. In the wake of cattle wandering 309

between grazing areas, muddy and watery tracks with no vegetation would be formed. If such trails 310

were untrampled by cattle for a longer period, “the trails became overgrown by Phragmites, Carex 311

and Stratiotes aloides and ‘went blind’” (Györffy, 1941). 312

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One important effect of stock wintering was the removal and trampling of litter. This also 313

assisted springtime revegetation: “the grazing livestock especially cleared the interior of the 314

wetlands [in winter] by eating the edible plants and trampling the rest down. Thus, the next year, ‘the 315

areas cleared in this way produced much better forage’.” (Bellon, 1996). Other sources also 316

emphasized that grazed wetland vegetation would regenerate and rejuvenate more readily, and that 317

young shoots were selected by the livestock: “Whatever the livestock broke off gave rise later to 318

three or four new shoots, which were subsequently grazed upon.” (Morvay, 1940). In some places, 319

long-term cattle grazing completely transformed the wetland vegetation, leading to changes in the 320

dominant plant species. 321

322

4. Discussion 323

4.1. Wetland grazing in the Pannonian region between 1720 and 1970 324

We managed to obtain a large number of historical records on wetland grazing of livestock in 325

the Pannonian region and its immediate vicinity. These historical accounts enable us to form a 326

reasonable, albeit incomplete image of past wetland grazing practices and their effects on vegetation. 327

Unexpectedly, none of the sources gave a detailed discussion of the activities and effects of wetland 328

grazing by livestock. Publications on livestock management from this period (e.g., Fándly, 1792) 329

also lack detailed information on the relationship between grazing and wetland vegetation. Neither 330

the18th, nor the 19th-century works on flora mention any differences or comparisons between the 331

vegetation of grazed and ungrazed wetlands (e.g., Kitaibel 1793–1815, in Gombocz, 1945; Borbás, 332

1881). To bridge this knowledge gap, it is especially important to process the information that can be 333

gathered from the non-botanical historical sources. An ecological re-evaluation of these historical 334

sources would harness their potential from the perspective of wetland management through grazing 335

for biodiversity conservation purposes. 336

Wetlands played an important role in the everyday life of societies living close to floodplains 337

and other wetlands. In the Carpathian basin and in other European regions as well, animal husbandry 338

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was the main source of income in areas with relatively few arable fields (e.g., Cook and Moorby, 339

1993; Bellon, 1996; Poschlod, 2015). Grazing was probably pursued on almost all wetlands, even on 340

the interiors of large wetlands (measuring several thousand hectares, Lovassy, 1931; Morvay, 1940; 341

Györffy, 1941). 342

Specific husbandry systems were developed for optimal utilization of wetlands to achieve 343

short- and long-term benefits. The ideal habitat for keeping pigs, for example, had grazing wetlands 344

and mast forests in close proximity to each other (Belényesy, 2012), which mostly existed on 345

extensive floodplains (Szabadfalvi, 1971; Gugič, 2009; Kiš et al., 2018). Until the beginning of the 346

19th century, extensive pig husbandry was based on mast feeding (Balassa, 1990; Szabó, 2013). Pigs 347

also fed in wetlands, however, and in many cases, keeping pigs on wetland was nearly as profitable 348

as keeping them in mast forests (Török, 1870; Szabadfalvi, 1971, Szabóné Futó, 1974). On the other 349

hand, for cattle husbandry wetlands provided the means for survival in the subcontinental climate of 350

the Pannonian region during extremities, like droughts that occurred almost every year (Varga et al., 351

2016). We found few mentions concerning the number of animals kept in wetlands, but from the 352

sources it can be inferred that the number of pigs kept in such habitats was substantial in comparison 353

with the present situation, exerting a significant impact on plant communities (Neugebauer, 2005; 354

Poschlod, 2015; Varga, et al 2016). In a wetland near Mukachevo (Ukraine), for example, the density 355

reached one pig per hectare – 6880 pigs on ca. 6-7000 ha (Szabadfalvi, 1971). 356

The spatio-temporally variable management systems of wetlands and entire landscapes through 357

grazing led to the appearance and maintenance of heterogeneous habitats, leading to transitions 358

between vegetation states (van der Valk 1981; Wallis de Vries et al., 1998; Bölöni et al., 2011; Mérő 359

et al. 2015). Stronger grazing intensity often produced pioneer surfaces, kept vegetation in a 360

transitional state, while a lack of grazing facilitated the succession processes of many wetland 361

habitats (van der Valk, 1981; Hill et al., 2009), and their homogenization (Esselink et al., 2000; 362

