Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter FourFourFourFour

Silk WeavingSilk WeavingSilk WeavingSilk Weaving---- A Glorious Cottage Industry A Glorious Cottage Industry A Glorious Cottage Industry A Glorious Cottage Industry

4.1 Diversity of Rural Economy

4.2 Weaving as Non-farm Village Economy

4.3 History of Silk Weaving of the Study Area

4.4 Status of Silk Weaving of the Study Area

4.5 Labor Dynamics

4.6 Duration of Work

4.7 Working Efficiency

4.8 Income Level of Weavers

4.9 Decline of Weaving Economy

4.10 Quarrying: A Compulsive Alternative

4.11 Synthesis of Observations

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Silk WeavingSilk WeavingSilk WeavingSilk Weaving---- A Glorious A Glorious A Glorious A Glorious Cottage Cottage Cottage Cottage IndustryIndustryIndustryIndustry

Weaving is an essential part of non-farm economy since long past in rural

India, as people are habituated to wear cotton dhotis (cloth for male) and sharies

(cloths for female). But glorious history of cottage weaving in India, as well as in

Bengal has been fabricated mainly by sharies for its variation in color, design and

artistic arrangement of boundary (pard) as well as more exposed end portion (anchal).

Silk shari made of silk threads process from cocoon has a glorious tradition for its use

essentially during the marriage (particularly for bride) and also during festive

occasions. Bishnupur cluster in Rampurhat Block-II of Birbhum District has a

heritage of silk (shari) weaving from long past-a symbol of not only economy or

livelihood, but a prestigious tradition and culture.

4.1 Diversity of rural economy

From the historical past Indian villages of the plain land were associated

mainly with farm economy, supported by non-farm economy. In a subsistence

agrarian economy, non-farm economy is not only a supportive activity, but sometimes

acts as a dominant economy for some villages like black smithy, bronze smithy; clay

modeling, carpentry; weaving and local trading etc. Larger villages or rural market

centers were familiar with diversity of activity and livelihood where some of the

villages were specialized with some non-farm activity due to historical traditions or

local resource base. Bronze smithy in Khagra of Murshidabad, silk weaving of

Murshidabad, Moslin of Dacca (Bangladesh) are popular examples in this regard.

Chapter

4

54

This popular fashion of diversification of rural economy and livelihood of

Bengal in particular and India in general are nothing but the strategies in subsistence

economy that explains social division of labor force or diversification of non-firm

economy for the people with marginal landholding or land less (Durkhiem,1964).A

region specialized with some sort of non-farm economy experiences boom, steady

growth or decline have some impact on livelihood strategies of the people of that area,

which ultimately develops culture and also sometimes alters socio-cultural set up.

4.2 Weaving as Non-farm Village Economy

The study area, Rampurhat Block –II of Birbhum, very close to Murshidabad District

(the most prosperous district in silk weaving), have a tradition of prosperous silk weaving for

more than 500 years not as a support to farm economy, rather a small growth centre for

marketing silk clothes in Kolkata, other parts of West Bengal and even beyond state.

Murshidabad has a long historical tradition of Mulberry silk. The old alluvium

of western part of Murshidabad district is highly favorable for mulberry plant. This

alluvium is old, where fine Himalyan sediments are mixed with sandy alluvium

carried out from Chotonagpur plateau, leading to the formation of course alluvium.

Such a soil cover with fibrous structure, highly promote the growth of mulberry plant,

the breading ground of silk worm. Rampurhat Block-II physiographically a transition

area in between alluvial tract of Murshidabad and fringe of Chotonagpur Plateau. The

alluvial tract of this block, formed by the flood of the rivers Brahmani and Mayrakshi,

at their lower course and also by the defunct channel of Dwarka River favors the same

soil condition for the growth of mulberry plant.

Thus coarse sediments of Bishnupur, Basoa, Tentulia, Lalitakundu, Kalidaha,

etc. under the Bishnupur Gram Panchayet have an old historical tradition of Mulberry

55

plantation, the denominator of silk weaving. Slik weaving is also practiced in

Margram, under Margram-II Gram Panchayet of this block and also in Sandhyajal,

Parun, Laha, Dhalla, Diara, Beahmandighi, Rambhadrapur, Batina mouzas under

Budhigram Gram Panchayet (Map-4.1 and Table 4.1).

