5th DL

The Fifth Dalai Lama's Decree Appointing Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho as RegentAuthor(s): H. E. RichardsonReviewed work(s):Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 43,No. 2 (1980), pp. 329-344Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of School of Oriental and African StudiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/616045 .

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THE FIFTH DALAI LAMA'S DECREE APPOINTING SANGS-RGYAS RGYA-MTSHO AS REGENT

By H. E. RICHARDSON

(PLATES I-II)

In 1679 the Fifth Dalai Lama issued a decree appointing Sangs-rgyas rgya- mtsho to conduct the administration of secular affairs on his behalf in the post usually known as that of regent. The decree, sealed with the imprint of the Dalai Lama's hands, is inscribed in the Potala on a wall opposite the steep triple stair leading down to the great eastern courtyard called Bde-yangs-shar. It is referred to in the third volume of the autobiography of the Dalai Lama (Du-ku-la III, fol. 128a) and in the Vaidurya ser-po composed by Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho in 1698 (VSP, p. 360); but the complete text does not appear to have been published in any Tibetan or western work. The copy transcribed below is derived mainly from a photograph kindly given me by Ernst Krause who accompanied Dr. Ernst Schaefer to Lhasa in 1939. As can be seen in the reproduction in plate I the last two lines are obscured by a wooden frame protecting the Dalai Lama's hand-prints and for that passage I am indebted to the Tibetan scholar and author, Tsipon W. D. Shakabpa.

The edict is in 24 lines the first five of which are devoted to the title conferred on the Dalai Lama by the Emperor K'ang-hsi in 1653. The first line is in Sanskrit in an ornamental form of Devandgari differing from the Lan-tsha as illustrated by Csoma de Kbr-s in his grammar of the Tibetan language and Sarat Chandra Das in JASB (1888) only in the absence of the points at the feet of the letters; it most nearly resembles the so-called Sha-chen letters in Plate V of Das's article. The second line is the identical text in the Wa-rtu script; the third is a transcription of the same into Tibetan characters as follows:

Ij[ u tta re na su re ndra sha kra sya gX me na pa shtsi ma sya de ba sthd nd ti shu bha su kha td ti shtha sya bu ddhl dzna- ga ma ga ga nd dhwa sya dza ta ga ma na sa rba shJ sa ni kd ba bha da ksha ra ba dzra dha ra sa mu dra td gu rd ba bhi she itsa syd khy td c:

The syllables sya, stha etc. above are written with a subscribed a-bo; na, sh etc. represent the reversed letters. The text, in which there are some apparent errors, may be reconstructed as:

Suttarena surendrasakrasya 5gamena pascimasya devasthdndti ubhasukhatd- dhisthasya buddhalj*dgama gaganddhvasya jatagamanasarvasasanaikibhava- aksaravajradharasamudratdgurdv abhidecanasydkhydtam

The fourth line transcribes the Chinese original of the title into Tibetan. The words are spaced out widely to fill the whole line beneath the one above:

.[ Ichen khra'o hong de'i khri wu'i zi then ta zhan tsi tse'i pho bro wu'i then

zha bti kro'u yi thung de phyi kying gang de'i khe'i brang zi tsi yin [I This represents: ch'ing ch'ao hong ti chi ling hsi t'ien ta shan tzu tsai fo so ling t'ien hsia shih chiao p'u t'ung ta ch'i chin kang ta lai lama chi yen

The fifth line is the Tibetan translation of the above: jj *gong ma hong de'i lung gis zhes nub kyi lha gnas ches dge ba bde bar gnas

pa'i sangs rgyas bka' lung gnam 'og gi skye 'gro thams cad bstan pa gcig tu gyur pa 'gyur med rdo rje 'chang rgya mtsho'i bla mar dbang bskur ba'i gtam [



330 H. E. RICHARDSON

The edict proper begins in the sixth line:

dzambu brikshas mngon par mtshan pa'i nor 'dzin gyi gzhir 'khod pa'i nyi 'og gi skye rgu spyi dang bye brag gdan sa chen po ser 'bras dge gsum (7) gain du 'khod pa'i rnam par rgyal ba'i phan bde legs bshad gling pa sogs ris med kyi khrims ldan 'dus pa'i sde gsang sngags 'chang ba g.yung drung bon sogs lha sder

gtogs so cog dang sog po tsho chen bzhi bcu o rod tsho pa bzhi mtsho khri shor

rgyal mo'i gram du gnas pa'i rgyal po rgyal rigs ju nang tha'i ji dpon che

chung tha bu nang ja'i sang mi (8) bzang sde dmangs dang bcas pa skor

gsum ru bzhi sgang drug ces bod chen po'i rgyal khams su 'khod pa'i dpon chen

dpon skya rdzong sdod nang rnam rta drung gnyer kha las 'dzin sogs mdor na

mchog dman bar ma mtha' dag la springs pa tshe ring gnam gyi she mong gis yangs pa'i sa kun la dbang bsgyur ba bstan 'dzin chos kyi rgyal po'i lhag bsam

dang snying stobs btsan po'i (9) mthus * rgyal dbang tsong kha pa chen po'i bstan pa bla nas blar 'degs par mdzad skabs chu rta pho brang chen po bsam

'grub rtses gtsos pa'i mnga' 'bangs dang rgyal po nyid kyi rigs brgyud dang bcas

pa mtha' dag gtan pa med pa'i mchod sbyin du sbyor 'jags mdzad pa'i tshe chos srid nyis 'dzin nged rang nas ma lcogs pas 'jig rten srid skyong gi 'khur len sde

pa bsod (10) nams rab brtan gyis mdzad pa'i rjes su gdung gcig pa'i mi ngo rdzogs par brten sde pa 'phrin las rgya mtsho sogs 'khur len rim par bkod cing grong smad

pa sangs rgyas rgya mtsho 'di pa sa skyong 'phrin las rgya mtsho'i rus tsha yin par ma zad gter gsar rgya can sogs lung bstan 'ga' zhig tu bod kyi rje bor 'os pa lung gis zin pa nas shing yos la 'khur (11) len byed dgos tshul rgyu mtshan mtha'

gsed nan chags byas kyang zhu nan ches pas 'khrol cha byed dgos shar gzhan ma'i 'os tho mang ba ha cang gi brtag par ma babs shing gra tshang gnyer pa blo

bzang sbyin pa sangs rgyam pa'i 'og gi brtag pa ngo dkar ba yod gshis rgyu mtshan smos par shes 'dod ni med bka' gyen ldog mi nus 'on kyang brtag (12) pa bskyar nas brling cha dgos tshul byung ba lo gsum gyi bar 'tshubs cha med cing bzang bas slar bgegs zhi na mu mthud byed long yong rtsis kyi lo grangs kyi brda' 'grems dang bcas khri bkod pa rang 'dod chung zhing bstan srid lar rgya'i sar 'khur bsam che ba dang khyad par 'di ga'i ngag bkod las cung zad kyang mi g.yo ba sogs thams cad mkhyen pa dge (13) 'dun rgya mtshos nye gnas gsung rab par gnang ba'i

tshigs bcad kyi brjod don dang mtshungs par mu mthud thub la re byung ba sde

pa rang yang lo grangs thengs nas 'tshubs 'dra 'byung nyen gyis nan zhus che

zhing brtag pa lan gnyis gsum bskyar ba dang tshangs pa dung thod can la dri ba zhus pa sogs kyang mtshungs pa nas gsar bkod kyi sgo dod par gzhan pa 'os dkon zhing sngar gyi brtag (14) pa lung bstan sogs gang sa nas grong smad pa sangs rgyam pa rang la nan tan du lab par yal yol sogs thabs sna tshogs las dang len zhig mi 'dug rung dung dkar dang chu srin gyi dpe bzhin dgongs pa gtan nas ma 'khrol phyin phyis skor blo sna 'gyur ba'i chos la dung sems che ba zhig yod kyang sde srid 'di gas mu mthud gnang na smos ma dgos de (15) min khri 'don

zhig grub pa'i sgo ma dod gong la zhus na mi dmangs kyang rnam rtog gi 'char

sgo sna tshogs byung dvogs kyis de lam du lus pa yin da cha bsnyen rdzogs zhig byas pa'i lo gnyis kyi bar bka' ma bcag par zhus de nas 'khur yang byas chog pa dgos tshul zer ba dngos gzhi rab tu byung na legs pa'i char 'dug rung thams cad

mkhyen pa dge 'dun rgya mtsho (16) yan bka' gdams kyi rnam thar kho na lhur bzhes la dper ma mtshon dga' Idan pho brang lugs gnyis kyi mnga' thang je 'phel

gyi 'og zug pa'i phyag mdzod rgya seng gnyis nas bzung da lta phan sde pa blo

bzang sbyin pa tsam ma gtogs tshangs spyod la gnas pa ma byung zhing lhag par dpal phag mo grub pa dang sde srid gtsang pa'i stobs 'byor las brgal ba shar

