241 CHAPTEl SIX

IMAGE OF NATION-BUIL:JINS

The local leaders' image of nation-building was sought

to be obtained through questions about their conceptions of

(a) the goal of nation-building (9oal perception), (b) the

id·eological strategy for nation-building (strategy perception),

and finally, (c) their own role in the nation-building process

(role perception). It was assumed that the answers they provi:le

to such questions would constitute their image of nation-building.

In the fonnulation of the questions, care was taken to

ma~e use of both closed questions eliciting simple "Yes" or

"No" answers, as well as open-ended questions that would give

the respondents a wider scope of comin) out with answers that

are more personal on the one hand, and less structured on the

other.

In processing the answers obtained from the councillors,

the method adopted was statistical grciuping and characterisation

aimed at comparative analysis. As stated in the Introduction,

the objective of this exercise has been to extract a comparative

image of nation-building, prevailing among the elected cou~cillors

of the local bodies of Coimbatore and Usilampatti in Tamil ~adu,

and ,\1uvattupuzha and Ahvaye in Kerala.

242 .. I. ffiAL PERCEPTION

What cbes 1'nation-buildihg" mean to the local leaders

under study? O::>es it mean anything to them at all? Have they

at least ever heard of such a political goal spelt out to them

by their leaders? After all, as local leaders they are, in

effect, even if they are unconscious aoout it, engaged in the

national goal of nation-building permeated to them through the

local self government institutions. It was under such a theo­

retical consideration that in this study attempts were made to

probe the goal perception of the local leaders as regards the

process of nation-building in India.

In order to find out what the local leaders considered

to be the meaning of nation- building, tv.o types of questions

were put to them. The first sat ego ry consisted of questions

eliciting simple lf{es" or ~o 1* answers, but the second category

consisted of open-ended questions eliciting answers that v.ould

indicate their perceptions and preferences regarding the goal

of nation-building in India.

1. AWARENES~ AND EVALUATION

The first categorY of questions, viz., those eliciting

"Yes 1• or 1tNo '' answers, were aimed at extracting the local

leaders' awareness or/and evaluation of important issues

pertaining to nation-building. The issues or problem areas so

243

included were casteism, local industries, re-distribution of

land on socialist lines, the success of Community Development

schemes, and the linguistic reorganisation of the States in

India. And the questions were framed as follows:

(a) Are you aware of the problems of castei sm?

(b) CO you feel that local industries have a significant :role?

(c) Il:J you agree with the idea that the present pattern of land oWlershi(l is unjust and therefore a re-di stribut~on of land is necessary?

(d) IlJ you feel that removal of w:i. de di spari ties in income is necessarY for the success of the community development schemes?

(e) CO you feel that the linguistic re-organisation of States was a correct step?*

(a) Ca stei sm

All the thirty three of the councillors of Coimbatore

Municipality questioned on this issue affirmed that they were

aware of the problem of casteism, VIOrking as a negative force

in lndi a's integration. Among the nine councillors interviewed

in Usilampatti, only six displayed such an awareness, whereas

three of them showed no awareness at all. Similarly, v.hile all

*These questions were, of course, thought relevant under the assumption that the removal of (1) Casteism, (2) regional disparities in economic development, ( 3) wide disparities in the personal o'J\Oership of 1 and, ( 4) the fear of being dominated by one group over another, and {5) the condi­tions hindering the full development of a regional 1 anguage and culture is a necessary condition for nation­buil din;1 in lndi a.

244

the fourteen councillors interviewed in Muvattupuzha showed an

awareness of the problem of castei sm, out of the nine in Alwaye,

onlY seven showed such an awareness, whereas tv.o of them,

including the Chainnan, showed no awareness of it.

In tenns of percentage, the variations in the awareness

of casteism coUld be shoW1 as follows:

TABLE NO. 44

Variations in the Awareness of Castei sm

No. local Eody

1. Coimbato re

2. Usilampatti

3. Alwaye

4. Muvattupuzha

5. TOTAL

(b) local Industries

Total councillors interviewed

33

9

9

14

65

Aware

33 ( 100%)

6 ( 66. 7%)

7 (77 .876)

14 ( 100%)

6o (92. 5%)

Not Aware

Nil

3 ( 33. 3%)

2 ( 22. 2~6)

Nil

5 (7.5~

To the question ttDo you feel that local industries

have a Significant role" in the process of nation-building in

India~ hundred per cent affinnation came from the councillors

245

of Coimbajore, Alwaye and Muvattupuzha, viii th the sole exception

of one in Usilampatti : but then this was the case of a parti­

cular councillor, who showed no political awareness what so ever

regarding any of the issues on which he was questioned in this

connection. This overwhelming consensus is indicative of a

wide-spread awareness among the local leaders that local

industries tlllay a significant role in regional development and

in the process of nation-building, and that, therefore, it has

to be given a place of priority in national planning.

How do the local leaders react to the highly ticklish

issue of 1 and di stri bu tion? In answer to the question 110::> you

agree \llli th the idea that the present pattern of land o'JI.(lership

is unjust and therefore a re-distribution of lald is necessary'/''

- 29 out of the 33 councillors in Coimbatore gave an affirmative

answer, v.hile only four gave a negative one. ){nang these four

with negative answer, tv..o belonged to Congress (0), one to

Swatantra and the last one to lviuslim League. In Usilampatti,

out of the nine, five gave positive answers, and one gave

negative answer, while three had no answers whajever. Among

the five with positive answers, three belonged to O:::Jngress ( R),

one to ADJvlK, and one to DMK; the sole negative answer came from

a Di•lK member.

