Notes concerning the Mgon-khaṅ of Źwa-luAuthor(s): Franco Ricca and Lionel FournierReviewed work(s):Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 56, No. 3/4 (1996), pp. 343-363Published by: Artibus Asiae PublishersStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3250123 .Accessed: 04/04/2012 09:09

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FRANCO RICCA AND LIONEL FOURNIER

NOTES CONCERNING THE MGON-KHAN OF ZWA-LU

n his introduction to The Life of Bu-ston Rin-po-che, David S. Ruegg observed that though the I wa-lu monastery "is renowned for its beauty and religious significance...it has unfortunately never been the object of a detailed iconographic and archaeological study."I Since the publication of

Ruegg's book, however, the situation has changed: an important chapter of Roberto Vitali's Early Temples of Central Tibet2 was dedicated to the Zwa-lu monastery, the same was done in an interesting section of Victor Chan's Tibet Handbook,3 while Chen Yaotong recently published a well-documented article on the architecture of Zwa-lu's upper pavilions.4 Furthermore, it may be expected that the results of the expedition carried out in 1994 by a group of European scholars specially aimed at an accurate exploration in the field will provide a systematic and comprehensive study of Zwa-lu.

In order to contribute to the current analyses, it might be useful to point out some problems that are encountered in the definition of Zwa-lu's gSer-khan (Golden Temple) and mgon-khan (Chapel of the Protectors), having reference to both literary and archaeological evidence. While the term gSer- khan has been largely used in recent years to indicate the whole temple complex of 2wa-lu, the Bu- ston rNam-thar (biography)5 seems to restrict its application to the three-storied temple at the ancient eastern entrance (pl. I). The description of the turquoise pagoda roofs which characterize the

monastery is, in fact, as follows: "The gSer-khan has three pagoda-roofs piled one upon the other, while all the other [temples] have only two piled pagoda roofs; all are adorned with nets of bells of different sizes."6

The same contrast between the three-storied gSer-khan and all the other two-storied temples is found in the Myan-chun, a text probably composed in the mid-seveeneenth century, often attributed

to Taranatha (born 1575), which assembles an impressive mass of information and directly introduces

passages from texts no longer extant.7 The Myan-chun exactly reproduces the above sentence from the rNam-thar except for the substitution of the doubtful term phugs for phibs. The same description is

found again in the Genealogies of Zwa-lu by bKra-sis-don-grub, in a sentence that Giuseppe Tucci

translates: "he [Grags-pa-rgyal-mtshan] made .. the tiles decorated with a golden ganjira (pinnacle) on the gSer-khan, the three-storied domes of Chinese style, the two-storied ones of the other

temples...."8 Though rather late, these Genealogies (for which a terminus a quo may be fixed at the death of the twenty-second abbot of Zwa-lu in 1671) are of particular interest since they were com- I David S. Ruegg, The Life of Buz-ston Rin-po-che (Rome: IsMEO, I966), I7. 2 Roberto Vitali, Early Temples of Central Tibet (London: Serindia Publications, 1990). 3 Victor Chan, Tibet Handbook (Chico, CA: Moon Publications, Inc., 1994). 4 Chen Yaotong, "Xialusi: Yuan gongshi jianzhu zai Xizang diqu de zhenyi (Zhalu Temple, Remains of Interior Architecture in

Tibet Region, the Yuan Dynasty)," Wenwu I994.5, 4-23, 36. 5 Chos-rje thams-cad mkhyen-pa Bu-ston lo-tsd-ba'i rnam-par thar-pa snim-pa'i me-tog (Lhasa, 1921i), xylographic edition reproduced in

facsimile as an appendix to Ruegg, I4a and I4b. This text, having been written in I355 by Rin-chen-rnam-rgyal, Bu-ston's spiritual son, represents an early and very reliable eye-witness account of the Zwa-lu's twelfth abbot, who occupied the seat from 1356 to

1388. 6 gSer-khan rgya-phibs gsum-brtsegs-suz yod-pa gzan-rnams rgya-phibs nis-brtsegs-su yod-pa de thams-cad-la dril-bu g.yer-kha'i dra-bas bris-

pa/. 7 Taranatha (?), Myan-yul stod-smad-bar gsumn-gyi no-mtshar gtam-gyi legs-bsad mkhas-pa'i 'jug nogs (Myan-chun).(Lhasa: Bod-ljons mi-

dmans dpe-skrun-khan, I983), I6o-6I. 8 Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1949), 659.

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piled in the monastery of 2wa-lu, according to its dkar-chag (list of contents) and the biographies of Zwa-lu's abbots and sku-zan.9

Similar problems seem to occur with the term mgon-khan as employed in recent works and as found in the Tibetan sources quoted above. In both Vitali'sI? and Chan'sI books the entire ground floor of the eastern temple is labeled mgon-khan. The rNam-thar, however, seems to be more restrictive in its description of the temples in the Zwa-lu complex. The list of the chief images in each of these temples is given as follows:

In the eastern temple the chief image was the Yum-chen-mo. Concerning the mgon-khan of the Great King Vaisravana below that and the annexes, since they were not separated from a number of surroundings, they were enclosed and made complete with various great treasures and with a great many volumes of holy

scriptures headed by a precious bKa'-'gyur (Tibetan Buddhist Canon) written in gold letters.Iz

From these sentences it would appear that the mgon-khan occupied only a part of the ground floor, which also contained other architectural structures and functional spaces.

Even in this case the Myan-chun reproduces the same sentence as the rNam-thar, which,

incidentally, proves that passages from ancient authoritative writings are literally quoted in that text.13 It must be noticed, however, that the Myan-chun differs from the rNam-thar, as far as the

placement of the bKa'-'gyur is concerned, by assigning this great collection of religious Buddhist

writings to the bSe-sgo-ma temple, which, in fact, is now more frequently called bKa'-'gyur-lha-khan. More uncertain is the interpretation of the passage from the Genealogies of Zwa-lu:

.. .ICe-btsun was the author ...of the two other chapels, the one above in the eastern dbu-rtse, dedicated to the

Yum-chen-mo, the one below, which is now the mgon-khan, but in those times, there being no mgon-khan, was

an open circumambulation.I4

In such a sentence only the mgon-khacn is quoted for the ground floor of the eastern dbu-rtse15 but, on the other hand, a correspondence is established between the mgon-khan and the ancient skor-lam which certainly did not occupy the whole of the ground floor. To these considerations one may add

that, during his visit to Zwa-lu, Tucci found an ancient statue there (now disappeared) representing a Buddha or a Bodhisattva that in no way could be taken for a chos-skyon (Defender of the Doc-

trine). 6

The correct definition of the changes introduced with the renovation carried out by Grags-pa- rgyal-mtshan seems to require further search for early literary evidence, as well as a detailed inspec- tion of the present remains. As a contribution to the latter, we present the following notes with reference to the plan in Figure I, which is based on Chen Yaotong's article with some corrections and additions.I7

9 Title conferred by the Yuan emperors to the lords of Zwa-lu, whose literal meaning is "respected uncle."

Vitali, 90, caption 5 on plan. Chan, 403-04.

12 See footnote 5: sar gi gtso bo la yum chen mol de'i 'og na rgyal chen rnam thos sras kyi mgon khan dan bcas pa la 'khor grans kyis mi chodpas bskor ba rin po che sna tshogs las grub pa dani rin po che gser las bzens pa'i bka' 'gyur la sogs pa'i gsun rab gyi po ti tshan chen po danl.

