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What Drives People to Travel: Integrating
the Tourist Motivation ParadigmsYong Chen
a, Barry Mak
a& Bob McKercher
a
aSchool of Hotel and Tourism Management, Hong Kong Polytechnic
University, Kowloon, Hong Kong, China
Available online: 10 Jun 2011
To cite this article: Yong Chen, Barry Mak & Bob McKercher (2011): What Drives People to Travel:
Integrating the Tourist Motivation Paradigms, Journal of China Tourism Research, 7:2, 120-136
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What Drives People to Travel: Integrating the TouristMotivation Paradigms
YONG CHEN
BARRY MAK
BOB MCKERCHER
Peoples motivation to travel has long been discussed on a multidisciplinary basischaracterized by three distinct motivation paradigms, namely, Plogs (1974) travel
personality, P. L. Pearces (1988) travel career ladder, and Cohens (1972)concept ofstrangenessfamiliarity. This study uncovers the underlying consistenceof these paradigms by proposing an integrated motivation framework and justifies it byapplying this framework to tourist behavior research. This study concludes by arguingthat a comprehensive perspective should be taken for conceiving a more accurate
pattern or image of tourists, in the sense that tourist behavior patterns can beinterpreted on an individual level by applying the travel personality, in a diachronicdimension by the travel career ladder, and from a holistic perspective by the concept ofstrangenessfamiliarity.
KEYWORDS. Tourist motivation, travel personality, travel career ladder,strangenessfamiliarity
(Plog, 1974)(P. L. Pearce, 1988)-(Cohen, 1972)-
: -
Introduction
Peoples motivation to travel has been discussed on a multidisciplinary basis since the
aftermath of the Second World War, when mass tourism began to thrive. It is not only a
matter of explaining, from a psychological perspective, why some people travel and
Journal of China Tourism Research, 7: 120136, 2011
Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1938-8160 print / 1937-8179 online
DOI: 10.1080/19388160.2011.576927
Yong Chen is a Ph.D. candidate of the School of Hotel and Tourism Management at TheHong Kong Polytechnic University, Kowloon, Hong Kong, China (E-mail: [email protected]).
Barry Mak is Assistant Professor of the School of Hotel and Tourism Management at TheHong Kong Polytechnic University, Kowloon, Hong Kong, China (E-mail: [email protected]).
Bob McKercher is Professor of the School of Hotel and Tourism Management at TheHong Kong Polytechnic University, Kowloon, Hong Kong, China (E-mail: [email protected]).
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others do not (Crompton, 1979; Dann, 1977; Plog, 1974) and how motivation changes
over time (P. L. Pearce, 1988; P. L. Pearce & Stringer, 1991) but also of exploring the
symbolic meaning of tourism in anthropology and sociology (Boorstin, 1964; Cohen,
1972, 1979a, 1979b; MacCannell, 1973). The past nearly four decades have witnessed
remarkable progress in interpreting and modeling tourist motivation (Moscardo &
Pearce, 2004; P. L. Pearce, 1993, 2005; Plog, 1994; Prentice, 2004). Among a number
of tourist motivation frameworks and models is the pushpull framework that has
prevailed in this line of research. This framework assumes that motivation arises to
meet individuals needs, including alleviating psychological disequilibrium and obtain-
ing social recognitions (Crompton, 1979; Dann, 1977; Fodness, 1994). It thus follows a
functional approach to modeling tourist motivation by distinguishing between push
factors, which are inherent with individuals, and pull factors, which are destination
specific. Examples of this kind include a number of benchmark studies such as Danns
(1977) push factors of anomie and ego enhancement, Cromptons (1979) pushpull
framework, and Mannell and Iso-Aholas (1987) escapingseeking dichotomy.
Empirical studies on tourist motivation have largely followed this approach andapplied the pushpull framework to various tourism contexts (e.g., Crompton &
McKay, 1997; Gnoth, 1997; Goossens, 2000; Jang & Cai, 2002; Jang & Wu, 2006;
Josiam et al., 2009; Kim, Lee, & Klenosky, 2003; Wolfe & Hsu, 2004; Wu, Xu, &
Erdogan, 2009). This makes the pushpull framework an approximately orthodox
approach whereby tourist motivation is interpreted, either theoretically or empirically.