(17) dar rtse mdo yan gyi bdag por gyur pa'i dmag dang khrims sogs drag po'i rtsub spyod kyang sna tshogs dgos par tshangs spyod gcig pos rab byung du 'gro



THE FIFTH DALAI LAMA'S DECREE 331

ba'ang dka' zhing bsam pa'i 'gyur khyad drag zhan kun la gtan mi chags pa zhig yong gshis da lta'i blo 'di gar sdod pa'i nges pa kyang med lhag tu dge 'dun dang ngang pa khyus 'tsho dgos par gnas grogs sogs gang sa nas (18) lhus thing dka' bar ma zad sde dpon chen po'i rigs la blon brgyud sogs drung 'khor drag pa rnams 'khor ba dong sprugs ilta bu'i blo sna bstung pa rten 'brel la yang mi legs bla brang du bdag mo bsten pas mtshon sger gzhung mnyam bsres gzhan blor mi chud pa ni ga la byed de phyin sger gzhis kyi 'dzin skyong kyang blos ma bor ba byas na phugs yul gzhung gi zhabs tog tu (19) 'gyur ba rgya le sku mdun rin po che'i dpe dang bcas mol ba iltar yid 'jog byed rgyu yin cing go sa 'dis bod kyi sde dpon gzhan dang mi 'dra ba'i rgya bod hor gsum tshang ma'i sne len stabs brel ba rgyun mi chad lta bu'i khag sbyong che bar la lar nyams 'char rtsed mo'i gu sangs kyi gzhung las la 'thus shor dang mi rnams kyis kyang 'phya gleng sna tshogs yong 'dug pa da cha (20) nyams len gyi snying po 'di ga'i ngag bkod la dang len ngos tshul 'chos bag ldan gyi par bkab med pa'i kho rang gi blo mthun dang nya stong brgyad gsum la yan lag brgyad pa'i khrims len pa'am dge sbyor zol sdod gu sangs lta bu gang byed kyang zla rer nyin gsum res las kar le shor mi yong bas 'khrol cha byas shing lo grangs ma dgos zer ba de bzhin byas tshe tshang ma khag bsun dang (21) gzhung rang 'gros sgo che ba las mi 'dug gshis nam lcogs bar 'khur len byed rgyun bar phyag mdzod bsko bzhag bgyis pa 'di ga nas mi chos kyi 'khur len ma lcogs pa'i bgo tshabs yin gshis 'di pas gang byas * nged rang nas byas pa dang khyad med pa'i 'then 'khyer gyi gleng brjod med par kun gyis bkod pa g.yo med dang * nged dang sde pa'i sel 'jug sogs byas tshe gzhung don lar rgyar (22) 'chugs tshabs che bas bden med brdzun bsgrigs kyi g.yo 'phrul byas chog rgyu min na tshod sogs nas mi lcogs pa'i 'khur len 'jog pa shar tshe nam yin la bzhag pa'i zur pa spyi 'gre bzhin nyed lugs blo dang sbyar chog rgyu yin pa sogs tshig don rnams la skya ser drag zhan sus kyang tshul bzhin bsgrubs par rjes 'dzin dang log par 'khu bar tshar gcod (23) pas mtshon pa'i legs nyes kyi bstangs 'dzin 'dod khams kyi dbang phyug dmag zor rgyal mo dang chos skyong beg tse lcam dral sogs bstan srung rnams kyis 'phrin las rnam bzhi bsgrub pa'i grogs dang g.yel ba med pa mdzad du gsol 'phags pa'i yul du siddartha 'phyogs 'dir don grub tu grags shing 'jam dbyangs * gong ma'i rgyal khab tu gyi yi zhes pa dbang thang dang bstun pa sa mo lug gi lo (24) hor zla lnga pa'i dkar cha'i rgyal ba gnyis pa'i tshes la sde bzhi'i sgo 'phar rnam par phye ba pho brang chen po po ta la nas bris pa ja yan tu I

TRANSLATION OF THE TIBETAN TEXT

By order of the Emperor Hong-de the following title 1 was bestowed on me: 'The Buddha dwelling in the great goodness and happiness of the Western Heaven whose injunctions have become the sole doctrine of all creatures under Heaven, the holder of the immutable rdo-rje, the Ocean-wide.'

1 On his visit to the Chinese court at Peking in 1653 the Dalai Lama was given a golden letter conferring a title on him and a gold seal inscribed with the same title in Chinese, Mongolian and Tibetan (Du-ku-la I, fol. 209a). The Chinese version is rendered by Ahmad (p. 185) as ' The Great Good Self-existent Buddha of the Western Heaven, he who rules over the Buddhist faith in the Empire, the all-pervading Vajradhara Dalai Lama'. The Dalai Lama did not approve of the Tibetan translation made originally by a Mongolian lama and had it done again by a learned Chinese (Du-ku-la, loc. cit.); but there remain differences in the Sanskrit and Tibetan version from the Chinese original; they have no equivalent for ' self-existent', an epithet used also in titles bestowed much earlier by Emperors of the Yuan and Ming dynasties on Karma-pa lamas where it appears as rang-byon. The use of gtam (Sk. akhyatam) 'word', 'account', for 'title' is unusual; las-ka is found in the Dalai Lama's rnam-thar with that meaning and also in Karma-pa rnam-thars; in other instances mtshan is used. The Tibetan transcription of the Chinese de'i khe'i brang zi in line 5 meaning 'Dalai Lama' is inexplicable.




To all creatures in general beneath the sun who live on the surface of the wealth-bearing earth clearly distinguished by the wish-granting tree and in particular to the three great seats of Se-ra, ' Bras-spungs and Dge-ldan, to those of the neighbouring Rnam-par rgyal-ba'i Phan-bde legs-bshad-gling 2 and to the whole congregation of religious establishments which keep the monastic rule of non-attachment, to the masters of mysticism, to the Bon of the Swastika, and to whomsoever is dependent on a religious community; also to the forty great tribes of the Mongols, the four tribes of the Oirats, the king who lives by the shores of lake Khri-shor rgyal-mo,3 to the royal clan, the Ju- nang, Tha'i-ji, officers great and small, the Tha-bu-nang, Jai-sang and nobles, together with the communities of common folk, to the great officers of the kingdom of Great Tibet 4 known as the three Skor, the four Ru and the six Sgang; to the lay officials, governors of districts, household officers, couriers, and to those who hold any kind of responsible post; in short, to everyone high, low, and middling, it is proclaimed:

By virtue of the high purpose and strong determination of Bstan-'dzin Chos-rgyal,5 who by the grace of eternal heaven 6 rules over all the wide earth, the doctrine of Rgyal-ba Tsong-kha-pa was raised from height to height. At that time, in the water-horse year, when all people, especially the subjects of the palace of Bsam-'grub-rtse and also the king's own lineage, were set under me by a religious offering of selfless generosity, since I was unable by myself to undertake the government in both the religious and the temporal sphere, after the Sde-pa Bsod-nams rab-brtan had carried out the task of regent for secular affairs as all members of his family had died I appointed Sde-pa 'Phrin- las rgya-mtsho and others in succession to bear that responsibility. Now, as this Grong-smad-pa Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho is not only the nephew of the Sde-pa 'phrin-las rgya-mtsho but in several prophecies, such as the recently discovered Rgya-can,7 is marked out by predictions as being fit to rule over Tibet, in the wood-hare year the reasons why he ought to accept that responsibility were urged upon him in detail. But because of his earnest pleading I had to excuse him. Consequently, without holding a test of the many other suitable persons,

2 Rnam-par rgyal-ba'i phan-bde legs-bshad-gling, popularly known as the Rnam-rgyal gra-tshang, in the western wing of the Potala, was founded in 1583 by the Third Dalai Lama Bsod-nams rgya-mtsho (VSP, p. 107) and an image was established there as an intention for the long life of Altan Khan who had already been in communication with the Dalai Lama although their meeting in Mongolia did not take place until nine years later. In 1574 it was taken over by the Rnying-ma-pa sect (Re'u mig, p. 61) but was presumably restored to Dge-lugs-pa control by the Fifth Dalai Lama after 1642. When he visited the Dmar-po-ri in 1645 to conduct the foun- dation ceremony of his new palace of Potala he was met by the monks of Phan-bde legs-bshad- gling. Their monastery, enlarged and beautified, was embodied in the huge new complex of the Potala building which Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho completed in 1695. Its monks were expected to be of good family. Their duties were solely concerned with ritual and they had to be trained in Rnying-ma-pa ceremonial as well as that of the Dge-lugs-pa.

SKhri-shor rgyal-mo: the Kokonor lake. 4 Great Tibet: a term discussed at some length by the author of 'Dzam-gling rgyas-bshad

(Wylie, p. 64) here appears to cover all of Tibet comprising the three skor of Mnga-ris (west Tibet), the four ru of Dbus and Gtsang, and the six sgang of Mdo-khams (east Tibet). In the same context VSP (p. 308) distinguishes between Bod and Bod Chen-po. - Bstan-'dzin Chos-kyi rgyal-po: the title awarded to Gusri Khan in 1638 (pp. 335f.).

6 Tshe-ring gnam-gyi she-mong; a non-Buddhist phrase describing the divine source of the authority of the Mongol Khans from the Yuan dynasty onwards.

IRgya-can. There are many references to the prophetic work Rgya-can or Csang Rgya-can in VSP-e.g. pp. 310, 311, 352, and in the later volumes of the biography of the Fifth Dalai Lama which were composed by Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho. It seems to be a gter-ma discovered by the Dalai Lama himself (VSP, p. 362).




since the Gra-tshang Gnyer-pa 8 Blo-bzang sbyin-pa had been shown to be the favoured candidate after Sangs-rgyam-pa (Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho) the circum- stances were explained to him. Although he was unwilling to accept he was not able to resist my order. Nevertheless, on a repetition of the test by lot the result was that the choice must be confirmed. He was then appointed on the express agreement that if everything went well for three years without disturbance and if then all obstacles had subsided and it was likely this would continue, that would be the term of his office. Since he is without personal ambition and his foremost care was to bring about the advancement of the religious government; and especially because he has not departed in the least from my instructions I had hoped, just as the all-knowing Dge-'dun rgya-mtsho expressed it in his verses for his disciple Gsung-rab-pa,9 that he might be able to continue. But the Sde-pa himself pressingly asked to be excused on account of the risk that there might be some confusion if his term of office were to be extended. So when the occasion arose for making a new appointment in accordance with several repetitions of the test by lot and after consulting Tshangs-pa of the White Conch-shell Headdress,10 since there were so few others suitable, the matter was put forcefully to Sangs-rgyam-pa in every way, on the grounds of the former tests by lot and the predictions and so on. Although for all sorts of hesitations and arguments he was unwilling to accept, he said that as I, following the example of the white conch and the sea monster 11 would by no means excuse him, even though on account of the uncertainties of the future he was one who is greatly devoted to religion, if the present Sde-srid were able to carry on,12 it would not be necessary to say anything but since that is not so, in case he were to ask to be excused before there had been an opportunity to conclude a new appointment all sorts of doubts might occur to the people at large and the matter might fall by the way, so now he requests that without disobeying my orders he may keep his religious vows for two years and in that way he may be allowed to undertake the task. Although to enter religious orders is certainly a source of excellence, of those ministers who progressively increased the power of the Dga'-ldan Pho-brang in its two spheres, from the two Phyag-mdzod Rgya and Seng 13 down to the present time, none except for the Sde-pa Blo- bzang sbyin-pa has followed the example of fully dedicated acceptance of the

8 Gra-tshang gnyer-pa. According to Petech (p. 379) he belonged to 'Phyongs-rgyas Gzims- khang ('Phyongs-rgyas was the Dalai Lama's birthplace) and was steward of the Rnam-rgyal gra-tshang. 9 Gsung-rab-pa died in 1565 (VSP, p. 107). I cannot identify the allusion.

10 Tshangs-pa of the White Conch-shell Headdress was the principle deity inspiring the oracle-priest of La-mo, a small ancient monastery near Dga'-ldan (Nebesky, pp. 97-9, 153). The oracle was frequently consulted down to the eighteenth century but appears to have lost importance later. There is a story that the medium became disturbed by the dangerous spirit of Mkhan-po Dpal-ldan don-grub whose eventful career from 1860 to 1871 ended in suicide near La-mo (S I, 185-9).

11 The allegory of the conch shell and the sea monster is explained in Du-ku-la iii, fol. 126a. The conch tamed the sea monster by feeding it with milk, the moral being that one should repay kindness by doing what is asked.

12 1 would like to take this as referring to the Dalai Lama himself who frequently describes himself as 'di ga and who seems to avoid calling his regents sde-srid (see pp. 336 f.). In that case the translation would be 'if I were to carry on the administration'; but Tibetan helpers prefer the more obvious explanation as a reference to the regent Blo-bzang sbyin-pa. The use of 8de- srid may be due to the attribution of the statement to Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho.

13a Rgya and Seng were treasurers of the Third Dalai Lama at the time of his death. Rgya is the Rgya-le Sku-mdun Rin-po-che of line 19 and is called Rgya-le Chos-mdzad in VSP (p. 109). Seng, who appears to have been the more important personage, is the Phyag-mdzod chen- po Dpal-ldan rgya-mtsho, known as Sengge (VSP, pp. 110, 193) or as Rgya-sang-gi Sengge (VSP, p. 195). He was one of those who went to Mongolia to recognize the Fourth Dalai Lama. The example of Rgya and Seng had been quoted earlier when the post of regent was offered to Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho in 1661 (see p. 23).