I

No.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

246 • In Muvattupuzha, twelve out oft he fourteen gave

po si ti ve answers ( CPFvi = 5, Congress ( R) = 2, CPI = J, Keral a

Congress= 1, Independent= 1}, t\".0 gave negative answers

(Congress (R) = 1, Independent = 1). In Alwaye, eight out of

the nine councillors gave a positive answer (CPI = 2, CPNi = 1,

Congress ( R) = 1, Independents = 2, Keral a Congress = 1,

Congress fO) = 1), the only negative answer came from a Kerala

Congress member.

In terms of percentage, the variation of attitudes

among the councillors of the four local bodies to the question

of land distribution can be shaWl as below:

TABLE NO. 45

Variations i.n Att.i tudes To wa;r;.d.uan d- Di s:t.ri bu tion

II III IV V Vl VII

Lo cal 6::> dy To tal Agree Perc en-councillors tage to

III

O:::limbato re 33 'z:J 87.9

Usilampatti 9 5 55.6

Muvattupuzha 14 12 85.7

Alwaye 9 8 88.9

TOTAL 65 54 83.1

·--

Disagree Percen­tage to

III

4 12.1

1 11.1

2 14.3

1 11.1

8 12.3

No.

247

It is necessarY to have a look at the party-wise

distribution of this variation, jf one is to have an idea of

this, first one should consider the distribution of the parties

in the four to.,..ns under study:

TABLE i'-10. 46

Party .Qi st:r;:ibu.tion in the Four Tovfis ___ .. Party Total O:limba- Usilam- Alwaye Mut'attu-

councillors tore patti puzha ---------------------------------------------------------------------

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

O:>ngress (R) 12 5 3 1 3

O:lngress (0) 10 8 1 1

CPI 9 5 2 2

CPM 6 1 5

DMK 15 12 3

ADMK 2 1 1

Kerala OJngress 3 2 1

Swatantra 1 1

Ivluslim League 1 1

Independents 6 1 2 3

1DTAL 65 33 9 9 14

S:>me major features emerging 0 ut 0 f the aoo ve Table

need to be highlighted. OJimbatore is chminated by Jl'JlK,

followed by Congress (0)' ooth of which have no roots in Alwaye

I

248

or Ivluvattupuzha, leaving the only exception of a Q>ngress (0}

member in Alwaye. Similarly, vilile lJiuvattupuzha is dominated

by CPM, this party is conspicuous by its absence (among the

member interviewed) in Q>imbatore and Usilampatti. While

political support in Alwaye appears to be divided equally

between CPI, Kerala Q>ngress and Independents, in Usilampatti,

it appears to be divided equally between Q>ngress (R) and DMK.

Against this background the party-wise distribution

of positive and negative attitudes towards the issue of land

distribution can be shoW1 in the following Table:

TABLE NO. 47

E a :ttY- wi ~e Di :;it;r.:i bu:tion of A:t~i :tude Jla:t:i aticn en .L.a.fl.d_ili:.Jatr;i, bu t.iQ.u

II III IV v VI VII

No. Party Total Agrees Perc en- Disagrees Percen-tage to tage to

III III

-------------------------------------------------------------------1. Q>ngress (R) 12 11 9!.7 1 8.3

2. Q>ngress (0) 10 7 70.0 2 a:>.o 3. CPI 9 9 100.0

4. CPM 6 6 100.0

5. Dt\1K 15 13 86.7 1 6.7

6. ADMK 2 2 100.0

7. Kerala Q>ngress 3 2 66.7 1 33.3

8. Swatantra 1 1 100.0

9. Muslim League 1 1 JDO.O

10. Independents 6 4 66.7 1 16.7

1!. TOTAL 65 54 83.1 8 12.3

249

While 62 out of 65 opted for one position or other,

54 with a positive attitude and 8 with a negative attitude,

the remaining 3 ( Congress-0 = 1, DMK = 1, and Independent = 1)

did not express any preference. In tenns of percentage,

excepting Swatantra and Muslim League, (which are 100%

negatively oriented to land distribution on socialist lines),

all the other parties have at least more than 6o% of their

opinion in favour of land distribution on socialist lines.

Among them, all of the CPM, CPI and ADMK councillors have

expressed favourable attitude to the same, while 91.7% of the

Congress ( R), 86% of the DMK, and 70% of the Congress (0)

councillors favoured it.

(d) Qpmmunity Development Schemes and 9:2 ciq-Economic Ineguali ty

In the image of the local leaders, is there any link

between the prevalence of socio-economic inequality and the

failure of the Community Development Schemes? The question

11]):) you feel that removal of V\lide disparities in income is

necessarY for the success of the Community Development Schemes?''

was put to them precisely to know their perception of this

issue. The pattern of variation in their answer to this

question is shov.n in the following Table:

I

No.