13 Myanl-chun, I69. 14 Tucci, 657. I5 The term dbu-rtse usually indicates the top of a temple or monastery, but here is applied to a protruding part of the plan (a wing);

the "eastern dbu-rtse" indicates the three-storied temple at the eastern entrance of 2wa-lu's monastery. l6 Ibid., I77, fig. 2I.

I7 The plan is not a precise survey: the scale reproduced here only gives the correct order of magnitude of the building.

344

,,

Plate 2 shows the aspect of the central east-west corridor, as seen from the door leading to the 'du-

khaa (assembly hall), and presents to view the original wooden structure of the building. Large

wooden columns end in massive squared capitals on which short and simple brackets are inserted to

support the beams of the ceiling. Some of the original columns are partially sunken in the thick walls

which separate the open chapels along both sides of the corridor; in the middle of the corridor two

disrupted platforms can be seen, possibly the ancient bases of statues now lost.

The two open chapels nearest to the 'du-khaa (Chapels i and 2 in fig. i) contain the remains of two

statues: a simple platform (ia) and a more structured one (2a) showing a central rectangular

protrusion and supporting a semi-circular lotus. The fragments of two bare feet resting upon this

lotus base testify to the ancient presence of a standing figure, which is confirmed by a wooden strut

fitted into the wall at the height of the shoulders. A similar strut is also found in (ia) at the same

height.

The paintings on the walls of these chapels - still visible, though in rather poor condition - appear

to be entirely dedicated to the Hindu gods and semi-gods that populate the raksacakra (sphere of

protection) of many important mandalas. These deities are painted in both chapels in two horizontal

registers running around the walls, with two ornamental bands above and below. Among the deities

of Chapel i there are mahddevas (Iha-chen), dikpa las (phyogs-skyofn), navagrahas (gza'-dgu) and ndgas (klu),

all portrayed according to the Indian tradition and to the iconographic prescriptions of the Purdnas.

The figures in Chapel 2, all feminine deities, may be recognized as the lunar mansions, i.e. the

twenty-eight naksatras (rgya-skar Iha-mo n i-su rtsa brgyad). The presence of the navagrahas and

naksatras in the raksacakra is typical of both Dharmadhtuzvdagisvara- and Durgatiparisodhana-mandala.

In Chapel I the decoration running along the top consists of curtains painted en trompe l'oeil, richly

draped in loose folds; the lower decorative band shows a motif of snow-lions with slender bodies and

blue manes, facing each other in a running attitude. All the gods are seated in lalitssana upon their

own vdhanc, wearing a shoulder scarf across their bare chests and bearing a mukuta topped by a jewel

resting on a double lotus. They wear a three-pointed coronet and all the princely gold ornaments

(earrings, necklace, armlets, bracelets, girdle and anklets), and are endowed with a nimbus slightly

elongated in a horseshoe shape. Their figures are silhouetted against the back of a throne on

backgrounds of different colors; the cartouches at their feet are empty (pl. 3).

The western wall of this chapel seems to have been prevailingly dedicated to the ndgardajas, since

two of the three figures visible in the upper row (Ib) show the hood of multi-colored snakes that is the

distinctive feature of this class of semi-gods. Both figures are painted in the red color that Hindu

iconography assigns to the two ndgas of brahman cast.I18 The greater relief given to one of them,

supported and completely surrounded by the coils of nine serpents, enables us to recognize him as

Ananta (mTha-yas), the lord of the ndgas, who also has to be considered as the tenth dikpala, protector

of the nadir. This identification is confirmed by the ring or disk he holds with his right hand in

accordance with the prescriptions of the Agniputrdna (AP 56, 3I and AP 96, 30).19 The other figure

must be Kulika (Rigs-ldan).

I8 Marie-Therese de Mallmann, Introduction a I'iconographie du Tdntrisme bouddhique (Paris: Maisonneuve, I975), I98.

19 Quoted by Marie-Therese de Mallmann in Les enseignements iconographiques de I'Agni-Purana (Paris: Presses universitaires de France,

I963)-

345

The northern wall (Ic) shows eight deities arranged in two ranks of four. The whitish figure in the upper row, holding a golden plough and sitting on a throne with two boars painted on its base, is possibly Balarama (Khu-bo).20It must be noticed, however, that Indian iconographic texts describe Balarama as mounted on an elephant representing the earth.

The only feminine figure in this group of deities, located at the end of the lower row wearing a short Indian style bodice (kancuki), may be recognized as Prthivl or Vasudhara (lHa-mo dPal-chen- mo), the Earth. As dictated by Hindu iconography, she is of a yellow or golden color (pZtavarna or suvarnavarna) and sits on apadma lotus holding the jar of ambrosia (amrtakalasadhard). Her hair is not

styled in the mukuta form, but is tied back in a mass, while a series of small curls encircles her forehead just below the edge of the coronet. Another deity painted in the lower register on this wall is Budha (gZa'-lhag-pa), one of the Planets (Mercury); he is yellow in color and sits on a padma lotus

holding a bow and arrows in his left and right hands respectively. At the end of the upper row is the red Agni (Me-lha), mounted on a goat (chdga; ra) and holding a

sacrificial ladle (sruk; gzar-bu)."I The eastern wall (id) is dedicated to the dikpalas and navagrahas: among them we can recognize

Aditya and Candra, as well as Indra, Yama, Kubera, Varuna, Vayu and Nairrta. The second deity from the left in the upper register, mounted on a snow-lion, shows the gold color and the mace

(gada), the constant attributes of Kubera (Nor-sbyin) in Indian iconography. But this iconographic tradition does not include a lion among Kubera's mounts: Chapter 56 of the Agnipurdna leaves the mount undefined, while Chapter 5I indicates a ram (gadiz kuvera mesastha) and other sources frequently prescribe an anthropomorphic being. However, as a consequence of such indefiniteness and of the

overlapping of Kubera and Vaisravana in Tibetan tradition, it is not surprising that Kubera is

represented here mounted on a snow-lion. Next to Kubera we find Varuna (Chu-lha) mounted on a seven-crested makara (chu-srin) and

holding a serpent-cord (ndgapas'a; chu-lha'i sags-pa) with both hands (makardrudha varuna padsahasta mahdibalalAP 56, 23). These attributes are sufficient to identify the guardian of the west, even if here he is painted orange while all textual references assign him a white color.22

The blue color and the buffalo vdhana reveal the following deity as Yama (gSin-rje), the dikpala of the south, though holding a mace (or hammer) instead of the simple staff (danda) or the skull-topped staff (yamadanda) which are normally prescribed by the texts (mahisastha yamdgaccha dandahasta mahdbalalAP 56, 20). The last place in this row is occupied by Indra (dBan-po), also called Satakratu

(brGya-byin). According to Indian tradition he is golden in color, mounted on an elephant and holds a vajra in his right hand (indrdgaccha devardja vajrahasta gajasthitalAP 56, I7).