Bka'-gdams-pa way of deliverance, shown by the all-knowing Dge-'dun rgya- mtsho and his predecessors, and has maintained a life of celibate purity. Especially, since it has been necessary to perform many kinds of severe and strict administrative acts of justice and warfare in bringing under control a kingdom extending in the east as far as Dar-rtse-mdo 14 and exceeding in wealth those of the Phag-mo-grub-pa 15 and the Gtsang-pa Sde-srid, it was difficult for them to enter monastic orders and keep solely to a celibate life. The change- able nature of their minds causes impermance in high and low alike so that there is no certainty that they will continue in their present opinions. Furthermore, as monks and geese have to live in flocks not only is it difficult to be discriminating about one's place of residence and one's friends; but also the body of ministers in the highest administrative rank restrict their outlook to the world of transient

appearances in the same way as the lay nobility, which is unpropitious for their future. Of course he would not set the example of keeping a mistress in the

Bla-brang,16 confusing private with public behaviour and paying no heed to the

opinion of others. But apart from that, without giving up care for the main- tenance of his private estates he will give the fullest attention to his activity in the service of the government according to example of Rgya-le Sku-mdun Rin-po-che already mentioned. In this office,1 when he is carrying out an in-

creasingly heavy task unlike that of former governors of Tibet such as the never-

ending business of the hospitable reception of guests from China, Tibet and

Mongolia, some people may get the idea that the relaxation of such entertainments is detrimental to his official duties, and men may criticize him in different

ways. But now the essence of his practice is his acceptance of my instructions and his opinions are agreeable as those of one whose good qualities are not to be concealed. And whatever he may do by way of relaxation whether by observing the rule of the Eightfold Path 1is or in the form of religious exercises, that shall not exceed three days in each month. While granting that amount of leave I have said it is unnecessary to fix a term of office for in that way trouble would be avoided on each occasion and government expenditure would be saved. So I have appointed him Phyag-mdzod 18is for so long as he can bear the responsibility. Since he will be acting as my representative for the secular administration which I am unable to undertake, everyone shall accept orders without hesitation and without any suggestion of disagreement that whatever is done by him shall be the same as if it were done by me. And it shall not be allowed to anyone, by causing dissension between myself and the Sde-pa, to

injure the interests of the government and maliciously to concoct unfounded falsehoods. If it should happen that on account of old age and the like he cannot continue to bear the burden imposed on him, following the practice of those who have formerly retired because of old age he shall be allowed to act in accordance with his wishes.

Praying that Dmag-zor rgyal-mo 19 who has power over the world of de-

14 Dar-rtse-mdo: Tachienlu. 15 Phag-mo-grub-pa: either a scribal error or an idiosyncratic variant for Phag-mo-gru-pa. 1"I The reference is to Blo-bzang mthu-stobs (see pp. oo f.). The bla-brang, par excellence,

is the complex of buildings surrounding the Jo-khang but here it may simply refer to a monk's household.

17 The appointment specifically as Phyag-mdzod is mentioned also in vol. Iv of the Dalai Lama's rnam-thar, fol. 219, where Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho writes nged phyag mdzod srid kyi 'dzin du bsko bzhag gnang ba. Elsewhere he is described as Sde-pa or Sa-skyong.

18 Nya stong brgyad gsum: the day of the full moon and the eighth and fifteenth of the month, particularly reserved for religious duties.

19 Dmag-zor rgyal-mo: a form of Dpal-ldan Lha-mo, one of the principal guardian deities of the Dge-lugs-pa, especially honoured in the Jo-khang of Lhasa.




sires, the Chos-skyong Beg-tse lcam-dral 2o and other guardians of the faith may continually give the assistance of the four orders of ritual 21 by protecting all those, monk or lay, high or low, who duly carry out the terms of this edict and by cutting off completely those who entertain evil designs against it, dealing with them for good or ill according to their deserts. Written on the Rgyal-ba gnyis-pa22 day of the bright half of the fifth Hor month of the earth- female-sheep year according to the dbang-thang 23 and which is known in the sacred land of India as Siddhartha, in this country as Don-grub, and in the kingdom of the Emperor 'Jam-dbyangs as Gi Yi,24 at the great palace of Potala which fully opens the gateway to the four kinds of attainment.25 Jayantu.

Some comment on the office of regent and on Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho's predecessors may help to put the decree into its historical setting and explain several of the allusions in it.

The first regent of the Dge-lugs-pa regime was Bsod-nams rab-brtan also known as Bsod-nams Chos-'phel. The vital part he played in the triumph of his sect has been largely overlooked by western writers but something of it can be read in Tibet, a political history by W. D. Shakabpa (hereafter abbre- viated as S i) and in his later and more detailed work on the same subject in Tibetan (S ii). The re'u-mig in the Dpag-bsam ljon-bzang of Sum-pa Mkhan-po shows that Bsod-nams Chos-'phel or rab-brtan was born in 1595. I can find no reference to his birthplace or parentage except that S ii describes him as Bod-pa-Tibetan. He became the principal attendant of the Fourth Dalai Lama, Yon-tan rgya-mtsho (S I, 101) which must have been at an early age for he was only 21 when the Dalai Lama died in 1616. At that time Bsod- nams rab-brtan was described as mdzod-pa, treasurer (VSP, p. 113). He had some responsibility for initiating the search which led in 1619 to the recognition of Ngag-dbang blo-bzang rgya-mtsho as the Fifth Dalai Lama (S I, 101). In 1620, in face of active hostility from the Gtsang Sde-srid who was then the ruling power in Tibet, he fled to Mongolia returning in 1621 to live in the Dga-ldan pho-brang, since 1516 the residence of the Dalai Lamas at 'Bras-spungs. At that time he was generally referred to as the Zhal-ngo of Dga'-ldan pho-brang. In 1634 when the Gtsang ruler sought to stir up trouble for the Dalai Lama's followers in Mongolia Bsod-nams rab-brtan went there to enlist the support of the Qodot leader Gusri Khan who favoured the Dge-lugs-pa. Having received encouragement from the Khan he returned to Tibet where, according to the Annals of Kokonor by Sum-pa Mkhan-po (fol. 4b), he and his companions, in an act of duplicity, joined the court of the Gtsang ruler and from there continued their efforts for the Dge-lugs-pa cause by secretly soliciting the help of lamas and nobles of Central Tibet. In 1638 Gusri Khan, having defeated the enemies of the Dge-lugs-pa in eastern Tibet, came to Lhasa ostensibly on pilgrimage. He was received by the Dalai Lama and honoured with the title of Bstan-'dzin Chos-kyi rgyal-po. At the same time Bsod-nams rab-brtan was given the rank

20 Beg-tse Icam-dral, or Icam sring, is a btsan deity acting as a fierce defender of the Buddhist faith (TPS, p. 595, and Nebesky, pp. 88 -93 etc.). Shakabpa, on whose copy I rely for this passage, writes Sbeg-rtse but as that form does not appear elsewhere I have changed it to the usual orthography.

21 'Phrin-las rnam bzhi: Zhi rgyas dbang drag gi 'phrin las (Das Dictionary, 854). 22 Rgyal-ba gnyis-pa is the eighth day of the month. The reference in Du-ku-la rn, fols. 127, 128 to the twentieth day of the fifth month presumably gives the date in which the decree was inscribed on the wall of the Potala.

23 dbang-thang : the element attribute of a year in nag-rtsis calculations. 24 Gi Yi: the Chinese Chi wei, the earth-sheep year. 25S de-bzhi : chos, nor, 'dod, thar-pa.




of Dalai Phyag-mdzod and another leading member of the Dalai Lama's entourage, 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho of Grong-smad, received the title of Jaisang Sde-pa (S II, 412). Perhaps the name Bsod-nams chos-'phel was also given to Bsod-nams rab-brtan then but as he is always called by the latter name in the fifth Dalai Lama's autobiography that is how I shall refer to him.

Shakabpa's works show the determined diplomacy and daring-to the point of rashness-by which Bsod-nams rab-brtan brought Gusri Khan to undertake and carry through in spite of vigorous opposition a campaign against the Gtsang Sde-srid which culminated in the victory of 1642. In that year, with what appears extraordinary self-denying religious devotion, Gusri conferred on the Dalai Lama the sovereignty of Tibet including territory he had con- quered in the east of the country. For himself he retained the title of King and the duty of providing armed support for the Dalai Lama. He assumed no active part in the administration but sought to institute a constitutional convention by which the Dalai Lama should confine himself principally to religious matters while to conduct civil affairs there should be a minister-regent appointed by the King. His nominee as first holder of that office was Bsod-nams rab-brtan whom he had appointed even before he offered the sovereignty to the Dalai Lama (Petech, Dalai Lamas and Regents, 378). Professor Tucci (TPS, p. 70) sees this as a determination to keep actual control of Tibet through his prot6ge, so setting the stage for a struggle for power between Gusri and a 'crafty and ambitious Dalai Lama '. He describes Bsod-nams rab-brtan as an insignificant character whom the Dalai Lama had no difficulty in dominating. That is not how he is regarded by present-day Tibetans who see him rather as an 9minence grise; and it is difficult to reconcile his unremitting, almost domineering, activity on behalf of the Dge-lugs-pa before 1642 with a lapse into nonentity after that year. Indeed, during his term of office the supremacy of the Dge- lugs-pa sect had been firmly established while the beginning of the superb Potala palace, on the hill where the early kings of Tibet traditionally had a residence, marked not only the power of the new regime but also its claim to continuity with that of the great religious kings of the past. Relations had been established with the neighbouring countries of China, India, Nepal and Ladakh; but with Bhutan, a stronghold of non-Dge-lugs-pa sects, there was continuing hostility.