250

TABLE NO. 48

Variat,ion of Attitudes Towards Inequality and Qornmunity Development Schemes

II III IV

Lo cal ib di e s Councillors Agrees

v VI

Percen- Disagrees tage to

III

VII

Percen­tage to

III

------------------------------------------------------------------------1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Coimbatore 33 26 78.8 7 21.2

Usilampatti 9 2 22.2 2 22.2

Muvattupu zha 14 14 100.0

Alwaye 9 9 100.0

TOTAL 65 51 78.5 9 13.8

A confonnity seems to emerge between the above pattern and the

one regarding land distribution: Muvattupuzha and Alwaye which

showed very high degrees of sympathy for land di stri lbution

(85.7% and 88.9% respectively) do show such a positive response

here too (both 100%), while Coimbato re, which had 87.9 }6

favourable attitude towards land distribution, shows only 78.8%

affirmationof a relationship between socio-economic inequality

and the failure of Community Development Schemes. Usilampatti

has been giving low response in both cases, (55.6% and 22.2%

re specti Vel y).

I

251

(e) Ling_ui_stic. Re:-o rgani s.atiQn of States

Finally, what is the assessment of the local leaders

of the linguistic re-organisation strategy followed in India's

nation-building attempts? This was sought to be obtained

through the question "Il:> you feel that the linguistic re-o rga­

nisation of States was a correct step?". The variation of

patterns in their answer to this question is shovfl below:

TABLE NO. 49

Variation in Reactions to Li_Q~istic Re-otganisation

II III IV v VI VII VIII ----------------------------------No.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Local Po dies

Cbimbato re

U si 1 amp at ti

Muvattupuzha

Alwaye

1DTAL

Cbun­cillo rs

33

9

14

9

65

Approves

29

2

8

2

41

P ercen- Di s­tage to approves

III

87.9 4

22.2 1

57.1 6

22.2 7

63.1 18

Percen­tage to

III

12.1

11.1

42.9

77.8

27.8

No Answer

6

6

What emerges is quite a striking picture. TI1e local

leaders of Kerala tend to dis}app:rove of the linguistic reorga­

nisation strategy : out of the 23 councillors interviewed there

only 10 (i.e., 43.5%) approve of it, v..hile 13 (i.e., 56.5%)

I

No.

1.

252

disapprove of it, as against 7 3.8% appro val and 11.9% dis­

approval in Tamil Nadu. Obviously, this is indicative of the

fact that there is greater sentimental value for language among I .

the Tamils than among the Malayalees: otherwise, how to explain

their antipathy towards even the principle of linguistic

reorganisation of States?

A similar comparison can be made also regarding the

other issues discussed above. The comparative picture of the

variations emerging then can be shov.n as below:

II

Issues

TABLE NO. :0

Compat:at.iye Variation of Attitudes Ar!bnCJ Tamil Nadu and Kerala Councillors

III

T ,AJ11ll L N ADU (X) U1'-J CI LLO RS ( 42)

Po si ti ve Negative

IV

KERALA CDUl~CILLCRS ( 23)

Po si ti ve 1'-legati ve

Castei sm 39 3 21 (92.9%) (7 .1%) (91. 3%)

2. Local Industries

41 (97 .6%)

1 23 ( 2. 4)6) ( 100.0%)

3. Land Distribution

4. Community Development Schemes

5. Linguistic Re­organisation

34 (81.0/6)

28 ( 66.7 76)

31 (73.8%)

5 ( 11. 9%)

9 ( 21. 41~

5 ( 11.9;6)

aJ (87 .o%)

23 ( 100.0/6)

10 ( 43. 5%)

3 ( 13.0i~

13 (56.5~)

253

The variation on the issue of Castei sm among the

Kerala Councillors has to be explained in the light of a

special background of t:1e Alwaye Councillors (in iviuvattupuzha

they reported 100% awareness, when in Alwaye t\\0 reported

lack of awareness). Ever since Independence Alwaye Municipal

Council had been functioning in a smooth way, with an e~xtra­

ordinary degree of con sen sus. Against this background, it is

not surprising that t\\0 councillors reported •tunawareness'' of

Casteism: they were projecting their local experiences on to

the national scene. In issues like local industries, 1 and

distribution and Community Development schemes, the Kerala

councillors displayed a greater degree of political judgement

( 100%, 87%, and 100% re sp ecti vel y) compared to their Tamil

Nadu counterparts (97 .6%, 81% and 66.72%). The singular position

regarding the language issue had already been discussed above.

2. PERCEPTIONS Ai\JD SUGGESTlC!-JS

How do the local leaders conceive of the process of

nation-building in India? Are they aware of such a process at

all, and if aware, Vlhat do they consider as its goal or meaning?

What in their perceP>tion are the major problems and obstacles

in the process of nation-building in India? What are their

suggestions regarding specific issues like industrial unrest

and the language problem?

%54

With a view to obtaining the opinions of the local

leaders on the al:ove aspects of nation-building in India, they

were asked to comment upon (a} the major problems of the country

today; (b) the meaning of nation-building; (c) obstacles to

national integration; (d) solutions to industrial unrest; and

(e) solutions for the language problem. The questions were

fo nnul a ted as follows: ( 1) ,/hat do you consider as the most

challenging problems of our country today? (2) What do you

understand by nation-building? ( 3) What, in your opinion, are

the major obstacles of national integration? (4) ~·Jhat are

your suggestions for solving industrial unrest? ( 5) What are

your suggestions for ool ving the language problem?