Burnside et al., 2007; Lougheed et al., 2008) . 363

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Several management decisions helped to maintain wetland habitats in good condition and 364

suitable for long-term grazing (e.g., the removal or, on the contrary, even the non-removal of reed or 365

dry litter from a given area), and aided the exploitation of biomass in places that were otherwise 366

inaccessible in summer (Bellon, 1996). Local regulations also helped to maximize the number of 367

livestock that could be kept by a village (Bellon, 1996; Belényesy, 2012). Before river regulations 368

and wetland drainage, wetlands were often set aside as reserves particularly for wintering, as 369

haymaking and forage production were of lesser importance than nowadays (Györffy, 1941; Szűcs, 370

1977; Bellon, 1996; Belényesy, 2012). Transhumance to these reserve pastures was an important part 371

of historic wetland management to maximize short- and long-term benefits and to balance forage 372

availability on a regional scale (Szabadfalvi, 1971; Mód, 2003; Belényesi, 2012). Seasonal patterns 373

of transhumance, including movement of sheep, pigs, cattle, and horses to floodplain wetlands 374

during winter (Maior, 1911; Szabadfalvi, 1971; Mód, 2003) or for feeding animals (cattle or pigs) 375

before taking them to market (Neugebauer et al., 2005), were similar to those known from other 376

European landscapes (Poschlod, 2015; Costello and Svensson, 2018). 377

378

4.2. The effect of grazing on wetland vegetation between 1720 and 1970 379

Based on historical sources, livestock had an effect on wetland vegetation mainly due to their 380

grazing, trampling, and uprooting behavior, thus reducing biomass and creating micro-habitats (cf. 381

Esselink et al., 2002; Hill et al., 2009, Davidson et al., 2017). Among the obvious effects of grazing 382

were reduced height of vegetation, lower biomass, and greater openness of vegetation. There were 383

only a few species in the wetlands that were not consumed by livestock. Sources usually revealed 384

different effects between cattle and pigs, with cattle being associated mostly with trampling, and pigs 385

with uprooting. The effect of grazing could vary according to the season, partly because livestock 386

would sometimes only spend specific periods of the year on the wetlands, and partly because they 387

would consume certain species of plants only in particular phenological stages, such as after frost or 388

withering, when the taste of several plants changed (e.g., Carex and Typha spp., Andrásfalvy, 1975), 389

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or in spring, when there were young, tender shoots of reed (Morvay, 1940; Györffy, 1941; Varga, 390

1994). Surfaces dislodged by digging pigs contributed to an increased richness of wetland 391

microhabitats by creating patches of mud and puddles, whose importance for biodiversity has 392

recently been demonstrated (Hill et al., 2009; Poschlod et al., 2002). Several sources stated that 393

certain plant species were consciously reduced by grazing livestock, leading to the creation of 394

pastures consisting of grasses and sedges (Lovassy, 1931; Morvay, 1940). Examples of this are also 395

known from other European regions, although experience shows that grazing alone is sometimes 396

insufficient to eliminate reeds or other species (Valkama et al., 2008). 397

Judging from these accounts, our opinion is that the structure and species composition of the 398

vegetation of wetlands close to settlements was fundamentally transformed by grazing, while in 399

wetlands further away from settlements, grazing had a significant effect. Past folk names for 400

wetlands attest to the diversity of wetlands and describe the main types of vegetation (cf. Molnár, 401

2014; Fehér, 2018). Sources indicate that dominant plant species of wetlands in the past were largely 402

the same as today (e.g., Lovassy, 1931; Kitaibel in Gombocz, 1945). Mud vegetation was not 403

described in the sources, only muddy surfaces, but in the lists of wetland species compiled by 404

Kitaibel (in Gombocz, 1945), there is a remarkably large number of species that require trampling 405

and are avoided by grazing livestock (e.g., Ranunculus lateriflorus, Mentha pulegium, Alisma spp., 406

Eleocharis palustris, Gratiola officinalis). Undesirable plants in the past were mostly the poisonous 407

species (alien invasive species were not yet present). We could find no information about the 408

poisonous species being destroyed (although this is common practice in the Carpathian region, Babai 409

and Molnár, 2014), whereas dense reed beeds were substantially and deliberately reduced by targeted 410

grazing (cf. Lovassy, 1931; Valkama et al., 2008). 411

412

4.3. The current conservation relevance of historical wetland grazing 413

Historical sources often explicitly mention livestock effects that are of potential relevance to 414

contemporary wetlands conservation (e.g., reduction of tall species, creation and maintenance of 415

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patches of mud and open water). It was surprising that, despite significant grazing density, the 416

sources did not mention degraded wetlands (compared with degraded overgrazed grasslands and 417

forests, which are mentioned frequently in historical sources, e.g., Borbás, 1881; Kitaibel in 418

Gombocz, 1945). Apart from during the extreme droughts of 1790s and 1863 , when the livestock 419

were driven 200-250 km in search of wetlands to graze on (Morvay, 1940; Szabadfalvi, 1971; Mód, 420