CONCENTRATION OF WEAVING OF RAMPURHAT BLOCK -II

Map 4.1: Weaving Mouzas of Rampurhat Block - II

Table 4.1 Concentration of weaving in different Mouzas of Rampurhat Block-II

J.L. No Name of the Mouzas

137 Basoa

199 Tentulia

200 Bishnupur

201 Kalidaha

202 Lalita Kundu

130 Sandhyajal

132 Parun

133 Laha

136 Batina

203 Diara

205 Dhalla

211 Brahmandighi

138 Margram

204 Rambhadrapur

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4.3 History of Silk Weaving of the area

Rampurhat Block-II was more familiar with silk weaving than mulberry

plantation. Mulberry plantation (Plate-2) was an added advantage of this block. Priya

Goplal Bishyaee, the most famous silk sari trader of Kolkata, from the very beginning

to till the date collect Murshidabadi Silk mainly from this block. Historically,

Rampurhat Block -II was the weaving zone whose raw materials (silk warm and silk

thread) are collected from different blocks of Murshidabad District mainly from

Khargram, Nabagram and Kandhi blocks.

From the earlier literature it is clear that silk weaving was famous before the

colonial period. Gourihari Mitra (1939) in his documentary literature ‘Birbhumer

Itihas’ (History of Birbhum) stated that silk weaving was famous before British rule.

According to this account, indigo cultivation became popular during in the southern

part of Birbhum, but the northern part was famous for mulberry cultivation and silk

weaving. Mr. Mitra has mentioned that commercial production of silk weaving was

initiated by Mr. Frushard a commercial resident of East India Company in 1785. He

constructed company estate in Gonutia, in the north bank of the river Mayuraksi to

monitor silk trade of this area. After the death of Mr. Furshard in 1807 Mr. John

Cheap purchase estate with Rs.3415 and continued the silk trade till his death 1826

(16th

April). After the death of Cheap, Mr. Shakespere took over the charge up to

1835. There after the trade was discontinued. But during this time about 2400 laborers

were engaged for the production of silk threads and also a huge number of people

were engage for the cultivation of the silk worm. As stated by Mr.Mitra, at least

15000 people were directly or indirectly earned their livelihood from Ganutia estate.

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4.4 Growth of Silk Weaving in the Study Area

The temporal frame work of this investigation is basically confined in between

1980s-2010. Within this time frame silk weaving of Rampurhat Block-II has experienced

ebb and flow due to variable social demand; whereas stone quarrying has experienced a

hiking trend. The selected mouzas of the study area i.e. Bishnupur, Basoa, Tentulia,

Lalitakundu, Kalidaha under the Bishnupur Gram Panchayet are the zone of major

concentration of silk weaving from the historical period. Silk weaving has marginally

spread in Margram under Margram-II Gram Panchayet. Sandhyajal, Parun, Laha, Dhalla,

Diara, Beahmandighi, Rambhadrapur, Batina mouzas are under Budhigram Gram Panchayet.

Margram and Budhigram can be considered as the secondary growth pole of silk

weaving, clearly a diffusion of silk weaving from Bishnupur cluster (Appendix-I & II).

Plate-2. Mulberry Plant Cultivation

Data collected from door to door survey in 2008-2009 reveals that total number of

weavers in those villages is 2867 and number of mahajans is 43 of which Bishnupur village

account 1007 weavers and 14 mahajans. Basoa, Tentulia, Margram, Lalitakundu have also

major concentration of weavers and mahajans. Other villages like Batina, and Dhalla are

experienced less number of weavers and no concentration of mahajan (Fig-4.1a and4.1b).

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Fig 4.1a

Fig 4.1b

The diffusion of this silk weaving has occurred mainly around Bishnupur. True

to fact agriculture is not highly remunerative for these two blocks (Rampurhat Block-I

and II). At the same time landless villagers and also marginal farmers always opt for

non-firm activity, where weaving has a significant demand in rural household economy.