While seeking the answers to these questions, no

categories were given to them, so that their ov.Jl genuine

opinions and suggestions could be obtained. Subsequently,

their answers were processed and clustered them into meaningful

categories under (1) Major Problems; (2} Meaning of Nation­

Building, (3) Obstacles to National Integration, (4) Solutions

to Industrial Unrest, and (5} Formulas for S:llving the Language

Problem.

( a) Ma jo r Pro bl em s

The answers the local leaders gave to the question,

"What do you consider as the most challenging problems of our

country today?" embraced the categories of (a) unemployment,

No.

255 .. (b) food shortage, (c) housing, (d) political corruption, and

(e) so cio- economic inequality.

The pattern of variation in the listing of these

problems by different co un cillo rs can be sho \Jifl in the fo llo IJI.(ing

Table:

TABLE NO. 51

Va~sa:tiQn:;j in th~ PSl;r;:c;~ :tian Q f Na:tianrli Em bl ~.s

Problems Coimba- Usilam- MuvattU- Alwaye tore patti puzha

-------------------------------------------------------------------1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Unemployment 26 3 12 7 ( 78 .8%) ( 33. 3%) (85. 7%) (77.8%)

Food Shortage !8 4 9 6 (54. 5%) ( 44. 4%) (64. 3%) (66. 7%)

Housing 8 1 ( 24. 2%) ( 11.1%)

Political Corruption 1 1 5 2 ( 3.0%) ( 11.1%) ( 35. 7%) ( 22. 2%>

Socio-Economic 5 1 5 Inequality ( 15. 2%> ( 7.1%1 (55. 6%)

In perceiving unemployment as the biggest national

problem, Muvattupuzha takes the lead (85. 7~6), followed by

Coimbatore (78.8%), and thirdly by Alwaye (77 .8%), leaving the

1 ast place to Usilampatti ( 33. 3%). In food shortage, the order

is Alwave first ( 66. 7/d), Muvattupu zha second (64. 3%), O::>imbato re

third (54.5%), and Usilampatti fourth (44.4%}. While the

256

councillors of Muvattupuzha and Alwaye cb not perceive housing

as a problem (all of them have their OW1 houses), 24.2 per cent

of their counter-parts in OJimbatore and 11.1 per cent in Usilam...

patti rate it as a major problem. In the recognition of

political corruption as a major problem, Muvattupuzha takes the

lead (35.7%), followed by Alwaye (22.2%) in the. second place,

and Usilampatti and OJimbatore in the third and fourth. It is

only AJ.. waye (55. 6%) ~ OJimba tore ( 15. 2%) and Muvattupu zha ( 7 • .:n%)

that recognized socio-economic inequality as a national problem.

To determine the order of priority of these problems

in the perception of the 65 local leaders, the following Table

could be used:

TABLE NO. 52

National Problems in Priority

Sr. No. Problems OJ unci llo r s Percentage

1. Unemployment 48 73.8

2. Food Shortage 37 56.9

3. Housing 9 13.8

4. Political OJ rrup tion 9 13.8

5. s:>cio-Economic Inequality 11 16.9

The Table shows that, in the order of priority, the

major problems are unemployment, food shortage, socio-economic

inequality, housing and political corruption, as perceived by

the 65 local leaders.

257

(b) Meaning of Nation- &lilding

In general, the councillors displayed an inability

to give specific answers to the question, "What do you under­

stand by nation-building? 15 out of the 65 councillors had no

answer vA'latever. The answers given by the 50 respondents fell

into three categories: (a) the creation of a country with an

emotional unity; (b) the creation of a powerful nation; and

(c) the spreading of greater socio-economic equality in the

country. The variations in these answers are sho\1111 in the

following Table:

TABLE NO. 53

Variations in the Meaning of Nation- Building

No. Meaning Coim- Usilam- Muvattu- Alwaye batore patti puzha

-----------------------------------------------------------------1. Emotional Unity 18 2 9 4

(54. 5) ( 22. 2%) (64. 3%) ( 44. 4%)

2. Powerful Nation 8 1 5 3 ( 24. 2,6) ( 11.1%) ( 35. 7%) ( 33. 316)

3. 5o cio-Economi c Equality 12 1 4 5 ( 33. 4%} ( 11. 1%) (28.6%) (55.6%)

In interpreting nation-building in te:rms of emotional

unity, Muvattupuzha takes the lead (64. 3;6), followed by Coimba­

tore in the second place (54.5%), Alwaye in the third place

(44.4%), and Usilampatti (22.2/b) in the fourth. Similarly, in

258

regarding nation-building as the creation of a powerful nation

too Muvattupuzha takes the lead ( 35. 7%), tUwaye second ( 33. 3%),

Coimbatore third ( 24. 25~) and Usilampatti fourth ( 11.1%). But

it is Alwaye vvhich comes first in its perception of nation­

building as the spreading of socio-economic equality (55.61~,

with Coimbato re coming second ( 33. 4)lb), Muvattupu zha third

( 28.6%) and Usilampatti last ( 11.1%).

The order of priority of these meanings is shov.n in

the following Table:

No.

1.

3.