2003), there were no mentions to suggest that grazing wetlands became exhausted and degraded. 421

There may be one reason for this, that majority of the benefits of the wetlands were incidental, 422

secondary comparing to the benefits from forests or grasslands, whose degradation affected local 423

communities more seriously. Additionally, wetland dynamic occurs in shorter cycles. Consequently, 424

degradation of wetlands (e.g. changing species composition) was considered a natural phenomenon, 425

and local communities didn’t perceive these trends as harmful. 426

Despite the potential for wetland management, recent botanical and conservation-oriented 427

synthetic works in our region rarely, if at all, mention grazing in wetlands (Bölöni et al., 2011; 428

Haraszthy, 2014). We argue that the effect of past grazing (especially pigs) was possibly far more 429

significant in wetlands than is generally thought by botanists and conservationists (see also Poschlod, 430

2015; Szigetvári, 2015). It seems that this field of study is also prone to the shifting baseline 431

syndrome (cf. Vera, 2009; Soga and Gaston, 2018). Most of today’s generation of botanists and 432

conservationists have never seen pigs grazing in wetlands. Large-scale wetland grazing of pigs is not 433

part of their worldview because the open vegetation of wetlands previously trampled and uprooted 434

by pigs has grown back in recent decades, and the structure and species composition of such 435

wetlands is entirely different (cf. Neugebauer et al., 2005; Hill et al., 2009; Szigetvári, 2015). A lack 436

of scientific knowledge and understanding of traditional grazing systems often leads to erroneous 437

management recommendations, as shown by the personal experience of some of the authors of this 438

paper, who have previously recommended avoiding grazing in wetland areas, which they later found 439

to be dependent of this particular disturbance. 440

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Grazing livestock were shifted away from wetlands in the 1970s and 1980s to prevent 441

“degradation”; i.e., the creation of muddy, trampled patches (Havel et al., 2016; Szigetvári, 2015). 442

Meanwhile, it is obvious that ungrazed wetlands differ in nature from grazed wetlands (Lougheed et 443

al., 2008; Bölöni et al., 2011; Molnár, 2014; Mérő et al., 2015; Mester et al., 2015), and many 444

features from the past grazed wetlands would be beneficial to conservation even nowadays 445

(Neugebauer et al. 2005; Poschlod, 2015). The decrease in species richness of ungrazed and thus 446

closed-vegetation wetlands is considerable (Lougheed et al., 2008; Mester et al., 2015). From a 447

conservation perspective, species-rich wetlands require disturbance by large grazing livestock 448

(Bakker, 1989; Neugebauer et al. 2005; Mérő et al., 2015). Wetland plant species have, for millennia, 449

adapted to grazing (the wild herbivores of the early Holocene were gradually replaced by domestic 450

livestock). Wetlands, therefore, should be grazed, and in the proper manner, which begs the question 451

of how they should be grazed. 452

453

4.4. The need for innovative conservation management regimes through knowledge co-454

production 455

The historical information showed that livestock grazed in the wetlands, not only during the 456

growing season but also in winter. Wetland-fattened livestock was highly valued at market (e.g., 457

Morvay, 1940). Breeds of livestock were kept that were well adapted to wetland grazing (e.g., they 458

could swim well and tolerate cold weather and diseases) (cf. Andrásfalvy, 1975; Balassa, 1990; 459

Bellon, 1996). It may be stated that nowadays the livestock breeds, the herders and the social 460

environment that sustained such historical wetland grazing practices no longer exist. In the 21st 461

century, however, there is an increasing demand for nature-friendly farming and extensive free-range 462

animal husbandry, which often results in entirely extensive grazing practices (Flade et al., 2006; 463

Duncan, 2012; Varga et al., 2016; Costello and Svensson, 2018). An opportunity exists to develop 464

innovative wetland-grazing regimes that function as appropriate conservation management practices. 465

Such innovations are fully compliant with the new conservation paradigm, whose objective is to 466

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reintroduce, restore or diversify certain natural and anthropological disturbances (Mori, 2011; 467

Middleton, 2013; Vadász et al., 2016; Hartel et al. 2016). Innovation can be aided not only by the 468

historical information described above, but also by the surviving (though often neglected) traditional 469

ecological knowledge, in which regard Central Europe is in a privileged position and of regional 470

significance (Molnár and Berkes, 2018). Some of the traditional knowledge holders are middle-aged 471

and thus still use and adapt their knowledge and graze their herds in the remnant wetlands (Molnár et 472

al., 2016; Kis et al., 2017). For example, in the Hortobágy National Park (a UNESCO World Cultural 473

Heritage Site for its herding traditions), modern-day herders distinguish between 15 wetland types 474

and are familiar with their species (e.g., knowledge of Phragmites, Typha latifolia and T. 475

angustifolia, Carex acutiformis, Schoenoplectus lacustris and Trapa natans is above 95%, that of 476