The prosperity of weaving of this area may not always be explained with the flow

marginal people in this sector, rather it was associated with establishment of weaving

by the large farmers. Though there is no established record about it, but the older people

with their past knowledge confirmed that prosperity of silk weaving is an enthusiast

59

attempt of the village landlords. Farmers with large landholdings, popularly known as

the village landlords of Bishnupur and Basoa invested their surplus agricultural income

in silk trade. Initially they offered money to the marginal farmers and land less people

to purchase looms and raw silk and trend them weaving. The finished product of

weaving was taken by the mahajans and those are marketed by the mahajans in

different urban centers in Kolkata, different parts of India and even in U.K. during

colonial period by chain trade. With the base point of Murshidabad, the capital of

Bengal in Medieval period was the hearth of silk weaving in the pre-colonial period. It

is agreed by older villagers that during the beginning of silk weaving in Bishnupur and

Basoa, there were little cultivation of Mulberry plant. Raw materials were collected

from western part of Murshidabad, basically in the alluvium tract and charland of

different rivers. With the rapid growth of silk weaving, people started cultivation in the

charland and flood prone tract of Dwarka, Brahamani and Mayurakshi.

Plate- 3. Various Stages of Mulberry Cocoon Processing

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Silk weaving initially in rural Murshidabad and also in Bishnupur was the

engagement of laborers during of farm seasons. Firm activity at that time was highly a

seasonal work. Weaving was an added income especially during the off-peak period

of cultivation. Ironically the festive season of Bengal is associated with off-peak farm

activity. Relating to farm activity of aman paddy, peak seasons are the months of

June, July and August for sowing and November, December for harvesting, whereas

festive season is confined within September to November and marriage ceremony

occurs mainly from March to May. This off peak seasons of farm activity is used for

silk weaving. It is true that the silk weaving sector requires extensive support of labor

force for long hours for preparation of raw materials (Plate-3) and finished product.

Weaving of this area has shaped household economy into three categories.

Some households opt weaving as an additional activity to farm-economy. People with

small and marginal land holdings are unable to carry out the household economy only

with their small farm-economy. They mainly concentrate in weaving during off-peak

farm activity, which is in other way peak season of weaving. Second category is more

prominent i.e. the permanent weavers. The landless people or historically evolved

weavers are devoted to weaving throughout the year. Through door to door survey, it

is also clear that some marginal farmers of this area has transformed in to specialized

weavers. During the prosperity of silk weaving basically during 1960s, 1970s and

1980s, they sold out their marginal agricultural land to purchase looms and raw

materials for the permanent establishment in weaving. The third group is the traders,

mahajans and middle men who are solely devoted to silk trade. Of course it is true

that mahajans control the manufacturing and trade of silk weaving.

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4.5 Labor Dynamics

Labor force of silk weaving can be categories in to different types. There is the

need of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled labor force. Skilled laborers i.e. weavers

are the key architects of this household industry. Some weavers have their own

handlooms while others have not. Some mahajans have more than ten or even more

that forty handlooms. They offer the handlooms to the weavers and also the raw

materials. Weavers without handloom get wage rate of per unit product.

The weavers having their own handlooms either purchase the raw materials

from the market and sold the finished product to the mahajans or collect the raw

materials from the mahajans and sold the finished product to the same mahajans. The

second and third categories enjoy more advantage than the first.

4.6 Duration of work

Whatever may be the status of handlooms of the weavers, weaving basically is

a family production system. Unskilled and semi-skilled work of threading, spreading

of threads, spindling, shuttle setting are done by women or younger members during

their leisure time of household activity, especially during the noon, afternoon and in

the evening (Fig-4.2). Evening is the best time of work for the women or even the

school going children. After their study, the school going children relax themselves

with their involvement in threading and spindling.

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Fig-4.2

It is true that there are divisions of labor in terms of work, but not in terms of wage in a

family. Here the earning is credited to family that shapes the economy of the household without

any bias, rather earning and capital formation family asset (financial assets- Ellis-2000).

4.7 Working Efficiency

Working efficiency to a little bit confusing as weaving is a family production

system for most of the cases. Still, as weaver in the family is the main worker, the

efficiency is measured in terms of duration of work of weavers and time required for

the production of cloth.

Fig 4.3

63

In an estimate from the survey in 2009-2010, it is clear that duration of work

mainly varies from 6-10 hours be it own handloom or a handloom offered by the

mahajans (investor cum collector). Weaving is an independent activity as the weavers

can work according to this will and intension. But as it is a complete production

system, a weaver can’t leave the work at the mid way of weaving or at critical stage;

he has to devote at least one quarter of a day for sustainable production.