In references to the period between 1638 and 1642 Bsod-nams rab-brtan is

generally known as Zhal-ngo rather than Dalai Phyag-mdzod. As for the title he and his successors enjoyed after 1642 Shakabpa states that they were designated Sde-srid (S I, 111). That was the term by which the Phag-mo-gru and Gtsang-pa rulers had been known and which, according to Shakabpa, came to imply the holding of office during the rule of an adult Dalai Lama as distinct from the title Rgyal-tshab which was used of later regents when a Dalai Lama was a minor.

Certainly, Tibetan writers after the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama refer to the early regents often, but not exclusively, as Sde-srid and that is the title known to the Capuchin missionary Orazio Della Penna who was at Lhasa at intervals between 1719 and 1745; but it is not so certain that it was in use during the Fifth Dalai Lama's lifetime. I have not been able to consult the whole of his autobiography-of which only the first three volumes are attributed to him personally-but, from fairly extensive reading of the first two volumes and scattered notes from the third, I doubt whether the Dalai Lama used it at all in describing his chief minister. It does appear as a title of personages who were not regents, e.g., the Yar-'brog sde-srid Ri-bo-brag-pa (Du-ku-la II, fol. 1);




but when writing of his regents the Dalai Lama describes them usually as Sde-pa or Sa-skyong. Neither of these titles is exclusive to the post and each is applied to high-ranking district and provincial governors. Similarly, in the decree appointing Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho it will be seen that the previous regents are described as Sde-pa. The word Sde-srid is found only once there, possibly but not certainly referring to the regent Blo-bzang sbyin-pa (note 11). Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho himself is described as Sde-pa and is said to have been appointed phyag-mdzod. Referring to him after his appointment the Dalai Lama calls him sa-skyong (Du-ku-la miii, fol. 132b).

The only contemporary evidence from western sources is that of the Jesuit Johannes Grueber who was at Lhasa in 1661 and who knew the regent as 'Deva' (sde-pa). The Chinese Emperor and his officials also refer to Sangs- rgyas rgya-mtsho as 'Tieh-pa' (Ahmad, pp. 42, 330: also the Dzungar Inscription at Lhasa, Richardson, Ch'ing dynasty inscriptions, 13). Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho himself in the volumes of the Dalai Lama's rnam-thar attributed to him and in his Vaidurya Ser-po does not refer to his predecessors or to himself uniformly as sde-srid. He twice uses that title for Bsod-nams rab brtan (VSP, pp. 300, 331); but the first instance is anachronistic as it relates to the year 1662 when he was still zhal-ngo. The title sa-skyong is applied to him five times. The regent 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho (1660-1668) is called sde- srid once, srid-skyong twice and sa-skyong twice. Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho's immediate predecessor, Blo-bzang sbyin-pa on his retirement was given the fief of Sne'u-sdong from which he then became known as Sne'u-sdong sde-srid; but that was the established title of a provincial governor with no specific reference to the office of regent. I cannot find any record of the regent Blo- bzang mthu-stobs (1669-1675) with any title but that of sde-pa.

The above list is not exhaustive but is enough to suggest that the desig- nation of the early regents, prescriptively, as sde-srid was not in use during the lifetime of the Fifth Dalai Lama for whom it may have had too strong overtones of independent authority. It seems only to have become popular when the office had virtually ceased to exist; and even the Stag-rtse-pa regent Lha-rgyal rab-brtan, who is described by Shakabpa and others as the last of the sde-srid, was appointed in 1706 with the title only of sa-skyong (Petech, China and Tibet, 53, 241).

The first regent, Bsod-nams rab-brtan, died in 1658 after 16 years in office. His death was not made public for over a year. He had lived a strenuous life and at 63 was old by Tibetan standards. For the last few years before his death it seems from the Dalai Lama's rnam-thar that he devoted himself more to religion than to politics. His influence must have suffered from the death in 1665 of his great patron Gusri Khan who had been succeeded jointly by two of his many sons-the oldest, Bstan-'dzin rdo-rje and the youngest, Bkra-shis Ba-dur. Concern with their territories and rivalries in the Kokonor region prevented them from taking an immediate or continuous interest in Tibet although they were ready to fulfil their military responsibilities when needed. Perhaps, too, Bsod-nams rab-brtan's prestige had suffered from the equivocal behaviour of his nephew the Sde-pa Nor-bu of Shigatse in one of those frequent and unrewarding campaigns the Dge-lugs-pa regime thought it necessary to undertake against Bhutan as the bastion of the older sects.

The regent's death was known to his entourage and relations, and to the kings; but prayers for his health continued to be offered as though he were alive. At first the Dalai Lama and his other ministers had no great problems to face but there must have been an undercurrent of discontent among the




kinsmen and associates of the late regent when their hopes of succeeding to his authority and his property were disappointed. When his death was revealed a rebellion broke out with Shigatse as its centre. In addition to Sde-pa Nor-bu, who appears to have been relieved of his official position there, the Sgo-sna shag-pa and Bkra-shis-sgang families were involved. One of the rebels is described as Sras-po but I cannot discover whether that might mean that he was a son of Bsod-nams rab-brtan. Any disturbance in Gtsang, the former stronghold of the rivals of the Dge-lugs-pa, was bound to cause alarm but the mal- contents could not rally any influential support and within a year they were crushed with the help of the Qodot king's forces.

When calm was restored the kings urged the need to appoint a new regent and for that post they favoured 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho of Grong-smad on whom their father has conferred the Mongol title of Jaisang sde-pa in 1637. He had been appointed personal assistant (lag g-yog) of the Dalai Lama in 1632 in place of Byang-ngos chos-mdzad whose conduct had displeased Bsod-nams rab- brtan. He had been active in the administration after Bsod-nams rab-brtan's death but he might not have been the choice of the Dalai Lama who appears to have relied on the Mgron-gnyer Drung-pa as his right hand man in the interim. When the kings pressed for an early decision the Dalai Lama argued the need to get the assent of his own officials and apparently suggested that other candidates might be Sde-pa Nor-bu and Sras-po. After their rebellion it scarcely seems that this could be serious, if indeed those persons were still alive. Perhaps the Dalai Lama wanted to assert his right to be consulted or, perhaps, to ensure the formal elimination of the claims of any kinsman of the late regent. That there was some such consideration is implied in the decree for Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho where it is stated that 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho was appointed because there was no one of Bsod-nams rab-brtan's line surviving. At all events, in the seventh month of the iron mouse year (1660) 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho was formally installed as sde-pa or sa-skyong in the presence of the two kings who, at the same time, divided their rights so that Bstan-'dzin rdo- rje became sole king with the new title of Bstan-'dzin Dayan Khan (Du-ku-la i, fols. 297a and b).