Nevertheless, skepticism arises as to whether this approach is valid across different
contexts and whether it can fully explain the complex of tourist motivation as a whole
(Crompton & McKay, 1997; Dann, 1981; Jamal & Lee, 2003). First, tourists may not
behave as the orthodox approach assumes, being driven by both their intrinsic attri-
butes and destination-specific characteristics (see P. L. Pearce, 1988; Plog, 1974); and
second, what tourists want may go beyond satisfying their needs upon which the push
pull framework rests (see Cohen, 1972, 1979a, 1979b; MacCannell, 1973). Addressing
these issues requires a new theoretical perspective as well as different tourist motivation
paradigms, which the present study follows.
Overview of the Tourist Motivation Paradigms
This study is concerned with somewhat different theoretical frameworks, including
Plogs (1974) travel personality, P. L. Pearces (1988) travel career ladder (TCL),
and Cohens (1972) concept of strangenessfamiliarity, which are appealing toexplanations of tourist motivation but have unfortunately been muted in empirical
studies. These three frameworks depart dramatically from those based on the func-
tional approach in terms of their theoretical underpinnings. In particular, Plog (1974)
constructed his motivation model by enquiring why some people do not travel
instead of the common one why do people travel as stated in Dann (1981), for
example. This implies a distinct theoretical setting in which nontravelers are of a
major concern relative to travelers. Plog (1974) concluded that nontravelers are indeed
nonadventuresome and proposed the notion of travel personality in this sense. Cohen
(1972, 1979a, 1979b) contended that what tourists want is not merely to satisfy their
psychological needs but authenticity of the destination. P. L. Pearce (1988) argued that
motivation changes over time in a travel career ladder, whereas the pushpull frame-
work fails to capture such dynamics.
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Travel Personality
Plogs (1974) travel personality model is developed on a basis of an individuals
psychological characteristics. Individuals in the population are assumed normally
distributed along a spectrum of personality, from allocentric through near allo-
centric, mid-centric, near psychocentric, to psychocentric (Plog, 1974, p. 56).The two extremes (allocentric and psychocentric) are rare, with most of the population
falling somewhere in between. This model is proposed as an attempt to answer a
question raised in the business contextwhy some people do not flythe concern
that prevailed in the airline sector of the United States in the late 1960s. At that time,
only 27% of the population had flown in a commercial airplane, and seat capacity was
growing more than 20% against 8% passenger growth per year (Plog, 1974). It was
taken for granted by Plog (1974) that this question could not be answered without first
understanding the psychology of people who travel. Plog (1974, 2001) applied indivi-
duals travel personalities to examine destinations evolution with respect to popularity.
This is the life cycle model of the destination, suggesting that a destination may emerge
or decline as travel personality changes.
Travel Career Ladder
The idea of a travel career ladder is proposed to interpret tourist motivation that
changes over time (P. L. Pearce, 1988, 1993, 1996; P. L. Pearce & Caltabiano, 1983).
Drawing upon the theory of Maslows hierarchy of needs, P. L. Pearce (1988, 1993)
classified tourist motivation into five hierarchical levels, or a ladder, with relaxa-
tion needs at the lowest level, followed in sequence by stimulation, relationship,
and self-esteem and development needs and self-actualization/fulfillment at the
highest level. The logic of this idea lies in ones recognition that different motivationsare the result of different travel experiences, which are determined by an individuals life
span. In this sense, people might be said to have a travel career, by analogy to a working
career. This travel career follows that people commence their travel with a relatively
low goal such as relaxation and pursue higher goals as they become more experienced
travelers, until they reach the highest level of self-actualization/fulfillment. This model
has been subsequently modified slightly as the travel career pattern (TCP) in response to
criticism of the term ladder as used in the original formulation (Ryan, 1998). The TCP
thus emphasizes the pattern of, rather than steps of, a ladder or hierarchy of travel
motivation (P. L. Pearce & Lee, 2005). In contrast to Plog s (1974) travel personality,
the TCL/TCP attempts to capture the dynamics of tourist motivation.
Strangeness Versus Familiarity
Cohen (1972, 1979a, 1979b, 1984), from a sociological perspective, set his model in a
broader social context, arguing that tourism is essentially a social phenomenon.