Phalaris arundinacea, Eleocharis spp. and Bolboschoenus maritimus is above 80%, and that of 477

Glyceria maxima is also 55%, Molnár, 2014). Traditional grazing practices are not banned in these 478

reserves, but are rather seen as acceptable and essential for maintaining the optimal ecological 479

conditions of wetlands for many threatened species (http4), like in some UNESCO Biosphere 480

Reserves in Germany and France (Flade et al. 2006; Duncan, 2012; Ludewig et al., 2014). 481

482

4.5. Improving wetland conservation management 483

Our review provided numerous examples of historical traditional practices and traditional 484

ecological knowledge representing lessons on wetland grazing. This, together with the substantial 485

traditional ecological knowledge held by present-day herders, and with the desire among nature 486

conservationists for better management, lays firm foundation for innovation and knowledge co-487

production. Experience has shown that together, scientific and traditional types of knowledge are 488

capable of generating insights that were previously lacking from both systems (Molnár et al., 2016). 489

For developing innovative wetland conservation methods, we recommend giving consideration to the 490

following criteria: 491

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As is the case with grasslands (cf. Vadász et al. 2016), wetlands should also be grazed at 492

varying intensities in a mosaic pattern, with both over- and under-grazed areas (http4). 493

The application of grazing periods that last different lengths of time may help facilitate greater 494

regulation of intensity and control the effects on vegetation (cf. Cornelissen et al., 2014). 495

Late autumn grazing may be of importance for nature conservation, for example, by decreasing 496

litter cover. 497

Besides ancient breeds (e.g., Mangalitsa pig, Hungarian grey cattle), certain modern breeds 498

(e.g., Limousine cattle, Merino sheep, Yorkshire pig) may also be suitable for wetland grazing. 499

It is worth devoting particular attention to pig grazing, although there is relatively limited 500

active experience of this management type (but see Poschlod et al., 2002; Neugebauer et al., 501

2005; Gugič, 2009; Hill et al., 2009). 502

It would be beneficial to summarize results achieved to date by European experimental 503

ecological research into wetland grazing (e.g. Neugebauer et al., 2005; Mester et al., 2015; 504

http4). Wilderness experiments also provide numerous lessons on year-round extensive 505

wetland grazing (e.g. Vera, 2009; Cornelissen et al., 2014; http5). 506

21st-century technology may also prove valuable, e.g., temporary electric fences on the 507

“outside” of wetlands (that is, the opposite side to where the herders are present). 508

It is worth involving and giving leading roles to herders who are familiar both with the 509

livestock and local wetland habitats and have substantial experience (“conservation herders”, 510

Molnár et al., 2016). A herder can plan forage regeneration, and with timed grazing or mowing 511

and adapted herd size, grazable biomass can often be increased during springtime or periods of 512

drought (Kis et al., 2017). As part of innovative development, present-day herder experience 513

should be placed under “creative tension” with the help of historical sources to test whether it 514

is possible for herders to revive extinct management components (primarily in the case of 515

pigs), as numerous practical elements of past wetland grazing have been lost. 516

517

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5. Conclusions 518

On the one hand, the effect of grazing on wetland vegetation is obvious (vegetation became 519

patchy and remained low in height, tall-growing dominant species were suppressed, litter was 520

removed, and microhabitats like open surfaces of mud and water were created), but on the other 521

hand, grazing can be done in many ways, resulting in just as many effects on vegetation, about which 522

little is known. Therefore, a wide range of experiments should be conducted, which will require the 523

involvement of nature conservationists, herders, and researchers alike. 524

The historical sources have demonstrated that grazing is often beneficial with regard to the 525

conservation of wetlands. It would therefore be worthwhile experimenting boldly. At the same time, 526

the image of wetlands that have been trampled and “colored” with livestock excrement is often hard 527

to reconcile with the present-day conservation worldview. This is very similar to how things were in 528

the past: the lake “is heavily grazed, but in places its flora is beautiful nonetheless!” wrote Ádám 529

Boros in 1957, when he discovered great diversity in the vegetation of a lake where traditional 530

grazing was done intensively (Boros 1912–1972). It would therefore be important to carry out 531

research that takes the long-term historical perspective into account, as a way of overcoming the 532

shifting baseline syndrome in the conservation management of wetlands. 533

534

Acknowledgement 535

We thank the herders Imre Berczi and János Máté for sharing with us their knowledge about wetland 536

grazing, and Steve Kane for English translations and revision. 537

538

Funding 539

This research was supported partly by the project “Effects of extensive grazing on vegetation in non-540

conventional pasture-lands (marshes and forests)”- NKFIH K 119478 and partly by the National 541