The estate of Grong-smad from which 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho took his family name lies to the north of Lhasa near the monastery of Se-ra. The family claimed descent from the Bka'-brgyud-pa teacher Mtshur-ston-dbang (VSP, p. 415). A leading member of it was Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho's grandfather, Dgos-pa bkra-shis, who fought for the Dalai Lama against the Gtsang Sde-srid and who died in 1642 (Du-ku-la i, fols. 102, 113). Of his two sons one was Phrin-las rgya-mtsho and the other (whose name I owe to information from W. D. Shakabpa), A-sug, was the father of Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho. At some time, probably after the appointment of 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho as regent, the family seem to have acquired the wider fief of Nyang-bran which includes the village of Grong-smad; so 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho is referred to as Jaisang sde-pa, Sde-pa Grong-smad-pa, or Nyang-bran sde-pa.

In 1661, early in his period of office, the Jesuits Albert D'Orville and Johannes Grueber entered Lhasa. They were the first Europeans definitely known to have done so; for the claim that Odoric of Pordenone was there in about 1328 is very dubious. The two Jesuits stayed nearly two months at Lhasa which they knew as Barantola, the capital of the kingdom of that name which was part of' Tangut '-a description covering at that time all the country from the Kokonor to the sources of the Ganges (Wessels, p. 188). Sadly, only a short account survives in Kircher's China Illustrata and another in Astley's




Voyages which can be seen in the Appendix to Markham's Tibet, Bogle and Manning. It appears that although religious scruples prevented the Fathers from seeking an interview with the Dalai Lama-' that God the Father who puts to death such as refuse to adore him '-they were kindly treated by the people and by the 'King' who, apparently by some misunderstanding, is described as a brother of the 'God the Father'. That must refer to the regent for Grueber states that the king, who is styled Deva or Teva, is descended from an ancient race of Tangut Tatars and resides at Butala, a castle built on a high mountain, after the European fashion, where he has a numerous court. It is he who carries on the government. Such a description cannot refer to the Qo'ot king, Dayan Khan who spent most of his time in the grazing and hunting grounds of 'Dam, some 80 miles north of Lhasa, and cannot be said to have carried on the government. The residence of the kings, moreover, was at Dga- ldan Khang-gsar. But the clearest identification of the Deva as the regent- sde-pa-is found in the plates in Kircher's China Illustrata (1667) which were made from Grueber's drawings, although not entirely to his satisfaction (Wessels, p. 168). These include one of the' Deva Rex Tangut ' as well as those of the Dalai Lama and the late Gusri Khan. The Deva is depicted as shaven- headed and in monk's robes which clearly rules out the Qodot king; and it is especially interesting that this portrait, unlike the others, was drawn from life at the Deva's own command (Kircher, p. 69).

'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho died early in 1668 and the death of the king, Bstan- 'dzin Dayan Khan followed within a few months. The Dalai Lama again took control of the civil administration which he conducted until the autumn of 1669 when he despatched envoys to the Kokonor to enquire about the succession to the Qosot kingship and to consult about the appointment of a new regent. On this occasion the choice was clearly his and he was simply seeking formal agreement to his nomination; and within a month he installed as regent a senior monk official of his entourage, Blo-bzang mthu-stobs, who had served as mchod-dpon since 1654. The new king, Bstan-'dzin Dalai Khan was not enthroned in Tibet until 1671.

It is significant that with this weakening of the influence of the Mongol king, Blo-bzang mthu-stobs is credited with emphasizing the Tibetan character of the government by reviving the use on ceremonial occasions of the tradi- tional dress and ornaments of the former Tibetan kings (Du-ku-la II, fol. 127b). Mongol titles and the Mongol style of official correspondence in vogue in the time of Bsod-nams rab-brtan were also discouraged. The order of precedence and the exact height of each person's seat at court ceremonies were regulated by decree (Du-ku-la II, fol. 141a and b). Blo-bzang mthu-stobs also undertook such pious works as repairing holy places and printing religious books custo- mary for a person in his position. But his private life did not befit a monk regent. He had an association with a noble lady of Sne'u-sdong which eventually led to his dismissal by the Dalai Lama. It is first hinted at in the revelation by the Bsam-yas oracle that presents given by the Sne'u-sdong bdag-mo to the regent on his appointment had been bewitched by an evil spirit. A more explicit reference (Du-ku-la ii, fol. 110a) is an allusion by the Bsam-yas oracle (who seems to have taken a particular interest in the affair) to gossip about the taking of the Sne'u-sdong bdag-mo into the protection of the sde-pa (sde-pa'i srid-'dzin du 'bod-pa). The lady was specifically mentioned in the official order of precedence in 1672; but the liaison did not blow up into a public scandal until 1673 when the Rdo-rje btsun-mo Lha-gzigs rigs-kyi sras-mo Bkra-shis- lags, as she is there called, accompanied the Sa-skya Khri-chen Ngag-dbang

VOL. XLIII. PART 2. 24




bsod-nams dbang-phyug grags-pa rgyal-mtshan and his son the Khri-thog Ngag-dbang kun-dga' bkra-shis on a state visit to Lhasa (Du-ku-la II, fols. 223b, 224a). In a later reference to this event she is called Btsun-ma Lcam Bkra-shis-lags from which it appears that she was of the noble house of Phag- mo-gru whose appellation was Lha-gzigs, and that she was the wife (lcam)- or one of the wives-of the Sa-skya Khri-chen. When he and his son left Lhasa the lady stayed behind openly as the mistress of the regent which caused such offence to ordinary monk and lay opinion that the Dalai Lama had to relieve him of his office. But he had so much influence and so many friends in high places that the event was more of a retirement full of honours and distinction rather than a dismissal in disgrace. In addition to intervention by the Sa-skya nobility to avert criticism of their leading family, the officials of many great monasteries interceded for the regent. He was received by the Dalai Lama and granted the position of zur-pa with a large estate in Zangs-ri-from which he is known as Zangs-ri sde-pa-and officials were sent from Lhasa to arrange the transfer of the property. A settlement was also made on Sras-po Tshe- dbang, presumably the son of Blo-bzang mthu-stobs by the Sne'u-sdong bdag-mo. The regent was showered with rich presents amounting to almost 500,000 mule loads; and before he left Lhasa, which he did at his own con- venience, he was entertained by and gave entertainments to his friends including the Qosot king in whose palace of Dga'-ldan Khang-gsar he stayed for a time (Du-ku-la II, fols. 223, 224, 230, 237, 270). In this affair the Dalai Lama seemed more concerned by the scandal than by the offence. He wrote in his rnam-thar that if Blo-bzang mthu-stobs had gone off to Zangs ri after making an act of contrition, it would not have been necessary to mention the matter (Du-ku-la II, fol. 241a). Nothing was done to expedite his departure which did not take place until 1676 (Du-ku-la II, fol. 278b) but in the meantime the Dalai Lama took steps to appoint a new regent. After the formality of a test by lot and after consulting the La-mo oracle and discussion with leading officials, he accepted their recommendation and sent representatives to sound out his young proteg6 Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho of Grong-smad, the nephew of the former regent, 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho. In Du-ku-la I fol. 295b, it is recorded that in 1660-the year when 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho became regent but even before his formal appointment-Grong-smad Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho had come (to the Potala) and his education had begun. There are references also to religious instruction being given to him later. In Du-ku-la III, fol. 125b, 126a, the Dalai Lama recalls that he had treated him with great kindness from his childhood up; and Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho himself says in VSP (p. 415) that from the age of eight he was in the presence of the Dalai Lama (zhal dkyil mjal). He also repeats an expression used by the Dalai Lama himself (Du-ku-la i, fol. 82) that he had looked after him like a sri'u (in VSP it is se'u). According to Tibetan dictionaries sri'u is a miscarriage, still-birth, or abortion caused by a malicious spirit, the chung-sri (see also Nebesky, pp. 216, 302). Only Chos- grags dictionary explains it as ' a child that survives after many others born before it have died '. At all events the Dalai Lama cannot have used the word in an ill-omened sense and presumably means that he cared for Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho as though he were an only surviving child. He himself gave Sangs- rgyas rgya-mtsho his name, it having originally been Dkon-cog don-grub (VSP, p. 416). As early as 1666 Saugs-rgyas rgya-mtsho was given additional estates in reward for his services (Du-ku-la II, fol. 24b). In 1669 when the Dalai Lama was suffering from one of his frequent attacks of rheumatic pain and chills Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho and the Mchod-dpon acted as his personal servants and