Tourists therefore should be analyzed by underscoring their relationships with both
business establishments such as tour operators and the destination (Cohen, 1972).
Highlighting social relationships in the tourism system remains the most remarkable
distinction of Cohens (1972) model, which is represented by the concept of strange-
nessfamiliarity. This concept is constructed by breaking down Boorstins (1964)
holistic image of the tourist into more specific and empirically identifiable types,
namely, the organized mass tourist, individual mass tourist, explorer, and
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drifter (Cohen, 1972). Cohen (1972) agreed partially with Boorstin that tourists seek
to observe the strangeness of the destination, but he speculated that such observations
are affected by tourists familiar native culture. The continuum of possible combina-
tions of tourists strangeness to the destination and familiarity with their own environ-
ment leads to the typology of modern tourists mentioned above.
Research Questions
These three motivation models are distinguished by their epistemologies on what drives
people to travel. Plog (1974, 2001) regarded tourist motivation as a purely psychologi-
cal impetus, empirical studies on which can be found in Plog (2002); P. L. Pearce (1988,
1993) took a combination of both psychological and cognitive approaches to tracking
the dynamics of tourist motivation, which, for example, is followed by P. L. Pearce and
Lee (2005) and Filep and Greenacre (2007). Cohen (1972, 1979a) contended that tourist
motivation is constructed within, as well as by social structures and relationships, which
is tested by a couple of studies (e.g., Basala & Klenosky, 2001; Keng & Cheng, 1999;Mo, Havitz, & Howard, 1994; Snepenger, 1987; Waller & Lea, 1998). However, two
typical concerns remain when these models are treated separately for empirical inves-
tigations. First, it might be insufficient to interpret tourist motivation as well as to
explain tourist behavior by resting on a single theoretical paradigm (Dann, 1981;
Harrill & Potts, 2002; Jamal & Lee, 2003). This concern that has been articulated
over the pushpull framework equally applies to these three motivation paradigms.
Second, despite adopting a multidisciplinary approach, are these models interrelated
and consistent in explaining tourist motivation and travel behavior?
There has long been an advocate for integrating different tourist motivation models
not only to provide solutions to theoretical dilemmas but also, empirically, for reconciling
the conflicting interpretations of motivation (e.g., Dann, 1981). Efforts have been
devoted in this direction to synthesizing as well as testing these models in a way that
uncovers the multidisciplinary nature of tourism studies (Harrill & Potts, 2002; Jamal &
Lee, 2003; Lam & Vong, 2009). For instance, Jamal and Lee (2003) sketched a so-called
micromacro framework of tourist motivation that integrates a number of social psy-
chological and sociological motivation models, including those by P. L. Pearce (1988),
MacCannell (1973), and Cohen (1972, 1979a, 1979b). Nevertheless, previous research in
this regard, including Jamal and Lees (2003) framework, is descriptive in nature, failing
to penetrate into the fundamental logic that may underlie these models, namely, the
mechanism by which tourist motivation derives and evolves. In fact, these three models
are not only competing due to their distinct theoretical underpinnings but also arecomplementary, which remains largely unexplored both theoretically and empirically.
This study proceeds as follows. The following section presents an integrated
motivation framework aiming at drawing linkages among these three motivation
models with respect to their explanations of tourist behavior. The next section applies
the integrated motivation framework to two typical and distinct contexts in which
tourist behavior is commonly interpreted. The first context delineates tourist flows from
the origin to the destination, a situation within which these three motivation models are
developed. The second one portrays tourist behavior within a destination, a prominent
example of which is the case of city destinations. This context is meaningful yet largely
ignored in these motivation models. We apply the integrated framework to both,
aiming to examine to what extent tourist motivation and behavior can be accounted
by the integrated framework. The final section concludes.
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Integrating the Tourist Motivation Paradigms
Though different approaches have been adopted to model tourist motivation, classify-
ing tourists in a number of typologies can be found in these three motivation models.