It is clear from the Fig-4.3 that more that 53 percent weavers devote to 7-8

hours in a day while 28 percent of the weavers devote 9-10 hours. Experienced

weavers without any eye problem can devote for long hours. Aged weaver with eye

problem can’t devote during night and similarly, young weavers have less patience to

work for long hours. In the context of silk shari weaving working efficiently is not

only related to working hours per day. It indicates time required for per unit product

(shari), which is the basis of earning of a family. Mulberry silk shari produced by the

weavers are of two types-long cloth (double Shari) with 36 feet length and short cloth

(single cloth) with 18 feet. As most of the weavers for most of the time are engaged in

long cloth, so normally, here the account is considered for long cloths only. It is found

that 77 percent of the weavers take three to four days for making of a long cloth.

Through primary survey it is revealed that 33 percent (746 out of 2295) of the

weavers take on an average four days for the making of a long cloth, while 23 percent

(537) take three and half days and 21 percent (484) take three days for a long cloth.

Highly skilled weavers account only 18 percent (395) who take two or two and half

days for a long cloth.

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4.8 Income Level of Weavers

Working hours and efficiency discussed above is more of a rigid aspect in the

sense that it has no temporal variation over the years. But income level is a dynamic

variable, which shows increasing trend over the years. Survey was conducted to

perceive the temporal trend of earning of weavers per cloth. Weavers by dint of their

laborer earn money per cloth for most of the cases as all the raw materials are given

by mahajans (entrepreneurs). Through primary data, it is clear that rate of growth of

earning has a continuous declining trend from 1990 with a slight increase in 2012.

Table-4.2 : Wage rate of weavers per cloth

Year 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2012

Wage (in Rs.) /Cloth 45 60 100 130 150 160 200 350

On a five years interval of data (weavers and mahajans) has been collected by their

diary information starting from 1980. Per cloth earning was Rs. 45 in 1980 (Table-

4.3) which increased to Rs. 130 in 1995 and Rs. 200 in 2000. In terms of percentage

increase with respect to previous wage, it has a declining trend. The percentage

increase was highest in 1990, the booming phase of this economy. The economy

experienced a boom during 1985 to 1995. Decline occurred thereafter due to several

reasons, though basically it occurred due to competitive market. Other types of silk

appeared in 1990s due to introduction of open market economy in India where other

inferior silk sharies from U.P. and Assam were available relatively at cheaper price.

Due to this decline of percentage increase of wage several weavers left their

traditional job. The declined continued from 1996-1997 to 2005-2006. During this

phase of decline, more than one thousand five hundred weavers (Table-4.3) left their

job (2005) in comparison to 2000.

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Table 4.3 : Weavers and Mahajans of Rampurhat Block-II.

Year 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2008-2009

Weavers 2676 3092 3611 3896 3945 2571 2867

Mahajan 19 24 32 49 52 36 43

The situation has changed from 2007 with the hiking demand of mulberry,

which is superior to Assam silk and also due to increasing demand in urban society,

where silk shari use have become more familiar during the festive occasions. Perhaps

all types of cloths (silk, non-silk, cotton, Synthetic) have experienced hiking demand

from 21st century in India due to increased consumerism- an outcome of present wave

of urbanism, modernism, consumerism or some others will say globalization, though I

would not like to use the term impact of globalization so simply in this context.

Table 4.4: Monthly Family Income of the Weavers in 2009-2010.

Monthly Income Number of weavers Percentage (%)

Rs. < 2400 150 8

Rs.2401-3000 374 16

Rs.3001-3300 409 18

Rs.3601-4200 868 38

Rs.4201-4800 360 15

Rs.4801-5400 104 4

Rs.>5401 17 1

2294 100

Monthly income from this historically evolved weaving is no more lucrative. It

is true that most of the weaving families have only one loom, only few families have

more than one. Three handlooms in a household are found rarely. So, monthly income

of weavers ranges from Rs. 2400 to 5400 mainly. Detected in the primary survey

conducted in 2009-2010, out of 2294 household, 2127 household 92.7 percent have the

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monthly earning within this range. If the median value of income range is taken (Rs.