In the lower register we can identify the white Candra (Zla-ba), the Moon, mounted on a hamsa and holding a lotus kumuda with the lunar disk (kumudasthacandramandala), and the red Aditya (Ni- ma), the Sun, sitting in a chariot drawn by horses and holding a white lotus (padma) with the solar disk (padmasthasuryamandala). Following these two Seizers (grahas) is Vayu (rLun-lha), the guardian

20 Balarama is Krsna's brother and Visnu's avatdra, the cultural hero who taught men to cultivate the land. 21 Both the attribute and the emaciated ascetic aspect of the god seem to indicate that this painting does not represent the usual

dikpala, the protector of the southeast, but the god of the sacrificial act (Karmagni, Las-kyi-me-lha) especially associated with the Vairocanamandala. The dikpala of the southeast might possibly be recognized in the adjacent figure of the upper row on the eastern wall (Id), which could correspond to rTa-dmar-can (He Who Mounts a Red Horse), one of the Tibetan synonyms for Agni.

22 Giuseppe Tucci, Indo-Tibetica, vol. III, I templi del Tibet occidentale e il loro simbolismo artistico, parte II, Tsaparang (Rome: Reale Accademia d'Italia, 1936), 36; footnote 8, 586; footnote 18, 437.

346

of the northwest, of a smoke color (dhzmra), holding a banner (dhvaja) and having a stag as his mount

(vdyur dhvajadharo mrgelAP 51, 15). The last place at the end of the lower register is occupied by Nairrta (Srin-po), the dikpala of the

southwest: blue in color, mounted on an anthropomorphic being (a corpse or a preta), he holds a sword in his right hand (nairrtah khadgavan narel AP 5I, I4). As a son of Nirrti (Departure, Dissolu-

tion), Nairrta is a sort of demon, a raksasa, and according to Indian iconographic prescriptions he should have a fierce and terrifying aspect which is absent here.

Beyond the ranks of these ten deities, at the extremity of the eastern wall (Id'), is painted a

standing figure which depicts a booted and richly dressed monkey with a head halo surmounted by tree foliage (pl. 4). The caption below is illegible, but the round head, red snout and strong jaws with

partially bared teeth enable us to identify Hanumat, the semi-divine monkey-chief ally of Rama. We do not know of other paintings portraying Hanumat in Central Tibet, but the diffusion of the

Rdmdyana in the Land of Snow is testified to by the presence of Tibetan translations and adaptations of that epic poem among the texts found at Dunhuang and now in the "Fonds Pelliot tibetain" that have been an object of study for many Tibetologists.23 On the other hand, this important figure of Indian tradition fits in with the Hindu gods and semi-gods of this chapel, and especially with the

dikpdias, since Hanumat was the son of Vayu (Rdmayana, uttara-khanda 35), while Varuna bestowed on him a life one million years long and Brahma made him invulnerable. Furthermore the vaisnava

cycle of the three Ramas is already evoked in this chapel by the previously noted presence of Bala- rama.24

The decorative band at the top of the walls in Chapel 2 consists of white, green and red vertical

stripes which simulate hanging streamers ending in triangles and overlapping each other: this is a kind of decoration already present in the altar valance found in Cave 17 at Dunhuang25 and still used

today in Tibetan temples. Snow-lions similar to those in Chapel I, but here sitting back to back, appear in the lower decorative band.

The goddesses painted in the two intermediate bands sit in lalitdsana on different vdhanas and

display the anjalimudrd at the height of their breast (pl. 5): eight of the goddesses occupy the central wall (zc) and ten appear on the eastern wall (2d); traces of painting reveal the original presence of an additional ten goddesses arranged in two ranks, also on the eastern wall (zb), which bring us to the

requisite number of twenty-eight. All of these deities wear a kadncuki and a rather short paridhdna (lower garment) leaving the knees bare, and are endowed with bracelets and anklets, most of them also have large earrings. Their coronets, with central tips and two lateral rosettes, are fixed by ribbons which form two fan-like bows at the sides of the head. These coronets support what, at first sight, appear to be headdresses of blue feathers but are more likely to be quite peculiar crowns of gold plates covered with blue stones (turquoise?) arranged as a set of rays.

23 Frederick W. Thomas, "A Ramayana Story in Tibetan from Chinese Turkestan," Indian Studies in Honor of Ch. Rockwell Lanman (Cambridge, MA, I929), I93; Marcelle Lalou, "L'histoire de Rama en tib6tain,"Journal Asiatique (I936), 560; Jan Willem de Jong, "Un fragment de l'histoire de Rama en tib6tain," Etzdes tibetaines dediees a la memoire de Marcelle Lalou (Paris: Maisonneuve, 197I), I27.

24 The possibility that this figure represents Avalokitesvara's emanation as the monkey-ancestor of the Tibetans and early Tibetan kings should appear out of sequence in the iconographical context of this chapel. In addition, this story about the Tibetans' origin is first found in the Ma-ni-bka'-'bum, which dates more than a century later.

25 Roderick Whitfield and Anne Farrer, Caves of the Thousand Buddhas: Chinese Art from the Silk Road (London: British Museum, 1990), II6, pi. gob.

347

assembly hall

"N

courtyard

0 10 m

Fig. I Plan of ground floor of the eastern extension of :wa-lu temple.

348

P1. 2 East-west corridor as seen from the door leading to the assembly hall.

P1. I 2;wa-lu gSer-khan as seen from courtyard.

m

P1. 3 Dikpalas (eastern wall of Chapel I).

P1. 5 Naksatras (end wall of Chapel z).

I ~ ( , , '^S l..... P1.6 Nimbus, halo and platform with prostrate figures in PI. 6 Nimbus, halo and platform with prostrate figures in

Chapel 4.

PI. 4 Hanumat (eastern wall of Chapel I).

PI. 7 Princely cortege (eastern wall of Chapel 4).

P1. 8 Noble horseman (eastern wall of Chapel 4). PI. 9 Vaisravana with the Eight Lords of the Horses (northern section of

the north-south corridor, 8c).

P1. Io Dragons and phoenixes with jewels (northern section of the north-south corridor, 8b).

The slightly elongated nimbuses surrounding the heads of these goddesses partially emerge at the

tops of the two-colored halos that encircle their figures and project on a black background. Stylized floral elements (large corollas and leaves hanging from the upper edges, and variegated plants rising from the ground) are introduced in between, forming a regular pattern of identical motifs. Even in this chapel the empty cartouches prevent us from identifying the naksatras. Since all the goddesses display the same mudrd, wear the same ornaments and lack specific attributes, the only chance of

distinguishing them from each other lies in their colors and their vdhanas. As previoutsly stated, the cortege of the naksatras is peculiar to the mandala.s ofDharmadhdtu-

vdgisfvara and Durgaparisodhana. The fundamental tantra of the latter, after having introduced the nine Planets one by one, dictates "dkyil-'khor phyi-rol khor-yug-tul rgyu-skar thams-cad bri-bar byal."26 This prescription explicitly involves the whole of this group of deities and places them on the outermost orbit of the mandala, so that one wonders whether the placing of the naksatras in a separate chapel, distinct from that dedicated to the other Hindu deities, might possibly reflect such a

prescription. Since the tantras themselves do not give precise iconographic instructions, one must refer to the

pertinent sddhanas and commentaries. As far as the Durgatiparisodhanamandala is concerned, a rather detailed description is provided by Tadeusz Skorupski27 as drawn from Vajravarman's commentary known as Sundardlamkdra (mDzegs-pa'i rgyanl bsTan-'gyur LXII I).28 According to that commentary, however, the naksatras should have four arms and, besides performing the ancjalimudrd above the

head, should display specific attributes which have no equivalent at 2wa-lu. Tucci furnishes another list and description for the same mandala" according to the tradition followed by Atisa (982-Io054)

and Bu-ston (1290-I364), which is based on the commentary called Alokdlamkdra (sNan-ba'i rgyanl bsTan-'gyur LXII 2). This text too, however, assigns the naksatras specific attributes which are lacking in our example; furthermore, the colors and vdhanas of the two lists are completely different, so that it

is impossible to employ these features for identification. A list for the Dharmadhdtuvngiscvaramandala, as drawn from the Nispannayogadvali (rDzogs-pa'i rnal-