Cohens (1972) work, among others, is apparent in this regard, suggesting four types
based on degrees of familiarity and strangeness that tourists experienced. They are theorganized mass tourist, individual mass tourist, explorer, and drifter, with the highest
level of familiarity and of strangeness experienced by the organized mass tourist and the
drifter, respectively. Plog (1974, 2001) identified five types through a spectrum of
individual personality, including the venturer (allocentric), near venturer (near
allocentric), mid-centric, near dependable (near psychocentric), and dependable
(psychocentric). P. L. Pearce (1988) did not intend to classify tourists, though we can
infer from his work a need-oriented tourist typology that consists of five types of
tourists, respectively seeking relaxation, stimulation, relationship, self-esteem/develop-
ment, and fulfillment.
Rationale for the Model
These typologies set a fundamental basis on which these motivation paradigms can be
integrated. Specifically, we expect to detect some common behavior patterns shared by,
for example, the venturer, fulfillment, and the drifter, respectively, in the models of Plog
(1974), P. L. Pearce (1988), and Cohen (1972). In particular, the inclusion of person-
ality in tourist motivation by Plog (1974, 2001) opened up an opportunity to explain
tourist behavior from its ultimate impetus and lay a basis for this integration as well.
What drives individuals to travel is not because travel is a means to satisfy a need but
because of travel per se. Because personality is relatively stable, tourist motivation ismore fundamental in Plogs (1974, 2001) model than in a number of models associated
with the pushpull framework. In this sense, the present study constructs a link to
bridge the disciplinary gaps among these three motivation paradigms by starting with
travel personality (Figure 1). This link follows that personality determines motivation,
which in turn determines tourist behavior. Specifically, travel personality is modeled as
a fundamental force by which travel career and the interactions between tourists and
the destination are determined.
Interpreting the Model
The interrelationships among these three motivation paradigms are constructed by
starting from Plogs (1974) travel personality (Figure 1). This can be justified by referring
to Plogs (1974, 2001) view that travel personality seems to be a meta-motivation or a
premise by which other motivation paradigms and tourist behavior patterns can be
discussed. Travel personality can be applied to other forms of consumption, such as
media choosing (Plog, 1974), and importantly can be viewed as a fundamental force in
determining holistic consumer behavior patterns from motivation through to decision.
Thus, travel personality goes beyond the tourism field, and an attempt can be made to
generalize it to all types of human behavior. As Plog (2001, p. 14) put it, we explored
their [the respondents being researched] life histories from childhood to the present to
determine common patterns or psychological characteristics. This model, however, does
not take account of the life stage of individualsthe central concern of P. L. Pearce
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(1988, 1993)and the social context and relationshipswhich Cohen (1972, 1979a)
considered.
Clearly, P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) and Cohen
s (1972) typologies of tourists can bethought to fit, at least roughly, into the spectrum of Plogs (1974) travel personality.
P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) relaxation, stimulation, relationship, self-esteem and devel-
opment, and fulfillment tourists correspond to Plogs (2001) dependable, near depend-
able, mid-centric, near venturer, and venturer types. So do Cohens (1972) organized
mass tourist, individual mass tourist, explorer, and drifter. A similar relationship can
also be drawn between P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) and Cohens (1972) typologies.
Notably, Cohens (1972) individual mass tourist and explorer can be represented by
Plogs (1974) mid-centric or P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) relationship tourist, because
Cohen (1972) did not propose the mid-role; instead he argued that the typology is
flexible, which can be determined by both an individuals preferences and the institu-
tional setting of his trip. In this sense, Cohens (1972) tourist typology can be partially
traced back to Plogs (1974) travel personality in its concern with the individuals
psychology as well as being determined by the institutional and social context of, for
instance, whether an organized package tour is taken.
What Drives People to Travel: Implications From the Integrated MotivationFramework
Implications for Tourist Motivation Studies
The integrated motivation framework indicates that tourist motivation can be investi-
gated in a dynamic and comprehensive fashion. Researchers can simultaneously
Relaxation
Fulfillment
Stimulation
Relationship
Self-esteem/Development
Travel Personality
Familiarity
Strangeness
Travel Career Ladder Strangeness-
Familiarity
Venturer
Dependable
Near dependable
Mid-centric
Near venturer
Figure 1. Integrated motivation framework.