Meanings

Emotional Unity

Powerful Nation

TABLE NO. 54

5::> cio-Economi c Equality

Co un cillo rs

33

17

22

Percentage

50.8

26.2

33.8

---------,-------------~--------

The above meanings of nation-building appear to claim

priority in the order of: emotional unity first, socio-economic

equality second, and powerful nation third.

(c) Obsta.d~:l...o.lla.Lin tegration

In answer to the question, 11VJhat, in your opinion, are

the major obstacles to national integration?'', the local leaders

259

tended to list such issues as: multiplicity of political

parties, exploitation of people by regionalist 1 eaders, and

castei sm. The patterns of variation in the answers is sho W1

in the following Table:

TABLE i'-10. 55

----- --------------------------------·----- ---------No. Obstacle O:>im- Usilam- Muvattu- Alwaye

puzha bato re patti

---------------------------------------------------------------1. lvlul tipli city of Party 5 2 1 4

( 15. 2;6) ( 22. 2/6) ( 7. 1/6) ( 44. 4%)

2. Selfish Leaders 16 5 10 5 ( 48. 5~) ( 55.6~) (71. 4;6) ( 55.6~

3. Castei sm 11 1 8 3 ( 33. 3/6) ( 11.1%) (57 .1%) ( 33. 3/6)

The comparative picture of the weight allotted to

these obstacles by the local leaders emerges from the following

Table:

No.

1. 2.

3.

TABLE NO. 56

Wei g.htage. o f 0 b s t a c.l e s to N aiiQ_n al In tegratiQD.

Obstacles

Multiplicity Party

Selfish Leaders

Castei sm

O:>uncillors Percentage

12 36 23

18.5

55.4

35.4

260 -In order of importance, the factor of selfish

(regionalist) 1 eaders come first, followed by castei sm, and

then by mul tipli city of party.

(d) Indu ~t;x;:i al Unre.a:t

Turning to the economic front of nation-building,

how cb the local leaders view the problem of industrial unrest,

and what remedies do they suggest? In answer to the question,

"'v'Jhat are your suggestions for solving industrial unrest in

the country? 11 - they advocate such measures as: abolition of

private enterprise through the total nationalisation of

industry, better paY, including increased bonus, and discipli­

nary measures including negotiated settlements as well as

insulating the w:J rkers from exploitation by political leaders.

The patterns of variation are shov11 below:

No.

1.

2.

3.

TABLE NO. 57

solutions to Industrial Unre~t

Solution

Nation ali sation

Better pay

Ivb re Discipline

Coim­batore

8 ( 24. 2%)

11 ( 33. 3%)

14 (42. 4%)

Usilam... patti

3 ( 33. 3~

2 ( 22. 2%)

Muvattu- Alwaye puzha

3 ( 21. 4%)

6 2 (42.9%) ( 22. 2%)

7 8 ( =o.o%) (88.9%)

261

Here again, it is necessary to see v.hich of these

strategies has been given the highest weightage by the local

leaders. This is shovll below:

TABLE NO. 58

Sttat.~.:i&..s.._fQ.r.~_l0.ng ,In,d~ti.al Unrest

------------' No. Strategy

1. Nation ali sation

2. Better Pay

3. More Di sci plin e

(e) Lanouage Proble.IQ

Councillors Percentage

11

22

31

!6.9

33.8

47.7

The councillors were also asked to suggest their oWl

solutions for the language problem, with reference to the

three-language fonnula and the tw::> versions of the tw::>-language

formula (English with mother-tongue or Hindi along with mother­

tongue). The pattern of answer is shaWl below:

No.

TABLE NO. 59

ForraY.la for &>lying, the LanQUaQe PtQQ.lem

Fonnula Coim­bato re

Usilam­patti

Muvattu- Alwaye puzha

---------------------------------------------------------------1. E +H +M 18 1 4

(54. 5%) ( 11.1%) ( 28.6%)

2. E +M ll 4 8 5 ( 33. 3%) ( 44. 4%) (57. 1%) (55. 6%)

3. H +M 1 2 2 ( 3.0%) ( 14. 3%) ( 22. 2%)

262

The highest preference for the three-language formula

appears to be in Coimbato re (54. 5%), for English with vernacular

in Muvattupuzha (57.1%) and for Hindi and mother-tongue in

Alwaye ( 22. 2%).

In order to ascertain which of the three gets the

highest preference among the 65 councillors, the comparison

given below could be used:

No.

3.

TABLE NO. 60

Preference for the Language Formulas

Formula

E + H + M

E+M

H + M

Co un cillo rs

23

28

5

Percentage

35.4

43.1

7.7

The tWJ-language formula in the fonn of English as

national language and the mother-tongue for State use gets the

highest preference, followed by the three-language fo:rmula.

The tWJ-language formula embracing Hindi and mother- tongue gets

only an insignificant support.

In the light of the aoove findings, it is po ssi bl e now

to put the various elements that the local leaders consider as

essential to the ideal India they v.ould like to see emerging.