'byor-gyi phren-bal bsTan-'gyur LXX 2), is furnished by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya.3? Here the naksatras are presented, starting with Asvini (Tha-skar), wearing garments and jewels as in our paintings and

displaying the an~jalimudrd without other attributes (asvinyddyo devyasca ratnakdancukiparzdhdandh

krtdnjalayah). Once again their identification is impossible since no information is given about their

vdhanas, while the same (or similar) color is assigned to many different goddesses.3I Both in Chapels I and 2 the figures are generally painted with plain colors uniformly spread: the

halos and the backs of the thrones show flat areas devoid of decorative motifs, as well as of shadowing or of color gradation; the jewels also are rendered in a rather cursory way. The figures of the deities,

z6 Tadeusz Skorupski, The Sarvadurgatiparsodhana Tantra: Elimination of All Evil Destinies (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, I983), 203, 344.

27 Ibid., 54, note 2.

28 Palmyr Cordier, Cataloguze du fonds tibetain de la Bibliotheque nationale. Part II, Index du bsTan-'gyur (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, I909).

29 Giuseppe Tucci, Indo-Tibetica, vol. IV, Gyantse ed i suoi monasteri, parte I, Descrizione generale dei tempi (Rome: Reale Accademia

d'Italia, I941), 259. 30

Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, Nispannayogavalz of Mahdpandita Abhaydkaragupta (Baroda: Oriental Institute, I972), no. 21, 64-65 of Sanskrit text.

31 Six naksatras are said to be sital sitagaurd or suklal suklagaurd or pandaravarna (whitish), four of them are described as haritd (green), nine as pita orpriyangusydmd (yellow or dark yellow) and eight as sydimd or krsnd (ranging from dark to black).

353

however, are delineated with some refinement and may show quite articulate postures. In a few cases their limbs and the uncovered parts of their bodies show a slightly darkened contour aiming at

producing a barely preceptible sense of volume. Many of the vgdhanas are roughly traced and often difficult to recognize, in some cases because they are partially abraded.

Some differences of style and quality are discernible between the gods of Chapel I and the

naksatras of Chapel 2, probably as a result of partially different iconographic conventions but possibly also as a manifestation of varying degrees of accomplishment by different painters. The lokapalas and

navagrahas are more slender and elegant, having typical hour-glass-shaped torsos and less rigid attitudes. A hint of movement is sometimes suggested by the disposition of their arms and by the torsion of their torsos, which is revealed by the asymmetric position of their navels. The naksatras

appear more squat and static (certainly due also to their uniform anjalimudrd) and their skin appears dull.

Strictly common to both the gods and the naksatras, however, are the stylistic conventions which

are adopted in painting their faces: round and plump, with large eyes and mouths. The noses are short and quite large at the bases, with three pronounced curves for the tips and the nostrils. The eyes are wide open, rather close to each other, with large pupils touching the upper eyelids. The eyebrows are sharply traced with strongly marked arches, leaving little space on the foreheads. The mouths

appear almost open, with fleshy lips; the chins are short. As a whole, these facial features seem to characterize a specific style, with clear Indian influence

though in a provincial version that is sometimes quite primitive. This reminds us of the similar

impression produced by the ndginzs painted on the south wall of the sgo-khan (entrance temple) of Ta-

pho.32 Other similarities are the relatively poor quality of the paint, the occurrence of decorative

bands at the top and bottom of the painted areas and the simple neutral strips that separate the horizontal registers of the deities. Also similar are the bicolored halos and the slightly elongated nimbuses of these naksatras and of those ndginzs.

Of the two following chapels, labelled 3 and 4 in the plan (fig. I), only the latter has maintained

legible paintings. In Chapel 3, at the extremity of the western wall towards the inner corridor, is a

small platform (3a) which was probably the base of a standing statue, as in (ia) and (2a). Neither the

western nor the eastern wall presents visible paintings (the latter wall appears to have been

whitewashed in recent times); only the wall at the end of Chapel 3 maintains some traces of its

original state. At the center of this wall, under the top band adorned with painted streamers as in

Chapel 2, there is a circular cuspidate halo with a decorated border, destined to surround the head of a

deity: the wooden peg sticking halfway out of the wall and the two lower struts at the sides suggest the original presence of a large figure seated on a throne.

Much more interesting is what can still be observed in Chapel 4. An L-shaped platform (4a)

occupies the entire end wall, as well as the greater part of the western wall. Such a platform was the

common base of two large statues whose original positions and dimensions are revealed by the two

circular head-halos reaching the ceiling (4b and 4c); these nimbuses have white centers delimited by dark double rings and are encircled by large golden borders with a flame-like motif. Just below the

nimbuses are two wooden struts jutting out from the wall: the remaining signs of the wooden

structures that once supported the statues.

32 Deborah Klimburg-Salter, "Tucci Himalayan Archives Report, z. The I99I Expedition to Himachal Pradesh," East and West 44, no. i (March 1994), I25, fig. 7.

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The large halos, still in good condition, are painted with wavy stripes in rainbow colors origin-

ating from the vertical axis according to a herring-bone design, which effectively evoke the radiant

power of the worshipped deities (pl. 6).

Conspicuous remains of two prostrate human figures, apparently feminine, lie upon the platforms with their head converging towards the inner corner and their bent legs covered with pleated

garments. The way the pleats are carved evokes the drapery of the previously mentioned statue found

by Tucci.33 These prostrate figures were probably trampled on by the two missing statues, even if the silhouettes provided by halos and nimbuses are not compatible with the dlidha attitude that is

normally assigned to the wrathful deities. However, it must be considered that since the Tang era

(6I8-906) a standing Vaisravana was worshipped in Sichuan as a guardian deity placed at the city gates34 and that standing images of this god frequently appear in Khotanese, Chinese and Japanese sculptures resting on a figure of the Earth-goddess Prthivi35 or on a prostrate dwarf.36 Thus Chapel 4 might have been the seat of Vaisravana as Protector of the gSer-khan.

The eastern wall of Chapel 4 includes, under the usual decorative band of painted multicolored

streamers, three princely figures moving towards the central corridor in what seems to be a ceremonial procession (4d); all three are surrounded by nimbuses and halos, and halos, and the second figure is

holding a staff (pl. 7). Each of them wears the fluted turban of the old Tibetan kings,37 encircled by a

tiara-type three-pointed crown secured by a silk ribbon with loose hanging ends, and each has a roll of hair near his ear. Their large faces have spacious headbones, rather square protruding chins, thin

noses, arched eyebrows and large eyes (in three-quarter view the further eye projects strongly outside the profile); their hands are well designed, with delicately defined fingers.