Research, Development and Innovation Office project GINOP-2.3.2-15-2016-00019. Dániel Babai 542

was supported by the MTA Premium Postdoctoral Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of 543

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Sciences). Kinga Öllerer acknowledges the support received through project no. RO1567-544

IBB03/2018 of the Romanian Academy. Research in Slovakia was supported by the Slovak Grant 545

Agency VEGA, project no. 1/0767/17. 546

547

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782

783

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Figures 784

785

Fig. 1. Map of the study area in the Carpathian Basin, Central Europe. Symbols indicate localities of 786

historical mentions of wetland grazing by domestic livestock. Country borders: thick grey lines, main 787

rivers: thin grey lines (source: Natural Earth). Source of base map: ASTER-DEM, USGS, 2009 788

789

790

Fig. 2. Habitat categories of grazed wetlands, as mentioned in the historical sources 791

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792

793

Fig. 3. Reasons for grazing and, below the line, other reasons for keeping livestock on wetlands, as 794

mentioned explicitly in the historical sources 795

796

797

Fig. 4. Timing of presence of livestock on wetlands, as mentioned explicitly in the historical sources 798

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799

800

Fig. 5. Activity of livestock on wetlands, as mentioned explicitly in the historical sources 801

802

803

Fig. 6. Effect of domestic livestock on wetland vegetation, as mentioned in the historical sources 804

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805

Fig. 7. Above: Impacts of grazing include the creation of open water surfaces, the maintenance of 806

vegetation at low height, thus decreasing the dominance of Phragmites australis and Typha 807

angustifolia, and creating breeding and migrating bird habitats with open water surfaces ( Hortobágy 808

National Park, Hungary, photos: Zsolt Molnár). Below: Traditional pig grazing in the Bosut forest 809

(Serbia). Pasturing practices with modern pig breeds provide habitats for Hottonia palustris, 810

Ludwigia palustris and Marsilea quadrifolia, which are Red-listed species in many Central European 811

countries (photos: Ábel Molnár and Viktor Ulicsni) 812

813

814

815

Graphical Abstract 816

817

818

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819

820

Table 1. Plant species and plant parts consumed by livestock on wetlands, as documented in the 821

historical sources. “Root” refers to underground parts, such as roots, rhizomes and tubers. 822

823

Plant species / parts Cattle Pigs Horses Sheep Total

Reeds – total (Phragmites australis) 34 16 5 1 56

young reeds 26 2 4 1 33

reed roots and underground shoots 14 14

Sedges – total (Carex riparia, C. acutiformis, C. acuta etc.) 19 9 4 4 36

young sedges 1 2 3

sedge roots 6 6

Bulrushes – total (Typha latifolia, T. angustifolia) 6 21 5 32

young bulrushes 2 2

mealy bulrush roots 19 2 21

Bolboschoenus maritimus – total 9 10 19

young shoots of B. maritimus 4 4

tubers of B. maritimus 9 9

Wetland plants in general – total 3 21 24

young wetland plants 2 3 1 6

roots of wetland plants 16 16

Schoenoplectus lacustris – total 4 5 2 11

young shoots of S. lacustris 2 1 3

roots of S. lacustris 1 1 2

Carex elata – total 5 5

young leaves of C. elata 1 1

Grasses in general (including dry grass) 6 4 4 3 17

Dry grass, grass litter 14 2 1 2 19

Glyceria maxima 4 1 4 9

Eleocharis palustris, E. uniglumis 7 7

Juncus effusus, J. conglomeratus 3 3

Agrostis stolonifera 2 2

Unripe fruits of Trapa natans 7 7

Chenopodiaceae spp. 2 2

Thistles (Cirsium spp., Carduus spp.) 2 2

Willow and poplar twigs, shoots and catkins (Salix spp. and Populus spp.) 3 1 2 6

Acorus calamus 1 1

Triglochin palustris 1 1

Phalaroides arundinacea 1 1

Marsh fern roots (Thelypteris palustris) 1 1

Sow thistle roots (Sonchus spp.) 1 1

Water weed and its roots 2 2

Total 156 178 27 22 383

824

825

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Appendix 1. 826 827 Reference list of the 165 historical sources containing relevant information on wetland grazing 828 829 Andrásfalvi, B., 1970. A fok és jelentősége régi vízgazdálkodásunkban. Nyelvtudományi Értekezések, 70. 830 Andrásfalvy, B., 1973. A Sárköz és a környező Duna menti területek ősi ártéri gazdálkodása és vízhasználatai a szabályozás előtt. 831

Vízügyi Történeti Füzetek 6. Budapest. 832 https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/SZAK_DUNA_Vtf_06_Sarkoz/?query=harmatk%C3%A1sa&pg=40&layout=s 833