263

While 92.5% of the local leaders v..ould like to see

the removal of castei sm (Table 44 : if the fact that they

perceive casteism as a problem is taken to imply that they

consider it as undesirable and, hence, v..ould also like to get

it removed), 83.1% of them y..ould like to see greater socio­

economic equality introduced through land distribution

(Table 45). But all of them v.ould like to see the establish­

ment of more local industries and also the creation of greater

socio-economic equality as a precondition for the ultimate

success of the Community Development Schemes (Table 48), 63.1%

o f them v..o Ul d support the lin gui sti c re-o rg ani sation of the

States in India (Table 49). This means that except in the case

of linguistic re-organisation (where the majority opinion

accept what has been already accomplished as final and thus is

in favour of a status g__uo) in all the other four matters

(casteism, local industries, land-ovllership and community

development schemes), the majority opinion opts for a change in

favour of a classless and casteless society which v..ould

recognize local industries as an important factor for the

progress of the nation.

Similarly, judging from their problem perception

(Table 52) they v..ould like to see an India without any problem

of unemployment (73.8%), food shortage (56.9)6), housing

problems ( 16. 5%), so cio- economic inequality ( 16. 5%) and

political corruption (13.8%). While nation-building for them

264

mulct mean (Table 54): (a) the forging of an emotional unity

as one people ( ~.8%), (b) establishing greater so cio- economic

equality (33.8%),and (c) the creation of a powerful nation

(26.2%) the obstacles to this task (Table 56) consist of

(a) selfish political leaders (55.4%), (b) casteism (35.4%) and

(c) the existence of a multitude of political parties (18.5%).

In solving the problem of industrial unrest (Table 58), they

v.culd adopt the strategies of: (a) greater discipline (47.7%),

(b) better paY (33.8%), and (c) nationalisation of industries

(16.9%). As for solving the language problem (Table 60), 4:B.l%

of them muld apply the tv..o-language foimula of English vA.th

the mother-tongue, and 35.4% of them v..ould apply the three­

language foimula of English, Hindi, and the mother-tongue,

while only 7.7% of them \f\OUld advocate a t\f\0-language formula

of Hindi and the mother-tongue.

II. IDEOLOGICAL STR.:HEGY

In the perception of the local leaders, v-klat is the

ideology that v..ould serve as the best strategy for nation­

building in India? The local leaders were put to direct and

indirect questions -with a view to obtaining their ideological

preferences on the organisation of political power as well as

national economy.

265

As in the case of probing their goal-perception, here

too structured questions were put to them, eliciting "Yes" or

"No" answers. Tne closed questions were focussing on their

perception of the relationship between (a) "development'' and

wu:-~api_ta income; (b) "development'' and equality; (c) capita­

lism and mass prosperity; (d) poverty and profit motive

(selfishness); and finally (e) elections and money. The

questions were framed as follows, with enough of explanations

whenever needed by the respondents: (1) Is ''development" to be

measured by per capita income alone? (2) Do you consider

economic equality as an ingredient of "development"? ( 3) Do

you believe that a capitalist economy will be helpful in

removing India's poverty? (4) Do you agree with the idea that

profit motive as a principle of national economy will only

increase mass pove:tty? ( 5) Do you agree with the ide a that

only moneyed people can win the elections? The cumulative

burden of these questions were to know their cognitive and

evaluative orientations regarding political and economic

ideology.

(a) Measuring Development

~/hat do the local leaders feel about the practice of

measuring development by the .!ole index of~ capita income?

The answers they gave to the question ''Is 1 development 1 to be

measured by ~ capita income alone?", showed the following

pattern of variation:

266

TABLE NO. 61

Deyelopmen t and Per-capita In come The Perception of the Local Leaders

No. Local Eody "Yes " P n t "No " P t No erce age ercen age Answer ----------------------------------------------------------------------

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Coimbatore 5 15.2% 24 72. 7?~ 4

Usilampatti 1 11.1% 8

Muvattupu zha 13 92.9% 1

Alwaye 1 11.1~~ 6 66.7 'jb 2

TOTAL 6 14.3% 44 67. 7~& 15

In all the three local bodies, response from Usilampatti

being insignificant, an over-whelming majority of the councillors

appear to reject the idea of measuring "development'' by p.w:

capita income alone. In terms of percentage to the to tal coun­

cillors, it indicates that 67.7 per cent of them reject such an

idea.

(b) Equality and Development

In order to find out whether or not the local ldeader.s

associated equality 'V'tith development, they were asked whether

they con side red economic equality to be an ingredient of

11developmen t~ The follovdng is the pattern of variation in

their answers:

No.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

267

TABLE NO. 62

,§quality and Development : The Percep t,ion of the lp cal Leaders

Local Eb dy "Yes u Percentage •No" Percentage No Answer

Coimbatore ';!;} 87.9% 3 9.1%

Usilampatti 6 66.7%

Mu vat tup u zh a 14 100.0%

Alwaye 8 88.9% 1 11.1%

TOTAL 57 87.7% 4 6.2%

The pattern is clearly in favour of equality : an

over-~;vhelming majority (87.7%) of the councillors consider

that equality is an ingredient of development.

( c) Capi tali sm and Mass Poverty

1

3

4

In the answers of the local leaders to the question,

11Do you believe that a capitalist economy will be helpful for

removing India's poverty?••, a negative consensus emerges, as

shov .. .n in the following Table:

No.