These noble personages wear long robes reaching down to their boots, with broad collars folded back as lapels, with the right side overlapping the left and secured at the waist with a belt. The hem, cuffs and collar are of contrasting material: the robe of the first personage, who is a bit larger in size, is embroidered with floral motifs and its lapels and hems are embellished with a cloud-like design with the clouds in the typical Chinese ruyi shape. These features all seem to recall the garments of the monarchic period as depicted at Dunhuang under the Tibetan dominion (8th-9th century), but the

existence of a close relationship between that sort of garment and the eleventh-century costume at

Gu-ge was pointed out by Dejin Zangmo long ago38 and subsequently discussed in greater detail by Heather Karmay.39 Quite similar considerations may be advanced concerning the costume of noble

laymen as portrayed in the early paintings of Ta-pho 'du-khan.40 These paintings of the gSer-khan at Zwa-lu seem to indicate that during the same period noble

personages of southern Tibet also could be portrayed under the appearance of former great kings and

33 See footnote 16. 34 Phyllis Granoff, "Tobatsu Bishamon: Three Japanese Statues in the United States and an Outline of the Rise of this Cult in East

Asia," East and West 20, nos. I-2 (March-June 1970), 155. 35 Ibid., I45-55, figs. I, 4, I2; Pratapaditya Pal, Bronzes of Kashmir (Graz: Akademische Druk-u. Verlagsanstalt, 1975), 401. 36 Joanna Williams, "The Iconography of Khotanese Painting," East and West 23, nos. I-2 (1973), 132-33; Frederick H. Andrews, Wall

Paintings from Ancient Shrines in Central Asia (London: Oxford University Press, I948), pl. XXXII. 37 Marylin M. Rhie, "The Statue of Songzen Gampo in the Potala, Lhasa," Orientalia Josephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata (Rome: IsMEO,

I988), I20I.

38 Dejin Zangmo, "Tibetan Royal Costumes in Dun-huang Wall Paintings," Tibetan Review (February-March I975), I8. 39 Heather Karmay, "Tibetan Costume, Seventh to Eleventh Centuries," Essais sur l'Art du Tibet (Paris: Maisonneuve, I977), 64. 40 Thomas Pritzker, "The Wall Paintings of Tabo," Orientations 20, no. 2 (February 1989), 38; "Notes on the Evolution of Tabo's

Monastic Complex," Orientations 23, no. 6 (June I992), 81.

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drawn with those Central Asian traits that had become an essential part of the contemporary Tibetan culture. The style in which the faces of the three noble personages are painted, though clearly deriving from Pala models, also reveals some Central Asian physiognomic traits. On the other hand, similar garments are found in the eleventh-century paintings of bodhisattvas at Grwa-than, recently published by Michael Henss,41 where the Central Asian style turban headdress takes the place of the Indian mukuta or three-tiered tiara.

The kingly procession of Chapel 4 is lead by a vanguard of two noble horsemen (4d'); two addi- tional horsemen, symmetrically placed, are painted on the western wall (4b'). They all wear similar

costumes, though partially different in color: long robes a bit more slim-fitting around the waist and suited to riding on horseback, with contrasting hems and cuffs and with collars that form large triangular lapels folding back over the shoulders and crossing in front to make a V-shaped neck. The love of symmetry was probably responsible for an error in depicting the costumes: while the robes worn by the horsemen in (4b') are shown with the right side overlapping the left, those in (4d') show the unusual opposite crossing.

An important difference between the garments of these horsemen and those of the previously discussed princely figures is represented by the wide flat turban formed by a tightly rolled ring which

leaves the crown bare. This kind of turban, as well as the locks of hair forming a roll at shoulder

length, recalls a model found at Dunhuang.42 The symmetrical disposition of the figures on the two

facing walls enables us to see the weapons used by the knights of this ceremonial cortege: a bow-case

and a quiver, both covered with tiger skin, suspended on the left and right sides respectively. The faces of these four horsemen, though having many features in common with those of the three

princely personages already discussed, appear a bit more round and plump, with more pointed chins

(pl. 8). The horses are traced with a steady hand which reveals both a good knowledge of animal

anatomy and a solid acquaintance with the stylistic solutions adopted by Chinese and Central Asian

painters. A further point of interest is provided by the presence of four large jars, possible repositories of

precious offerings, half-buried along the front of Chapel 4. The remaining two chapels in the inner part of the ground floor of the gSer-khan are in a totally

ruined condition. A wooden peg (5a) is the sole sign of a statue originally placed against the end wall

of Chapel 5; fragmentary and much later decoration with jewels and fruit appears on the outer edge of the eastern wall. The only residue of painting on the southern wall of Chapel 6 shows a flaming halo

completely different from the previous almond-shaped radiating nimbuses and possibly dating from a later period. The painted flames have a quite realistic shape, with wavy and pointed tongues projecting on a black background; they seem to reveal an original golden color, with thin black outlines reinforced with red contours (6a). A wooden strut projects out of the wall at a height lower

than in the previous chapels, as would be suitable for a wrathful deity. The large corridor nearer to the entrance door and running in a north-south direction for the

whole width of the eastern dbu-rtse was initially a part of the original skor-lam (path for circumambu-

lation). It was made higher and larger during the renovation carried out by Grags-pa-rgyal-mtshan, but such intervention left the inner wall untouched, as is demonstrated by some of its mural

41 Michael Henss, "A Unique Treasure of Early Tibetan Art: The Eleventh Century Wall Paintings of Drathang Gonpa," Orientations

2s, no. 6 (June I994), 48. 42 Sariputra and Raudraksa scroll, early eighth century, reproduced in Karmay, pl. 5.

356

paintings (7). These paintings comprise four different panels, each centered around an enthroned

Buddha, and contain some of the best examples of the Pala style in Zwa-lu (7a). New transverse

beams were superimposed on those previously existing, which still emerge partially from the inner wall. This modified structure thus had to support the greatly increased weight resulting from the

alterations introduced in the Yum-chen-mo temple on the second storey and from the creation of a

new pavilion on the third storey (the present day bsTan-'gyur-lha-khan). The increased shearing stress

was the origin of the cracks which in time occurred in the painted wall and which required repairs and repainting not necessarily dating to the very moment of the renovation. As a consequence those

paintings present a rather complex problem which was viewed by Vitali from an interesting yet rather conjectural viewpoint. A more exhaustive and less conjectural analysis would require more

complete and detailed visual documentation for all four panels, which is not available to us at the moment.