3000/- per month), it reveals that only 7.32 percent (168 household) have this lower

marginality of income from weaving. If the monthly income level is fixed at Rs.4200,

below and above which is considered as the marginality of family survival (with a five

member family), 41.2 percent households (945 household out of 2294) are below this

income level and 48.82 percent have income level above Rs. 4200/-. From this survey

in 2009-2010, Rs. 4000/- income in rural livelihood is perhaps the minimum level for

survival of a family (according to the responses of people of that area).

Fig 4.4

Under, such circumstances, weaving still are not a regressive activity to the

most of the weaving families. Relatively richer weavers, having monthly income

more than 4800/- have more than one handlooms. Around 21 percent (481) household

have their income from more than one handloom (Table-4.4 and Fig-4.4).

4.9 Decline of Weaving Economy

It is stated earlier that period of enquiry has it beginning from 1980.

Diversification of Indian economy has its remarkable improvement from 7th

plan

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period (1980 onwards) from when urban construction and mining economy got their

momentum and at the same time traditional household and cottage industries

experienced setback. In the present study, Rampurhat Block-II has its prosperous

heritage of traditional silk weaving whereas and Rampurhat Block-I started its

momentum of quarrying economy from 1980. So, 7th

five year plan has a significant

role to change the direction of five years planning. In Indian context, though cottage

and household industries were getting neglected with the emergence of new industries

from 1980, weaving of Rampurhat Block-II has experienced rising demand with an

accelerated growth up to 1995. Increasing number of weavers (Fig-4.5) and number of

Mahajans is the strong evidence in support of this claim.

But with introduction of new open market economy from 1990, accelerated growth

of weaving was stopped from 1995 and stagnation started from 1997. It experienced an

avalanche from 2000 onwards. The situation continued up to 2005-2006 and revived

thereafter with the increasing number of weavers as well as number of mahajans

(Appendix-V & VI).

Fig 4.5

68

Production Cost and Profit:

Fig 4.6

4.10 Quarrying: A Compulsive Alternative

With the decline of weaving for the last ten years or so, quarrying in

Rampurhat Block-I has become a compulsive alternative. The old weavers at this

critical juncture made good bye their profession (Appendix-XV, XVI & XVII), as

they have no other alternative at this age, where as the young weavers with little

experience opted quarrying as an alternative by compulsion. Here the term

compulsion is more appropriate, as laborers in weaving with a creative mind forced to

leave less exhaustive weaving and unwillingly accepted as they have no real

experience in farm economy and it has no such higher demand of laborer, apart from

peak seasons which is too small. At the same time remuneration is also very low in

farm activity and the year round involvement is not possible in such a seasonal work.

69

Weaving and Basalt Quarrying Sector of the Study Area

Map-4.2

On the contrary, prosperous quarrying activity in the nearby block (Rampurhat

Block-I) experienced a hiking demand of labor from 1990s or more specifically from

1995, the time point when weaving got a setback. Quarrying boom from 1990s

necessitated young-energetic laborers of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled categories.

Unskilled laborers are engaged in grinding of ballast, loading and unloading of

dumpers. Young adults of weaving family initially engaged as unskilled laborers in

quarrying. Labor demand in quarrying is almost year round apart from the monsoon.

So, shrinking in weaving was to some extent adjusted in quarrying and a considerable

number of young weavers (Appendix-XVIII) shifted to stone quarrying.

4.11 Synthesis of Observations

Historically evolved silk weaving economy of this area is a prestigious

heritage which has fabricated a strong social bond and a sound economy especially

70

for the marginal farmers and landless people. At the same time interdependence

between farm economy and weaving economy is noticeable. During sickness,

weaving economy gets help from farm economy in term of cash transfer or monetary

help. Similarly risks and loss in farm economy also considerably compensated by

weaving economy. It is true that every sort of economy have a chance to face risks.

So, it is also true for weaving economy, under competitive market, hiking in raw

materials cost. But such a well organized integrated weaving economy can adjust the

risks by the formation of weaving financial organization in a local level, in the form

of co-operatives, where weavers and mahajans can deposit money during profitable

stage and lending money in crisis stage. The dividends of co-operative may be used as

subsidy during crisis period. Crisis in silk weaving is very short lived. So, such a

measure can easily take to absorb the shocks. National bank may allow loan at

subsidized rate during crisis period. Such prescriptions are necessary for the

sustainability of weaving economy.

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and Lure of the Times Ahead. Global Scenario Group, SEI.

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University Press. New York.

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