268 -TABLE NO. 63

Capitalism and Mass Poverty ; The Perception of Local Leaders

Local Eody "Yes'' Percentage ''No" P t No ercen age Answer ----------------------------------------------------------------------!.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Coimbato re 4 12.1% ':B 87.9%

Usilarnpatti 1 11.1% 4 44.4% 4

Muvattupu zh a 2 14.3% 12 85.7%

Alwaye 2 22.2% 7 77.8%

TOTAL 9 13.8% 52 84.6% 4

An overwhelming majority, i.e., 84.6%, of the councillors

show no faith in the efficacy of a capitalist economy in removimg

India's poverty.

(d) Profit Motive and Mass Poverty

The same question was put in another way. In answer

to the question, "Do you agree with the idea that profit motive

as a principle of economic activity will only increase mass

poverty? 11 , the councillors expressed a similar pattern of

consensus, as sho\l'll in the following Table:

No.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

269

TABLE NO. 64

Profit Motiye and Mass Poverty ; Perception o f the LD cal Leaders

Local l?ody "Yes" Percentage No •'No '' Percentage Answer

Coimbatore 2J 6o.6% 6 18.1% 7

Usilampatti 1 11.1% 8

.Muvattupuzha 11 78.6% 2 14.3% 1

Alwaye 6 66.7% 2 22.2% 1

TOTAL 37 56.9% 11 16.9 76 17

This Table shows that the local leaders tend to believe

that profit motive will only increase India's mass poverty.

(e) lvloney and Elections

How the local leaders view the relationship between

money and elections? In response to the question, "Do you

agree v..Ath the idea that only the moneyed people benefit by

elections", the answers given were in the following pattern:

270

TABLE NO. 65

M:>ney and Elections ; The Perception of the Local Leaders

No Local Po dy "Yes'' Percentage ••No " p t No • ercen age Answer ---------------------------------------------------------------------

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Coimbatore 11 s;). 4%

Usilampatti 5 55.6%

Muvattupuzha 7 50.0%

AlwaYe 7 11 .s%

TOTAL 3J 46. 2?t

21

2

7

2

32

63.6%

22.2%

:D.o%

22.2%

49.2%

of

1

2

3

For the first time, the local leaders wereLmo re or less

equal! y divided opinion on the issue on which they were

questioned. While the majority (49.2%) opinion holds that it

is the common people who benefit by elections, the opposing

view was held by as much as by 46.2% of them.

Certain characteristics of the local leaders' ideolo-

gi cal preferences revealed here suggest that faith in capita­

li sm is waning among the local leaders. 67.7% of them do not

agree v.tith the idea that~ capita income is the right index

for measuring development (Table 61): 87.7% of them feel that

socio-economic equality should be considered as an ingredient

while defining development (Table 62); 84.6%of them believe

that capitalism v..d.ll not be able to remove India's poverty

271

(Table 63), while 56.9;6 of them believe that profit motive as

a principle of economic activity vvill only aggravate India's

mass poverty (Table 64). Finally, even if 49. 2% of them

believe that elections are fair enough and that it is the

people who benefit by them, as many as 46.2% of them do feel

that it is money power that determines the outcome of elections.

Thus, by declaring their lack of faith in capitalism,

the local leaders are, in effect, manifesting their faith in

th,e socialist strategy for nation-building, and to that extent,

they fall in line with the national leadership, whose growing

faith in the socialist strategy has been indicated at the end

of the Chapter (Chapter 3) on Nation-Building in India Since

Independence.

II I. ROLE PERCEPTION

The local leaders are, after all, nation-builders. It

is through them that whatever responsibilities are given over

to the local bodies ~re being carried out, and it is they who

serve as links between the local people and the process of

nation-building that is being carried on by the State and

National Governments. But to v.hat extent are they aware of

their ovll roles in the nation-building process? Do they consi­

der themselves to be influential in any way? Do they consider wll.&cl.

that it is the Party~ made them local leaders or that it is

No.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

272

the party which benefits because they became leaders all by

their ov.n efforts? What is the degree of their identity with

their Party? How many of the local leaders aspire to be

national leaders~

In order to get the answers of the local leaders to

the ab:> ve questions, they were asked the following questions:

(1) 1)::) you feel that you are an influential person in this

place? (2) Ib you believe that your leadership has any importance

beyond this locality? ( 3) In becoming a local leader, had your

party been helpful to you~ (4) fk> you believe that your party

is better and more desirable than all other parties?Cs')Ib you aim

at once becoming a leader of national importance?

( a ) Lo c.al In flu en ce

The self-awareness of the local leaders regarding their

influence/non-influence appeared to display the following pattern:

TABLE NO. 66

==~~e,,ga~,~,l__:I.!..n!_;..l.f..=l..:::u:.soe~no,.l:jc:.s;;e"-t.-!osc;;ei.:!:;l...:f=--=I.uJm~a~gO!iie.~Q-=f--t]1 e Lo cal L e. a de rs

Local Pody

Coimbato re

U sil amp at ti Muvattuouzha

' Alwaye TOTAL

Influ­ential

26

4

12 6

48

Percen­tage

78.8%

44.4%

85.7%

66.7%

73.8%

Not in­flu en­tial

7

3

2

3

15

Percen­tage

21.1%

33.3%

14.3%

33.3%

23.0%

No Percen-Answer tage

2 22.2%

2 3.1%

No.