Andrásfalvy, B., 1975. A sárköziek gazdálkodása a XVIII. és XIX. században. In: Dankó I. (Ed.), Dunántúli dolgozatok. 3. Janus 834 Pannonius. Múzeum Kiadványai, Pécs. https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/MEGY_BARA_Dundolg_03/?pg=0&layout=s 835

Andrásfalvy, B., 1975. Duna mente népének ártéri gazdálkodása Tolna és Baranya megyében az ármentesítés befejezéséig. In: K. 836 Balog, J. (Ed.), Tanulmányok Tolna megye történetéből 7. Tolna Megyei Tanács Levéltára, Szekszárd. 837 https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/TOLM_Ttmt_07/?pg=409&layout=s 838

Angyal, B., 1992. Állattartás, in: Fehérváry, M. (Ed.), Gúta hagyományos gazdálkodása a XX. század első felében. Népismereti 839 Könyvtár 2, Csehszlovákiai Magyar Néprajzi Társaság, Komárom, pp. 61–90. 840

Angyal, B., 1994. A lelédi állattartás, in: Liszka, J. (Ed.), Leléd hagyományos gazdálkodása a XX. század első felében, Népismereti 841 Könyvtár 8, Lilium Aurum – Szlovákiai Magyar Néprajzi Társaság, Komárom – Dunaszerdahely, pp. 67–81. 842

Babus, J., 1959. A Lónyai vizek néprajza. Néprajzi Közlemények 4(3), Budapest. 843 https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/ORSZ_NEPR_Nk_04_3/?pg=4&layout=s 844

Balassa, I., 1975. Lápok, falvak, emberek. Gondolat, Budapest. 845 Balassa, I., 1990. A magyar sertéstartás történetének néhány kérdése, in: Pintér, J. (Ed.), A Magyar Mezőgazdasági Múzeum 846

Közleményei 1988–1989, Budapest. 847 https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/ORSZ_MEZO_MMMk_14_1988_89/?pg=236&layout=s 848

Bálint, S., 1976. A szögedi nemzet. A szegedi nagytáj népélete. Első rész. 1974/75-2. A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve, Szeged. 849 https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/MEGY_CSON_EK_1974_75_2/?pg=408&layout=s&query=mocs%C3%A1r 850

Balogh, I., 1958. Pusztai legeltetési rend Debrecenben a XVIII — XIX. Században. Ethnographia 69, 539—566. 851 https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/Ethnografia_1958_069/?query=SZO%3D(%22mocsaras%20legelo%22)%20OR%20SZO%3D852 (%22vizes%20legelo%22)%20OR%20ESZO%3D(%22zsomb%C3%A9kos%20legel%C5%91%22)&pg=560&layout=s 853

Bán, T., Igmándy, J., (1935–38). Hajdunánás fészkelő madarai. Aquila, 42–45. https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/Aquila_1935-854 1938/?query=SZO%3D(SZO%3D((%20mocs%C3%A1r%20OR%20n%C3%A1das)%2030N%20ESZO%3D(liba%20OR%20gul855 ya%20OR%20csorda%20OR%20m%C3%A9nes)))&pg=687&layout=s 856

Baranyi, B., Gazdag, I., Koticsné Magyari, M., Lévai, B., Szabadi, I., Vajda, M., V Szatmári, I., 2000. Nagyrábé. Száz magyar falu 857 könvvesháza Kht., Budapest. p. 170. https://www.arcanum.hu/hu/online-kiadvanyok/SzazMagyarFalu-szaz-magyar-falu-858 1/nagyrabe-BD73/ 859

Bárth J., 1974. Kalocsa környéki ártéri kertek a XVIII-XIX. században. Agrártörténeti szemle 16(1-2), 213-233 860 https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/AGRARTORTSZLE_16/?pg=246&layout=s 861

Bede, Á., Csathó, A. I., Czukor, P., & Sümegi, P., 2015. A hortobágyi Ecse-halom tájtörténete. Tájökológiai Lapok, 13(1), 169-184. 862 http://www.tajokologiailapok.szie.hu/pdf/201501/14_Bede_et_al.pdf 863

Bél, M., 1727. Békés vármegye leírása (Historia Comitatus Békésiensis), Transl. Szalay, E., Pánczél, B. in: Krupa, A. (Ed.) 1993. 864 Forráskiadványok a Békés Megyei Levéltárból 18, Gyula. 865 https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/BEKM_Fbml_18_bel_matyas/?pg=0&layout=s 866

Bél, M., 1735. Heves megye ismertetése 1730–1735. Trans. Kondorné Látkóczi, E. In: Bán, P. (Ed.), 2001. A Heves megyei levéltár 867 forráskiadványa. Eger. pp. 236 https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/HEVM_Fk_08/?pg=0&layout=s 868