At the northern end of the corridor (8 in fig. I) one finds paintings of an entirely different nature

that have been reproduced by Vitali43 and briefly described by Chan.44 However, a remark has to be advanced: while both authors state that "the mural in the north section is dedicated to the Four Guardian Kings," only Vaisravana appears to be painted on the southern wall of this section (8c). Furthermore, Vaisravana does not appear in his lokacpala aspect, but in that of the Lord of the Horses

(pl. 9), sitting on a blue lion and surrounded by the Eight Masters of the Horses (rTa-bdag brgyad): the yellow Yan-dag-ses, Gan-ba-bzan-po and Dzam-bha-la, the pale yellow INa-rtsen, the white

Nor-bu-bzafi-po and 'Jam-po-'kyil-pa, the blue Ku-be-ra and the black 'Brog-gnas.45 Just below the central Vaisravana, is Sri-Laksmi painted with golden flowers in her coiffure,

holding the amrta vase, while a smaller unidentified figure pours a shower of gems from a large vessel.46 Three of the "seven precious royal symbols" are interspersed among the clouds of the

background: the Best War Elephant (gLan-po), the Best Horse (rTa-mchog) and the Precious General

(dMag-dpon rin-chen). This painting displays a typical Chinese style, especially evident in the warriors' attire47 and in the ruyi shape of the cloud-like pattern of the background: however, one may observe that the goddess, though wearing flowing Chinese garments, has a partially different

physiognomy and shows a three-quarter profile with the protruding eye of the Indian tradition. The Chinese style is obvious in the dragons of Plate IO, painted on the end wall (8b), while a

totally different conception is evident in the Vajrapani of the western wall (8a), which in many ways seems to anticipate the murals of the sKu-'bum (one hundred thousand images) of the great stzipa of

Gyantse.48 If the paintings in this section are really contemporaneous and made by the same artists,

43 Vitali, pls. 48-49. 44 Chan, 404. 45 Tucci, footnote 8, 576; Rene de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles and Demons of Tibet (Graz: Adakemische Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt,

1975), 69. 46 The Sddhanamald describes the two-handed form of Vasudhara (Prthivi) with her right hand showing the varadamudrd and the left

one holding the sheaf of corn together with a pot showering various treasures (dhdnyamanjarzidnnadratnavarsaghata), while the

VajrdvalZ depicts the deity with the pot of fortune (bhadraghata) in the left and the abhayamudrd in the right. The present iconography seems to recall the equation Prthivi-Sri-Laksmi by introducing the amrta vase and by assigning the showering of

jewels to an added minor figure. See Dipah Chandra Bhattacharyya, "The Vajravalinamamandalopayika of Abhayakaragupta," in Michel Strickmann, ed., Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honour of R.A. Stein, vol. I (Bruxelles: Institut Belge des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 198I), 74.

47 For garment styles as conditioned by established iconographic conventions, see Franco Ricca, "Style at Gyantse," Proceedings of the London Conference 1994. Hali Publications (forthcoming).

48 Franco Ricca and Erberto Lo Bue, The Great Stupa of Gyantse (London: Serindia Publications, I993).

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they clearly demonstrate the great capability of those artists in mastering different styles and

different pictorial traditions. One must remember that the Chinese Buddhists have assimilated dragons with the nagas of

Indian myth: their presence in Vaisravana's mgon-khan not only represents a tribute to the Imperial Court, but also has to be related to their nature as guardians of those treasures of which Vaisravana is

the dispenser. As a matter of fact, the Dragon of Hidden Treasures exists among the dragons of the

Chinese tradition, mounting guard over the wealth concealed from mortal eyes and being regarded as

the emblem of vigilance and safekeeping. On the left side of the opening between this north-south corridor and the inner chapels, there is a

paper sheet tightly pasted to the wall with an inscription (A) written in dbu-med (current hand-

writing); another inscription (B), again written in dbu-med on a pasted paper, is found on the left of

the entrance from the courtyard.49 The abraded surface makes it difficult to read many portions of Inscription A. However, the

greatest part of it can be deciphered so that the historical moment may be grasped. The approximate date of Inscription A can be established from the sentence introducing the exhortation:

Words of truth pronounced by Grags-pa, the vajra bearer Blo-gsal Grags-pa-rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzan-po, Buddhist monk, thirteenth abbot of the gSer-khan of the noble Zwa-lu.

This Blo-gsal Grags-pa is the successor of Rin-chen-rnam-rgyal dpal-bzan-po, the spiritual son of

Bu-ston Rin-po-che, to the seat of Zwa-lu. According to the Genealogies of Zwa-lu published by

Tucci, Blo-gsal Grags-pa was born in I365, the year of the serpent (sin-sbrul), and came to the see in

I389, another year of the serpent (sa-sbrul). His rule was divided into two different periods: first for

sixteen years (more tibetico), from 1389 to 1404, and then, after an interval during which the see was

entrusted for eight years to mKhas-grub-sans-rgyas dpal-rin-pa (1376-1422), for an additional thirty- six years.

The end of Blo-gsal Grags-pa's abbotship cannot be dated exactly since the Genealogies of Zwa-lu

are not precise about the eight years during which the seat was occupied by Khas-grub-sans-rgyas

dpal-rin-pa. If that period started when Blo-gsal Grags-pa left Zwa-lu in 1404, Khas-grub-sans-rgyas should have ruled the see until 1411. If now we suppose that Blo-gsal Grags-pa came back to the seat

during that same year, the thirty-six years of his second abbotship should have ended in 1446, when

he was eighty-two years old. However, this date contradicts the fact that Tshul-khrims-rgyal-mtshan

dpal-bzan-po (I399-I466) came to the seat in 1440 (Icags-spre'u), succeeding 'Jam-dbyans Grags-pa-

rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzan-po, whose abbotship probably was of short duration. Be that as it may, since

Inscription A makes explicit reference to the interregnum (rim-pa bzugs mi-bzugs) in the abbot's

succession and its final sentences illustrate the abbot's intervention against the faults that appeared in

the monks' behavior during that period, it should be confidently assigned to the first few years after

Blo-gsal Grags-pa returned to the seat and probably placed within the period 1411--5. As far as the content of Inscription A is concerned, after having recalled the duties of the

community of such a holy place as the :wa-lu monastery, the text contains a severe reproof of the

behavior of both the leaders and subjects of that monastery during the years of the interregnum, in

the first decade of the fifteenth century. Therefore, this inscription could be of some interest in

revealing a particular aspect of the crisis of that historical period during which, in the struggle

49 Transcriptions given in Appendix.

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between Sa-skya and the Gon-ma Grags-pa-rgyal-mtshan of the Phag-mo-gru-pa, the Sa-skya-pa regained part of their lost prestige.5?

The text of Inscription B, in verses of nine syllables, is a dedication of offerings to the Protectors,

probably by an abbot or another great lama of the seat. This inscription is more complete than

Inscription A, but, unfortunately, the last few lines which should contain the name of the donor are

illegible. It might be significant that the donor twice qualifies himself as a yogin: "rnal-'byor bdag-gi gtab-pa-yi phrin-las..." and "...dam-can dgos-pa'i rnal-'byor...."

The quotation of previous abbots in the generic form, "Lo-ston rDo-rje-dban-phyug, ICe-btsun-

rje, the omniscient Bu-ston with his spiritual on, and so on," seems to indicate that other abbots have occupied the see after the Blo-gsal Grags-pa-rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzan-po who dictated

Inscription A and before the present donor. This inscription - which also seems to be compiled in

partially different writing - might then be considered a later one. Especially interesting is the great role that the invocation assigns to various aspects of dPal-ldan-lha-mo, which might well be indicative of a dGe-lugs-pa influence.51

The urgent requirements for protection addressed to the bsrun-ma'i tshogs, "Maintain your

promises and make this territory free from the degenerate enemies of the Doctrine... generate invincible and unhindered forces, strengths and magical powers," seem to reveal some imminent

danger which was menacing Zwa-lu.

The inspection of the present remains on the ground floor of the gSer-khan enables us to attempt a

correlation with the various phases in the erection and completion of this building. According to

Vitali's reconstruction, the foundation of the main part of the twa-lu temple - that we consider to include the gSer-khan ground floor - was laid by ICe-btsun Ses-rab-'byun-gnas in the fire-hare (me-yos)

year I027. A few years later, ICe-btsun left Zwa-lu for Bodhgaya to obtain purer vows from

Abhayakara and, after his return, he erected the Yum-chen-mo Iha-khan as a second storey of that same

eastern building: this second temple was completed before Atisa's visit to Zwa-lu in the wood-bird

(sin-bya) year 1045.