273

In general, the local 1 eaders appear to be sel £­

confident regarding their local influence: as many as 73.8% of

them consider themselves to be locally influential, as against

the 23.0% v.ho concede ''political impotency" to themselves.

(b) ,ll:an s-lo cal. I,mpo rta~

How many of them consider that the v.o rk they oo as

local leaders have an importance beyond their o\IIJ1 locality?

Their self-image in regard to this can be seen from the

following Table:

TABLE NO. 67

~al Leaders and 'Uleir Trans-Local Influence

Local Pody Impor- Percen- Not im- Perc en- No Percen-tant tage portant tage Answer tage

---------------------------------------------------------------------1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Coimbato re 20 6o.6% 11 33.3% 2 6.0%

Usilampatti 1 11.1% 1 11.1% 7 77.8%

Muvattupu zha 8 57.1% 5 35.7% 1 7.1%

Alwaye 4 44.4% 3 33.3% 2 22.2%

IDTAL 33 :0.8% 20 ~.8% 12 18.5%

Out of the 65 councillors, 50.8% members tend to

consider that their wrk as local leaders have an importance

beyond their ov.n locality, that is, they have a more "theoreti­

cal perspective" of their IJI.Ork as compared to the 3J.8% who have

No.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

274

onlY a ''parochial" view of their \'\0 rk. Since a si gni fi cant

percentage (18.5%) of the councillors gave no response at all,

it is appropriate to consider the weightage of the aoove

images with reference to the respondents alone. The image of

trans-local influence of their V\Ork appear to be held by 62.3%

of the respondents, as against 37.7% with only a local image

of their \'\0 rk.

(c) Party Assistance

How many of the local leaders give credit to their

party in their anergence as local leaders? The pattern of

distribution of attitudes in this respect can be seen in the

following Table:

TABLE NO. 68

Local Leaders and Party Assistance

Local Eody

Coimbatore

Usilampatti

Muvattupuzha

Alwaye

TOTAL

Got Percen-assi s- tage tance

25 75.8%

8 57.1%

4 44.4%

37 56.9%

No assi s­tance

7

6

3

4

20

Percen­tage

21.1%

66.7%

21.4%

44.4!i

3J.8%

No Answer

1

3

3

1

8

Percen­tage

3.0%

33.316

21.4%

11.1%

12.3%

No.

1·

2.

3.

4.

5.

275

While as many as 56.9% of the councillors (64.9% of etJ_ J,.A' (~

the respondents) consider that it is the party wao helped them

to emerge as local leaders, only 3).8% of them (35.1% of the

respondents) consider that they have come up all by themselves.

The fact that as many as 66.7% of the councillors of Usilampatti,

who have also displayed the lowest degree of political con sci-

ou sness, feel that they received no party assistance suggests

even that the more politically conscious the leaders are, the

more credits will they give to the party for their success.

(d) Party Identity

In terms of party-identity or party-image, how many of

the councillors believe that their o\1111 party is better and more

desirable than all other parties? The pattern of variation in

their image can be seen from the following Table:

Local Pody

C::Oimbatore

Usilampatti

Muvattupu zha

Alwaye

TOTAL

TABLE NO. 69

variations in Pa:r;:ty I den ti.ty

Iden­tity

:n

6

11

7

54

Percen- No Iden- Percen-tage tity tage

90.976

66.7%

78.6%

77.8% 1 11.1%

83.1% 1 1.5%

No Answer

3

3

3

1

10

Percen­tage

9.1%

33.3%

21.4%

11.1%

15.4%

No.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

276

Only one councillor out of the 65 (55 respondents}

appear.sto have a ''Party crisis", in the sense of not feeling

that his ovll party is not any way better or mor~ desirable than

other parties.

(e) Ambition of National Leadership

How many of these local leaders dream of becoming

national leaders? Their aspirations in this regard showed

the following pattern:

TABLE 1-.JO. 70

Variation in the Ambition for National Leadership

Local Ebdy

Coimbato re

U si lamp at ti

Muvattupuzha

Alwaye

TOTAL

Ambi­tion

16

4

3

1

24

Percen­tage

48.5%

44.4%

21.4%

11.1%

36.9%

No ambi­tion

13

3

10

6

32

Percen­tage

39.4%

33.3%

71.4%

66.796

49.2%

No Answer

4

2

1

2

9

Percen­tage

12.17~

22.2%

7.1%

22.2%

13.8?~

The :role perception of the local 1 eaders has the

following characteristics: 73.B%of the local leaders under

study here believe that they have rome political influence

(Table 66), while only :o.s%of them believe that they are

277 -

also influential beyond their ov11 locality (Table 67). \tVhile

only 56.9% of them attribute their emergence as local leaders

to party assistance (Table 68), 83.1% of them seem to have an

integrated party.identity in the sense of believing that their

oWl party is much better and more desirable than others

(Table 69). As far as ambition to national leadership is

concerned, only 36.9% of them entertain such a dream, whereas

49.2% of them do not have any such ambitions (Table 70).

Theoretically, this image of a limited influence as

well as an equally poor degree of ambition for national leader­

ship highlight the fact that in Indian politics, as of today,

the "limited elite" or the "neglected nation-builders" continue

to be preoccupied mostly with concerns of a typically local

nature, and only very seldom rise to the level of national

concerns.