it was remarked that although he was only seventeen he was able to keep watch all night (Du-ku-la ii, fols. 72, 74a). From about that time he is often referred to as Sde-pa 'A-bar or 'A-bar Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho. Tibetans have told me that 'A-bar is an adaptation of the Chinese Wa-wa meaning an infant so it is, perhaps, a nickname 'the young sde-pa '. The term is used of other persons besides Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho e.g. 'A-bar Tshe-thabs and 'A-bar Tshe-dbang dar-rgyas (Du-ku-la I, fols. 60, 59). The description of Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho as sde-pa at that early period, before his appointment as regent, suggests that he had succeeded to the territorial status of his uncle 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho who died in 1668. Not long after that Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho was given the seal of a dar-mkhan (dar-han) conferring exemption of his estates from certain duties and taxes (Du-ku-la II, fol. 82a). Again, in 1672 he attended on the Dalai Lama when he was ill, this time with smallpox (Du-ku-la ii, fol. 133a).

Such marks of favour and intimacy almost inevitably led to rumours that Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho was the natural son of the Dalai Lama. The story which was first recorded by Csoma de Kdrds in 1834 is denied by W. D. Shakabpa (S I, 125) and, as Petech remarks, no Chinese or Tibetan text and not even the contemporary accounts of the Italian missionaries, so full of gossip, know anything about it. But several Tibetan laymen in private did not entirely dismiss the possibility and referred to the description by Sangs- rgyas rgya-mtsho of the Dalai Lama as his 'father in two ways'. That is apparently their interpretation of VSP, p. 311 : rje bla-na chen po 'di nyid kyi chos srid gnyis ka'i rgyun 'dzin sras kyi thu bo kho bo ... and 369: 'phags chen phyag na padma sdom brtson rgyal po'i tshul bzung bdag gi bla ma yab rje . .. ; but those descriptions are in spiritual context meaning that Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho was foremost among the Dalai Lama's disciples. Other oral traditions regarded as significant were that when Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho was born the Dalai Lama presented his mother with a precious rosary which had been the gift to him of the Panchen Lama; and that the Grong-smad estates were held by Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho's mother rather than his father. Another point mentioned was that according to the Re'u-mig of Sum-pa mkhan-po for the year 1677, the Dalai Lama had to renew his vinaya vows-slar stod 'dul lugs kyi so thar sdom rgyun bzhes dgos byung ngo. That is slightly expanded in Sum-pa Mkhan-po's Chos-byung (fol. 220) where it is linked with the Dalai Lama's studies in tantric practices: gsang sngags gsar rnying kun dang khyad par rnying ma'i gdams pa'i gting la thug gi bar du nyams len kyang mdang nas re gcig steng slar stod 'dul ltar gyi dge-tshul slong gi sdom pa bzhes skyor gnang dgos byung. That may imply that he had earlier taken the vows according to the Smad-'dul practice of Khams and was now renewing them according to the Stod-'dul as introduced by Shakyasri; but, in view of what looks like readiness to condone in his regents laxity about their vows so long as they were discreet, the statements call for expert elucidation. Against the rumour there appears strong evidence in that the passages in Sum-pa relate to a time when Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho was already 24 years old; and that at the time of his birth in the late autumn of 1653 the Dalai Lama had been absent in Mon- golia and China for well over a year. W. D. Shakabpa has kindly informed me of an account in 'Dzam-gling rgyan gcig gi dkar-chag, a work by Sangs-rgyas rgya mtsho himself where it is said that his mother Bu 'khrid rgyal-mo had lived with his father A-sug without a regular marriage (bza'-tshang) which displeased 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho who sent the lady to Rgya-la-sa. A-sug then married a lady of Rtsed-thang. About that time Bu-'khrid rgyal-mo's uncle Dgon-shar chos-mdzad consulted the La-mo oracle about her and received the




prediction that she was destined for good fortune. Shortly after, A-sug's wife from Rtsed-thang died and Bu-'khrid rgyal-mo was allowed to return from Rgya-la-sa to Grong-smad where about September 1653 Sangs-rgyas rgya- mtsho was born. On the Dalai Lama's return to Tibet from Peking towards the end of 1653, when he was encamped at Lung-dkar-mo of 'Dam he received a petition for his blessing on the birth of the child (skyes pa'i skyabs zhu'i snyan zhu 'byor 'dug). Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho's father died when the child was four years old.

Bu-'khrid rgyal-mo lived on, at least until 1681, as a lady of dignity and importance. She is referred to as Dpon-sa. She appears to have had two other children and it is perhaps one of them who is referred to several times in the Dalai Lama's rnam-thar as Grong-smad-nas.

To return to the year 1675: the Dalai Lama was clearly anxious that Sangs- rgyas rgya-mtsho should become regent but the young man asked to be excused pleading that he wanted to take religious orders and avoid worldly distractions. The Dalai Lama's spokesmen argued all day in an attempt to overcome his

objections, citing the example of former regents-to which the Dalai Lama himself frequently referred on other occasions-and suggesting that even if he did take religious vows there need be no difficulty so long as he did not keep a mistress in the bla-brang. Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho stood firm and another

party of emissaries in the next month did nothing to change his mind. The Dalai Lama then accepted the situation and offered the post to the person who had come second in the test by lot, the administrator of the Rnam-rgyal gra- tshang, Blo-bzang sbyin-pa. He too professed unwillingness to accept but had to bow to the Dalai Lama's wishes though he did so on condition that he should be allowed to retire after three years. No prior consultation with the king, Bstan-'dzin Dalai Khan seems to have taken place but as he had been in Lhasa earlier in the year he may have been informed; and he came from 'Dam to be

present at the installation of the new regent in the late autumn of 1675. (Du-ku- la II, fol. 261a, b).

By the middle of 1679 after a fairly uneventful tenure of office Blo-bzang sbyin-pa declared himself unable to carry on any longer and was allowed to retire. He had been ill for some time and Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho had been

acting as intermediary between him and the Dalai Lama. Once again the Dalai Lama turned to Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho. The La-mo oracle when consulted

pronounced that there was no need to put the matter again to the test by lot; but once again Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho expressed reluctance pleading his

religious aspirations and his wish to remain in the personal service of the Dalai Lama. This time the Dalai Lama was not to be denied. He told the young man through his spokesman that the former exemption was not intended to be

permanent and he emphasized that Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho was marked out for the post by his relationship to 'Phrin-las rgya-mtsho, by the former test by lot, and by a number of predictions in revealed texts (gter-ma) which showed him to be destined to govern Tibet as the spiritual heir of the former king of Tibet, Mu-ne btsan-po (who is also described as a forebear of Altan Khan) through a series of incarnations from the time of the eleventh-century teacher Rngog Legs-pa'i shes-rab (cf. VSP, p. 126). Those predictions had been cited before, in 1665, when the post was earlier offered to Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho. The Dalai Lama now reminded him of the special favour he had enjoyed since his childhood which it was his duty to repay now by obedience; and again, the example of the former ministers known as Rgya and Seng, who had served the Third Dalai Lama, was trotted out. Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho records in



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VSP, p. 360, that the order he received this time was too weighty to withstand, zlog tu med pa'i bka' ici ba: and so, in the summer of 1679 he was installed as regent with great ceremony. The Dalai Lama also did him the unique honour of recording the appointment on the wall of the Potala in the decree transcribed and translated above, and shown in pls. I-II. There is no mention of any previous consultation with king Bstan-'dzin Dalai Khan but he was present at the installation (Du-ku-la iIi, fol. 133a). Blo-bzang sbyin-pa was entertained to a banquet and retired to Sne'u-sdong where he had been granted an estate.