Bél, M., 1735. Szatmár megye ismertetése. Trans. Soós, I. In: Gyarmathy, Zs. (Ed.), 1985. Szabolcs-Szatmár megyei helytörténetírás 869 V-VI. Szabolcs-Szatmár Megyei Levéltár, Nyiregyháza. pp. 24-92. 870 https://library.hungaricana.hu/en/view/SZSM_Ek_03_04/?pg=25&layout=s 871

Bél, M., Laurentsik K., 1835. Bereg megye leírása. Trans. Balogh, I. In: Gyarmathy, Zs. (Ed.), 1985. Szabolcs-Szatmár megyei 872 helytörténetírás V-VI. Szabolcs-Szatmár Megyei Levéltár, Nyiregyháza. pp. 9-70. 873 https://library.hungaricana.hu/en/view/SZSM_Ek_05_06/?pg=10&layout=s 874

Bél, M., Schemberger, F.1787 Szabolcs megye a XVIII. Században. Trans. Balogh, I. In: Gyarmathy, Zs. (Ed.), 1979. Szabolcs-875 Szatmár megyei helytörténetírás I-II. Szabolcs-Szatmár Megyei Levéltár, Nyiregyháza. pp. 12-76. 876 https://library.hungaricana.hu/en/view/SZSM_Ek_01_02/?pg=13&layout=s 877

Bél, M., Wellmann I., 1984. Magyarország népének élete 1730 táján. Gondolat Kiadó. Budapest. pp.517. 878 Belényesy, M., 1956. Az állattartás a 14. Században Magyarorszagon. Néprajzi Értesitő 38, 23–59. 879

https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/NeprajziErtesito_1956/?pg=24&layout=s 880 Belényesy, M., 2012. Fejezetek a középkori anyagi kultúra történetéből I-II. L’Harmattan, MTA BTK Néprajztudományi Intézete: 881

Budapest. 882 Bellon, T. 1994. Adatok Szabadszállás gazdálkodásához. Néprajz és Nyelvtudomány 35, 145-181. http://acta.bibl.u-883

szeged.hu/3756/1/etno_lingu_035_145-181.pdf 884 Bellon, T., 1996. Beklen. Animal husbandry of the cities in Nagykunság in the 18-19th centuries. Karcag város önkormányzata, 885

Karcag. p. 415. 886 Bellon, T., 2003. A Tisza néprajza. Ártéri gazdálkodás a tiszai Alföldön. Timp Kiadó, Budapest. 887 Bencsik, J., 1973. A gyűjtögető gazdálkodás emlékei a Tisza mentén, a volt alsószabolcsi falvakban. A Hajdúsági Múzeum Évkönyve 888

1, 111-126. https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/MEGY_HAJB_HajMuzEK_1973_01/?pg=116&layout=s 889 Bencsik, J., 1974. A paraszti közösség gazdasági tevékenysége (Fejezet Polgár történetéből). Hajdúsági Közlemények 3. 890

https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/MEGY_HAJB_HajdusagiKozl_03/?pg=88&layout=s 891 Bilkei, I., Káli, Cs., Petánovics, K., 2001. Zalavár. Száz magyar falu könvvesháza Kht., Budapest. p. 200. 892

https://www.arcanum.hu/hu/online-kiadvanyok/SzazMagyarFalu-szaz-magyar-falu-1/zalavar-12F98/ 893

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Turjánvidék északi részén. Rosalia 10. Duna-Ipoly Nemzeti Park Ig., Budapest. pp. 29-42. 1071 https://www.dunaipoly.hu/uploads/2018-07/20180703152034-rosalia-10-honlapra-eml06tff.pdf 1072

Somogyi, S., 2000. A végbement természetátalakítás tájrajzi vonatkozásai. In: Somogyi, S. (Ed.). A XIX. századi folyószabályozások 1073 és ármentesítések földrajzi és ökológiai hatásai Magyarországon. Budapest. pp. 222.-230. 1074

Stahl, H.H., 1993. Satele devălmașe. Vol. I. Editura Cartea Românească, Bucharest. 1075 Szabadfalvi, J. 1991. A sertés Magyarországon. Ethnica, Debrecen. 1076 Szabadfalvi, J., 1966. Nomád teleltetési rendszer az Alföldön. Műveltség és Hagyomány. VIII. 90. 1. 1077 Szabadfalvi, J., 1968. A magyar takarmánygazdálkodás honfoglalás előtti rétegéhez. Ethnographia 79(3), 338-349. 1078

https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/Ethnografia_1968_079/?pg=364&layout=s 1079 Szabadfalvi, J., 1968. Makkoltatás a Zempléni hegységben. Ethnographia 79(1), 62-75. 1080

https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/Ethnografia_1968_079/?pg=73&layout=s 1081 Szabadfalvi, J., 1971. Az extenzív állattenyésztés Magyarországon. Műveltség és Hagyomány 12. Kossuth Lajos Tudományegyetem, 1082