We deem that the dates of these two construction phases, separated by less than two decades, also

can be applied to the paintings inside the temple at the ground level and to the original paintings in

the skor-lam built around it. On this second point we agree with Vitali's proposition, while we

entirely disagree with him and with Chan concerning the paintings still visible inside, which they

judge to be "late unimportant murals."52 Those paintings, with their simple line drawings and flat

colors, introduce many native Tibetan elements into an Indian general conception and probably must

be considered evidence of a regional style arising from those Indian and Central Asian traits which

had become part of Tibetan culture at the time.

50 Footnote 7, 694, note 275; footnote 48, I8.

51 Homage...to dPal-ldan-lha-mo with her servants and messengers, the great and powerful protectress of the doctrine of the glorious Buddha.... Praise to you, Ma-cig dPal-ldan-lha-mo, who are like a loving mother protecting as her sons those who adhere to the Doctine, manifesting yourself as the head of the ma-mo, the dark-brown raksasi rDo-rje-rab-snan-ma, in order to conquer the malignant spirits.

52 Chan,404.

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Furthermore, as has already been pointed out, some of these paintings have similarities with those found in the sgo-khain of the Tha-po gTsug-lag-khan that Deborah Klimburg-Salter53 has recognized as the most ancient paintings in the temple, dating between the year of its foundation by Ye-ses-'od

(996) and the year of its renovation by Byan-chub- 'od (I042). We are convinced that the bulk of the

paintings still visible in the chapels of the ground floor of the gSer-khan has to be assigned to the

phase of the initial building of this temple.54 Another point of contact with Ta-pho has been recalled by Chan55 concerning the wavy lines

radiating from the halos. However, contrary to Chan's view, these chapels of the gSer-khan present neither large stucco halos nor those oval frames in bas-relief stucco that can be found in other temples of the 2wa-lu complex. Here the wavy multicolored stripes of that radiance are painted directly on the wall and simply cut off according to an almond-shaped contour.

Possible evidence of partial repainting may perhaps be suspected in the dikpdlas and navagrahas of

Chapel I, which seem to reveal a greater articulation and a more strict correspondence to the Pala

style. That suspicion is enhanced by the fact that the upper decorative band is painted with curtains and draperies differing from the decorative streamers that characterize the other chapels. Such a

repainting could perhaps belong to the immediately following second phase; certainly it cannot be much later since it should precede the transformation of the original temple into a mgon-khan where those deities would be out of place.

About this second phase, present documentation essentially consists of particulars drawn from

panel 7a in the north-south corridor of the entrance. As already stated, those paintings manifest a

typical Pala style deeply rooted in the East-Indian models even if partially adopting Tibetan costumes and Central Asian physiognomies. The same features will occur a few years later in the

Grwa-than murals. Further documentation probably should be drawn from panel 7b which, however, is in much worse condition. At any rate, in order to understand the conception that inspired the

paintings on this wall, on both sides of the central door, it will be necessary to study all four of the

worshipping scenes they represent, in spite of the more or less radical repainting they underwent. The third phase in the Vitali scheme that we are following is represented by the great changes

introduced by Grags-pa-rgyal-mtshan after his appointment to the role of sku-zanf in the fire-horse

(me-rta) year 1306. As far as the eastern dbu-rtse of the Zwa-lu temple is concerned, these changes consisted of the transformation of the original skor-lam into the present large north-south corridor, the enclosure of the surrounding spaces and the creation of a "Vaisravana's mgon-khan.

In our opinion, questions concerning the extension and placement of this mgon-khan remain

unanswered. From the examples provided by the Bu-ston rNam-thar and the Myan-chun, we presume that the newly-created mgon-khan occupied only part of the ground floor, but there is uncertainty as to which part. Some of the secluded rooms are certainly represented by the two lateral corridors, the

southern one containing the steps leading to the upper storey and the northern one probably

designed to house a portion of the precious volumes of this temple. A recent cursory examination of the contents of the northern corridor revealed a thick layer of manuscripts dispersed on the soil.

53 Klimburg-Salter, 25, 35. 54 Of course Ta-pho is located far from gTsan, but rather common conditions were probably found in the first phase of the phyi-dar

(second propagation of Buddhism) concerning the availability of expert artisans in that period of feverish building activity. 55 See footnote 52.

360

What of the remaining rooms? In Tucci's translation of the Genealogies of Zwa-lu, when defining the

room that was transformed into a mgon-khan, the expression "open circumambulation" is used to render the Tibetan term rgyun-lam,56 which, according to both Heinrich Jaschke57 and Yurij N.

Roerich,58 means "endless road." What does rgyun-lam really mean in this context? Does it indicate the central east-west corridor open at both sides connecting the courtyard and the 'du-khan, or rather

the surviving part of the ancient skor-lam as represented by the north-south corridor, or else an open

gallery which possibly was the actual skor-lam in ICe-btsun's original building? While it is difficult to accept the premise that all the inside chapels have assumed the new

function of a mgon-khacn since their residual paintings do not comply with the dark and fearful nature

of those secret temples, Chapels 4 and 5, with their traces of flaming backgrounds, seem to offer a

positive response to our question. On the other hand, the possibility of looking at the northern section of the large traverse corridor

as the mgon-khan dedicated to Vaisravana - as could perhaps be suggested by the great paintings (8c) of the Lo or ses - is doubtful, since that section is not separated from the remaining part of the corridor, where the serene preaching Buddhas enthroned at the center of the four scenes (7a, 7a', 7b, 7b') are totally extraneous to the usual conception of a mgon-khan. Furthermore, it is questionable that the paintings of the northern section could be dated to the very moment of Grags-pa-rgyal- mtshan's renovation. The stylistic features of the Great King and those of the Vajrapani facing him

(8a) are so similar to those found, for instance, in the Gyantse sKu-'bum that it is difficult to believe

that more than a century separates them.

Even the repainting of the four panels with preaching Buddhas considered above could, perhaps, have been carried out at different times, since rather strong stylistic differences are discernible

between the central Buddha - assigned by Vitali to the beginning of the fourteenth century and

assimilated to those in the skor-lam of the Yum-chen-mo temple - and some of the surrounding bodhisattvas, devas and sravakas that appear to have been repainted in a later Nepalese style. This

inclines us to assume the working hypothesis of a more complicated sequence for the temple decoration after the structure was renovated by Grags-pa-rgyal-mtshan, also taking into account that

some deteriorating wall paintings were renovated under the sixth sku-zan, Ye-ses-kun-dga', who

became lord of Zwa-lu around 1355.S9 As was previously stated, however, more detailed visual and

literary documentation is needed to determine this point.

Unfortunately the two inscriptions found in the mgon-khacn do not inform us about following interventions. However, some changes - perhaps the introduction of new statues and the

transformation of some chapels - must have occurred in the interval between the writing of those two

inscriptions, since only Inscription B includes dPal-ldan-lha-mo in the host of the Defenders of the

site.