Professor Tucci considers that the succession of Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho had been pre-arranged, so that his reluctance was merely a show (TPS, p. 74). There is no doubt that the Dalai Lama intended that he should be regent and, equally, no doubt that Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho was well aware of that. But it is not improbable that he did not want the post so soon. When it was first offered he was only twenty-two and even four years later the appointment might seem premature. Further, his scholarly bent had been evident from an early age; when he was eighteen he had prepared an almanac for the Dalai Lama (Du-ku-la II, fol. 106a) and his later works show high literary and scientific qualities the opportunity to exercise which was to be found, as in medieval Europe, almost exclusively in the church.

It is beyond the scope of this article to describe the career of Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho as regent during the remainder of the Dalai Lama's life and those later years from 1682 to 1703 when he governed on his own after concealing the death of his master. As for his expressed hope of a religious career, that did not survive the wordly distractions of high office any more than did those of earlier regents. Orazio Della Penna tells that the Tisri (Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho) was expected to wear monastic dress on state occasions, implying that he usually lived and dressed as a layman. As Orazio doubtless knew, and as W. D. Shakabpa has informed me, he had two wives from the 'Chi-med dga'-tshal and Dpal-rab khang-gsar families respectively. The former was mother of Ngag-dbang rin-chen who succeeded Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho briefly when he retired in 1703. There were other children too for the Kokonor Annals record that Ngag-dbang rin-chen and his younger brother were taken under arrest to China in 1706 together with the Sixth Dalai Lama; and there is a reference to the reception of two younger brothers by the Seventh Dalai Lama in 1717 (Petech, China and Tibet, 17).

Oral tradition credits Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho with also having several mistresses. I was told a story that he and Lha-bzang Khan were rivals for the favours of a lady Tshe-ring bkra-shis for whom they played at chess; and Lha-bzang won. That story may throw light on a statement in the Kokonor Annals (p. 438) that in 1705 Rgyal-mo Tshe-ring brka-shis was sent to join Lha-bzang Khan with orders that they should go to Kokonor. The obscure reason-in the possibly corrupt phrase spun ma yin bzhin-may imply some slight or insult which could have led to the vengeful spirit in which the lady took the field at the head of one of Lha-bzang's armies against Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho whom she contrived to have seized and executed after his defeat. A large mchod-rten at Nang-rtse in the Stod-lung valley north-west of Lhasa is said to enshrine parts of his body.

It would be wrong to end on a note of failure and tragedy and not to recall the achievements, talents and popularity in a long and active career of one who is remembered in Tibet as great above all other regents.



344 THE FIFTH DALAI LAMA'S DECREE

REFERENCES AND ABBREVIATIONS

Ahmad, Z. Sino-Tibetan relations in the 17th century. (Serie Orientale Roma, XL, 1970.)

Du-ku-la Za-hor gyi ban-de ngag-dbang blo-bzang rgya-mtsho'i 'di snang 'khrul-pa'i rol-rtsed rtogs-brjod kyi tshul-du bkod-pa du-ku- la'i gos-bzang. Autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama, vols. I-III (British Museum).

Kircher, Athanasius, S. J. China . . . Illustrata, Amsterdam, 1667. Kokonor Annals Mtsho-sngon gyi lo-rgyus, Sum-pa Mkhan-po Ye-shes dpal-

'byor, 1786 (ed. Lokesh Chandra, &atapi.taka,

xxI, 2, New Delhi, 1960).

Markham, Clements R. Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa, London, 1876.

de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, R. Oracles and demons of Tibet, 's-Gravenhage and London, 1956. Petech, L. Dalai lamas and regents of Tibet, T'oung Pao, XLVII, 3-5, 1959.

China and Tibet in the early X VIIIth century, revised ed., Leiden, 1972.

Re'u-mig From Dpag-bsam Ljon-bzang, Sum-pa Mkhan-po, 1748 (ed. Lokesh Chandra, oatapitaka, viii, New Delhi, 1959).

Richardson, H. E. Ch'ing dynasty inscriptions at Lhasa. (Serie Orientale Roma, XLVII, 1974.)

Rockhill, W. W. The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa, T'oung Pao, xi, 1910. SI Shakabpa, W. D., Tibet: a political history, Newhaven and

London, 1967. S II Shakabpa, W. D., Bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs (Tibetan: an

advanced political history of Tibet), Kalimpong, 1976.

Chos-'byung Sum-pa Mkhan-po's history of Tibet (ed. Bhikshu Guru Deva Lama, Varanasi, n.d.).

TPS Tucci, G., Tibetan painted scrolls, 3 vols., Rome, 1949. VSP Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, Vaidurya ser-po, 1698 (ed. Lokesh

Chandra, Satapi.taka, xii, 1-2, New Delhi, 1960).

Wessels, C., S.J. Early Jesuit travellers in Central Asia, 1603-1721, The Hague, 1924.

Wylie, T. V. The geography of Tibet according to the 'Dzam-gling rgyas- bshad. (Serie Orientale Roma, xxv, 1962.)

344 THE FIFTH DALAI LAMA'S DECREE

IREFERENCES AND) ABBREVIATIONS

Ahmad, Z. Sino- Tibetan rela~tion8 in the 17th century. (Serie Orientale Roma., XL, 1970.)

Du-ku-la Za-hor gyi ban-de ngag-dbang blo-bzang rgya-mt8ho'i 'di 8nang 'khrul-pa'i rol-rt8ed rtoq8-brjod kyi t8hul-du bkod-pa du-ku- la'i g08-bzang. Autobiography of the Fifth iDalai Lama, vols. i-iii (British Museum).

Kircher., Athanasius, S. J. China . .. Illu8trata., Amsterdam, 1667. Kokonor Annals Mt8ho-8ngon gyi lo-rgyu8, Sum-pa Mkhan-po Ye-shes dpal-

'byor, 1786 (ed. Lokesh Chandra, ~a~tapitaka., xii., 2., New Delhi., 1960).

Markham., Clements R. Narrative8 of the mi88ion of George Bogle to Tibet and of the journey of Thoma8 Manning to Lha8a., London., 1876.

de Nebesky-Wojkowitz., R. Oracle8 and demon8 of Tibet., 's-Gravenhage and London., 1956. Petech, L. Dalai lamas8 and regents of Tibet, T'oung Pao, XLVII, 3-5, 1959.

China and Tibet in the early XVIIIth century, revised ed., Leiden, 1972.

Re'u-mig From Dpag-b8arn Ljon-bzcsng, Sum-pa Mkhan-po., 1748 (ed. Lokesh Chandra, o~atapitaka., viii, New Delhi, 1959).

Richardson, H. E. Ch'ing dyna~ty inscriptions at Lha~a. (Serie Orientale Roma, XLVII, 1974.)

Rockhill, W. W. The Dalai Lama" of Lhasa, T'oung Pao, xi, 1910. S I Shakabpa, W. D., Tibet: a political history, Newhaven and

London, 1967. S II Shakabpa, W. D., Bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs (Tibetan: an

advanced political history of Tibet), Kalimpong, 1976. Cho8-'byung Sum-pa Michan-po's history of Tibet (ed. Bhikshu Guru Deva

Lama, Varanasi, n.d.). TPS Tucci, G., Tibetan painted scrolls, 3 vols., Rome, 1949. VSP Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, Vaidurya ser-po, 1698 (ed. Lokesh

Chandra,Soatapitaka, xii, 1-2, New Delhi, 1960). Wessels, C., S.J. Early Jesuit travellers in Central Asia, 1603-1 721, The Hague,

1924. Wylie, T. V. The geography of Tibet according to the 'Dzam-gling rgyas-

bshad. (Serie Orientale Roma, xxv, 1962.)



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