Debrecen. Debreceni Déri Múzeum Évkönyve. 1083 https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/MEGY_HAJB_DERI_1969_1970/?pg=294&layout=s 1084

Szabadfalvi, J., 1984 Tanulmányok a magyar pásztorkodás köréből. Studia Folkloristica et Ethnographica 10. Debrecen 1085 Szabó, M., 1957. A Körös és Berettyó alsófolyása vidékének rétgazdálkodása, in: Némethy E., Takács, L. (Ed.), Néprajzi 1086

Közlemények 2(3-4), Budapest. https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/ORSZ_NEPR_Nk_02_3_4/?pg=4&layout=s 1087 Szabó, P., 1993. A sertés legeltetése, in: Vinczeffy, I. (Ed.), Legeltetéses állattartás. Tudományos Közlemények, Debreceni 1088

Gyepgazdálkodási Napok 11. DATE, Debrecen, pp. 239–245. 1089 Szabóné Futó, R. 1974. A sulyom gyűjtése és felhasználása a Takta mellékén. A Herman Ottó Múzeum Közleményei 13, 113–118. 1090

https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/MEGY_BAZE_Mhomk_13/?pg=120&layout=s 1091 Szemere, L., 1908. Megfigyelések a kékvércséről. Aquila 15 (1-4), 312–313. 1092

https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/Aquila_1908/?query=legel&pg=346&layout=s 1093 Szeremlei, S., 1911. Hód-Mező-Vásárhely története 4. A közmivelődés története 1526-1848. I. Hódmezővásárhely. 1094

https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/CsaladHely_MonografiaVaros_HodMezoVasarhelyTortenete_4/?pg=244&layout=s 1095 Szilágyi, M., 1991. Gazdaságnéprajzi adatok a Szernye-mocsár vidékéről. In: Halász Péter (Ed.), A Duna menti népek hagyományos 1096

műveltsége. Tanulmányok Andrásfalvy Bertalan tiszteletére. Budapest, pp. 147-152. 1097 Szilágyi, M., 1999. Az áradások és a gazdálkodás összefüggése az ármentesítések előtt. Ethnographia 110, 55–72. 1098

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https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/ORSZ_NEPR_NK_11_1_2/?pg=4&layout=s 1113 Takács, L., 1973. A Kis-Balaton és környéke, in: Kanyar J. (Ed.), Somogyi Almanach 27-29. Kaposvár. 1114

https://library.hungaricana.hu/hu/view/SOMM_SomAlm_027-29/?query=harmatk%C3%A1sa&pg=135&pg=135&layout=s 1115 Takács, L., 1981. Csille szavunk eredetéhez. Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 83, 145-150. 1116

https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/NyelvtudomanyiKozlemenyek_083/?pg=144&layout=s 1117 Takács, P., 1987. Adalékok a Szabolcs megyei parasztok úrbérrendezéskori földműveléséhez. Agrártörténeti Szemle 29(3-4), 328–1118

361.https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/AGRARTORTSZLE_29/?pg=357&layout=s 1119 Takáts, Gy., 1986. Somogyi pásztorvilág. Somogy Megyei Múzeumok Igazgatósága, Kaposvár. 1120 Tálasi, I., 1936. A Kiskunság népi állattartása. Budapest. p. 271. 1121 Tálasi, I., 1942. Változásvizsgálatok a népi állattenyésztés köréből. Néprajzi Értesítő 34(3-4), 203–220. 1122 Thullner, I., 2001. Lébény. Száz magyar falu könvvesháza Kht., Budapest. p. 210. https://www.arcanum.hu/hu/online-1123

kiadvanyok/SzazMagyarFalu-szaz-magyar-falu-1/lebeny-888C/ 1124 Török, K., 1870. A tiszamenti népéletből. I. A réti kanász, in: Nagy, M. (Ed.), Magyarország képekben. II. Budapest. 1125 Trenkó, Gy., 1909. A Bodrogköz vízrajzához. Földrajzi közlemények I., Budapest. 1126

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http://www.tajokologiailapok.szie.hu/pdf/201302/11_Ujhazy.pdf 1129 Vajkai, A., 1959. Szentgál. Egy bakonyi falu néprajza. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó. p 398. 1130 Varga, D., 1994. Kies Kiskunság, szeretett Szentmiklós. Lyukasóra könyvek. Magyar Írókamara, Budapest. 1131 Vasvári, M. (1935-38) A bakcsó és üstökös gém táplálkozási oekologiája. Aquila 42-45, 590. 1132

https://adtplus.arcanum.hu/hu/view/Aquila_1935-1938/?pg=603&layout=s&query=sert%C3%A9s 1133 Wellmann, I., 1975. Népesség és mezőgazdaság a XVII. és a XVIII. század fordulóján. Történelmi szemle 18(4), 701-744. 1134

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