56 Footnote 7, 700, no. 621 57 Heinrich A. Jaschke, A Tibetan-English Dictionary (London: Rutledge and Kegan Paul, I977). 58 Yurij N. Roerich, Tibetan-Russian-English Dictionary with Sanskrit Parallels (Moscow: Nauka Publishers, I983). 59 Footnote 7, 660 and Table XVI; Vitali, Io03.

36I

INSCRIPTION A

om swa st ssiddhi

rgyal ba thams cad kyi mkhyen pa'i nus pa gcig tu bsdus pa'i ... gsum pa rab gsal gyi rnam par 'phrul ba

rgya gar kasmi ra'i mahapan di ta sa kya sri bha ta ... Ijons du mkhas btsun bzan gsum thams cad kyi gtszug

rgyan nor bu'i khri la zabs sen padma mnon par bkodpa'i snigs dus gyi rgyan ... mkhyen pa chen po bu ston

rin po che yab sras gtso bor bzugs pa'i rtsa rgyud kyi dpal Idan bla ma dam pa rnams kyi bka' I gsan ... dpal

phyag na rdo rje la sogs pa'i yi dam dkyil 'khor gyi Iha tshogs rnam dan chos skyon ba'i rgyal po chen po rnam

thos sras zi khro ... dpal mgon chos skyon bsrun ma rnams kyi lun / dpal za lu gser khan gi gdan pa bcu gsum

sakya'i dge slon rdo-rje 'dzin pa blo gsal grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzan po zes grags pa'i bden pa'i gtam /

chos grwa chen po 'di nid la gtogs Iha sde mi sde skya ser bod 'brog chen po slob dpon ... dan bcas pas dgons sin

nes rgyud la / sbyir 'gro ba yons kyi phan pa dan bde ba ma lus pa sans rgyas kyi bstan pa ... yun rin du gnas

pa kho na la rag lus pa yin khyad par chos grwa chen po 'di nid bod kha ba can pa yons ... yul dam par gyur

pa'i phyi'i mchod gnas zab pa dan rgya che ba'i mdo snags kyi bstan pa rin po che'i 'byun ... bzugs rnams /

kyan tshul gnas thos dan bstin pa / sgom pa la ni rab tu sbyor / zes gsuns pa ... dag pa dan Idan pa'i sgo nas

dam pa'i chos la ran don du thos bsam sgom gsum dan I gzan don du 'chad rtsod rtsoms gsum dus 'da' rgyu yin

pa 'dug na'n sbyir dus snigs ma'i dban dan bye brag tu mkhan thog rim pa bzugs mi bzugs kyi skabs slob

grwa dpon 'bans rnams kyan la la phugs bsam chun zin 'ga' zig spobs pa z'um zin sgyid lugs sogs kyi skyon ...

ci yan mi ses ... rmons pa phyi ru wa 'dra zin nan du stag 'dra ba'i rtsab hral rnams sni ma 'dogs ma 'pho ba'i dpes sde dkrugs spyod nan dan srol nan kho nas dus 'da' bar byas drag sar rlom pa rnams kyis kyan de

dag gi ran rgyal ... 'dzin 'ba' zig byas pa la rten don gyi rnin po lugs gnis gan gi'n khrims kyi tha snad med

cin ran gzan thams cad khrims nid 'cha' rmod kyi gnas su gyur pa kun gyis dgons sin nfes pa 'di yin de 'thun

[mthun?] ned khri thog 'dir slebs nas spyir bya ba sna tshogs cig dan khyad par rtsun pa nos ma gsod 'dug bla

ma chos sne [sde?] thams cad khyad du bsad pa'i khrims la rnam par mi 'cham pa byun ba la bsams dus ned

la'n khyi bso bstuns kyi rnam pa 'di bzin byed phyin gnen po bsten pa la ......... yul nan spon ba legs pas ned

ran ran yul mgo nas bsgom la 'thad snam zin la rgyul medpar thag bcad ......... en [chen?] slob rnams kyi'n fnan bsrin lugs dgos dgons par gyi 'gal ba cis kyan byed gsun ba dan khyad par khri ......... pa nas sde pa'i drun gi thugs bsam rnam par dag pas kun nas blans pa'i grogs Idan bka' bkod mdzod /chen slob bka' gros pa thams cad kyis .....I.... rnin po la khan ton Ide 'o gsum pos gser sran re'i 'chad pa gtsan bar phuzl kha(m)

chu'i bcod rgya .........

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APPENDIX

dza yanstu

rgyal ba rgya mtsho'i bstan pa bsrun ba'i phyir / rgyal sras gnod sbyin dban por sku sprul ba'i / rgyal pa'i bstan bsrun yons kyi ded dpon che / rgyal chen nal tshabs po la phyag 'tshal lo / drag po 'jigs run 'thin nag 'bar ba'i sku / drag sul las mdzad klu dan srin po'i gtso / drag gtuzm pha zo spro zin gdug can 'joms / drag

byed rnam thos sras la phyag 'tshal lo Idpal Idan mgon po ben dmar srin po'i gzugs / dpal Idan Iha mo las

mkhan pho nar bcas / dpal Idan thub pa'i bstan bsrun mthu bo che / dpal chen bsrun ma'i ded dpon de la 'dudl rab 'jigs gsin rje'i rgyal po dam can che / rab rgod ma he khros pa'i zal dmar gdans / rab gtum yum mchog 'khor tshogs rgya mtshor bcas / rab sdan dgra ba'i s'an pa khyod la bstod Ima mo'i gtso mo rdo rje rab snan ma/ma runs 'dul phyir smug nag srin mo'i gzugs Ima Ita brtse bas bstan 'dzin bu bzin bskyon / ma gcig dpal Idan Iha mo khyod la bstod / rdo rje Iha mo rma bya'i sgro thul can / rdo rje ral gri mda'dar ne'u le thogs /rdo

rje 'dzin bskyoon bstan pa'i gner kha mo / rdo rje ri sbug ma la bstod par bgyi /

de Itar dpal Idan za lu gser khan che / chos gra gtsug lag khan chen skyon ba yi / 'jig rten 'das dan ma 'das bsrun ma'i tshogs / bran g.yog mnags pa pho nar bcCas pa rnams / dnos bsams yid kyis sprzul pa'i mchod

pa'i sprin / dam rdzas gtor chen phyi ran gsan ba yi / brten dan spyan gzigs nam mkha'i khyon gan ba / 'bul lo mchod do dgyes sin rol bar mdzod /

rdo rje 'dzin dan padma badzra dan / di pan ka ra mi tra dzo ka'i zabs / lo ston rdo rje dban byug Ice btsun rje / thams cad mkhyen pa bu ston yab sras sogs / rtsa rgyud bla ma'i bka' dan dam tshigs dgons / mthu stobs rdzu 'phrul dmag dpun chen skyed la I/ rnal 'byor bdag gi gsol ba gtab pa yi / phrin las da Ita nid du

grub par mdzod / spyi dgos bstan pa rin chen khyod kyis bsruns / bstan 'dzin sku tshe phrin las khyod kyis spel / bstan pa'i sbyin bdag 'khor bcas khyod kyis bskyons / bstan dgra dam nams gdug can zin 'di sgrol / ma

g.yel ma g.yel dam can bsrun ma'i tshogs / ma pham ma thogs mthuz stobs rdzu 'phrul bskyed Ima hd pa ra'i las la rins par che / ma rabhs ma runs dgra bo da Ita rgyal / ces .... za lu .... dam can dgos pa'i rnal 'byor .....

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