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2AC Answers to China Soft Power DA
First,
US LEADERSHIP PREVENTS WARS -- CHINA IS ONLY INTERESTED IN SPACE
TO DECREASE U.S.
SUPERIORITY
Baohui Zhang, Director of the Center for Asia Pacific Studies,
Lingnan Univ, Feb. 2011
Richard J. Adams and Martin E. France, U.S. Air Force officers,
contend that Chinese interests in
space weapons do not hinge on winning a potential U.S.-Chinese
ASAT battle or participating in a
space arms race. Instead, they argue, Chinas military space
program is driven by a desire to
counter the space-enabled advantage of U.S. conventional forces.
This perspective implies that
given the predicted U.S. superiority in conventional warfare,
China feels compelled to continue its
offensive military space program. Inevitably, this perspective
sees China as the main instigator of a
possible space arms race, whether implicitly or explicitly.
Next: plan increases United States hege as said by their sabier
and faith 5-17 cards.
United States Hegemony fosters stability and prevents prolif in
East Asia
Cook et al 10 Malcolm, East Asia Program Director at the Lowy
Institute for International Policy (June 2010,MacArthur Foundation
and the Lowy Institute, Raoul Heinrichs, Rory Medcalf, Andrew
Shearer, Power and
Choice: Asian Security Futures,
http://asiasecurity.macfound.org/images/uploads/blog_attachments/Asian_security_futures_-
_final_version.pdf)
Today, in 2010, it is widely held that the United States is the
predominant security player in Asia. Yet, there is also
a growing consensus including in some quarters in Americathat US
primacy is already in terminal decline. Today, the
orthodox question about US strategic primacy in Asia is when,
not if, it will end. The global financial crisis and its aftermath
have simply
increased the number and volume of those voicing this
conventional wisdom. The logic goes that as China rises in most
facets of national
power, the United States relative power will naturally decline,
and over time even US alliance partners in Asia will seek to become
more
autonomous from the United States and develop strong ties across
the board with China. This logic has been applied to portray the
Roh Moo-
hyun regime in South Korea before it was replaced by a
pro-alliance conservative administration under Lee Myung-bak; 10 to
the latestAustralian defence white paper, despite its ambiguous
judgements on the prospective endurance of US primacy; 11 and to
the campaign
rhetoric of Japans new Prime Minister, Yukio Hatoyama, and the
early days of his administration. 1 2 This chapter goes against
that
grain and argues that US strategic primacy in Asia will continue
for the next two to three decades at least.
Not only that, but the changing interests of the major powers in
Asia outside China and the changing way the
United States maintains its primacy will actually strengthen the
political and diplomatic foundations of this
status quo. A dramatic diminution of American power, whether
through retrenchment or the rise of competitors, has long
been a nightmare among many of Asias security thinkers, and
especially for US allies who, faced with a choice, may well
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CHINESE SOFT POWER BAD: US-CHINA RELATIONS
INCREASING CHINESE SOFT POWER WILL TRIGGER US CONTAINMENT
AND
CONFLICT
Sujan Guo, professor in the Department of Political Science and
Director of Center for US-China Policy
Studies (CUSCPS) at San Francisco State University, CHINAS
PEACEFUL RISE, 2006,
http://bss.sfsu.edu/sguo/My%20articles/006%20Introduction.pdf
China can meet these challenges. In world history, no any major
power has risen peacefully. From the
early colonial powers Spain and Britain, to late
industrializers, Germany and Japan, all new powers
fought all its way to their power status. The history of the
United States is the history of confrontation,
even conflict, with the other great powers of the earth, first
with Britain and France in the 19
th
centuryand then with Germany, Japan, and then Russia in the 20th
century, not to mention many wars fought
by proxy. Moreover, the past experience of great powers suggest
that dominant powers have typically
seen rising powers as potential threats and have sought to
thwart their rise. Containment, however, has
often produced a nationalist backlash in the rising power that
has intensified its desire to revise the
status quo.The rapid economic development associated with rising
power also tends to produce
complex domestic political pressures that can prove
destabilizing.