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investigate a number of psychological, cognitive, and sociological factors that may
affect tourist motivation and behavior. This is perhaps unavailable in previous motiva-
tion models. For instance, interpreting tourist motivation from a psychological per-
spective such as in the pushpull framework requires controlling for the effect of
sociological factors, such as whether individuals are mass tourists or not. This implicit
assumption of controlling one dimension of motivation to underscore another can be
found in a number of empirical studies. For example, Waller and Lea (1998) ruled out
the effects of personality and travel experience when examining authenticity in tourist
motivation; Filep and Greenacre (2007) ignored the difference between mass tourists
and the drifter in discussing travel experience. The integrated framework contributes to
relaxing this assumption and allows researchers to examine the interplay of these
motivation paradigms simultaneously.
Though this framework may reconcile theoretical disputes among distinct disciplines
such as those between psychology and sociology, it may cause inconsistencies when
different empirical contexts are considered. We apply this framework to examine tourist
behavior with respect to tourist flows from the origin to the destination and touristmovements within a destination or, specifically, a city. The first context is dominant in
developing tourist motivation models exemplified by the pushpull framework. It is
taken for granted in this framework that the destination represents the pull factors of
tourist motivation, whereas characteristics of individual tourists represent the push
factors (Crompton, 1979). However, at a destination such as in a city with a complex
of economic, cultural, and historical attractions and heritages, tourist behavior may
demonstrate a pattern other than those indicated by, for example, the distance decaying
effect from the origin to the destination. Tourist behavior might be determined by the
complex of a city, and this deserves a shift of attention from tourist flows between two
geographical locations to tourist movements within a destination, in particular, a city.
Tourist Flows From the Origin to the Destination
The integrated motivation framework suggests somewhat theoretical consistence in
explaining tourist motivation irrespective of what disciplinary perspective is taken. This
consistence can be reaffirmed by applying this framework to explain various tourist
behavior patterns, including tourists destination choices, travel experiences, and reac-
tions to distance (distance decaying effects). These tourist behavior patterns are of great
relevance to travel personality, the travel career ladder, and distance decaying effects,
respectively, and can be accounted for by the integrated motivation framework
(Figure 2). Analysis of these tourist behavior patterns proceeds by operationalizingdestination choice, travel experience, and distance decaying effects as follows.
Destinations are classified by referring to Plogs (1974, 2001) destination life cycle
model into the dependable, near dependable, mid-centric, near venturer, and venturer
destinations; travel experience is simply represented by first-time visitors and repeat
visitors who differ in this regard; and distance decaying effects are operationalized as to
whether tourists take a long- or short-haul, culturally different or similar trips (Figure 2).
Destination Choice
Travel personality is most closely related to destination choice (Figure 2), because a
destination, at each stage in its development, attracts particular types of travelers whose
personalities are identical. In other words, the destination evolves over time as the
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profiles of its travelers change with respect to personality. In his latest paper, Plog
(2001) placed 79 destinations on a psychographic curve based on the types of peoplewho visit them the most, giving each a psychographic position with respect to person-
ality. This psychographic position represents the personality of the destination.
Destination choice thus turns out to be simple and straightforward within Plogs
(1974, 2001) framework: The venturer is always keen to discover a new place and in
doing so turns it into a destination, followed by the visit of the near venturer, mid-
centric, near dependable, and dependable. Thus, the destination is given birth by the
venturer, matures when the mid-centric type comes, and finally ages to decline once
overrun by the dependables. This indicates that destination choice is virtually a process
by which tourists automatically sort themselves into a variety of homogenous person-
ality groups that match well with destinations
psychographic positions.P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) tourist typology also follows a similar destination choice
pattern, though for different reasons. Because the TCL is used to capture the dynamics
of an individuals motivation and needs throughout his life span, he tends to choose a
familiar or short-haul destination (the dependable destination in Plog s [1974, 2001]
framework) when commencing his travel career and then switches, in sequence, to
the near dependable, mid-centric, near venturer, and venturer destinations (Figure 2).
At his highest travel career level (fulfillment) he becomes eager to explore any new
place, most likely the venturer destination. This inference seems theoretically sound
but cannot yet be empirically supported. Even worse, a number of studies have showed
that rest and relaxation, which best represents young peoples motivation in
P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) model, is indeed the dominant motivation for
seniors (e.g., Fleischer & Pizam, 2002; Horneman, Carter, Wei, & Ruys, 2002;
Travel experienceDestination choice Distance decay
TravelPersonality
Travel Career Ladder Strangeness-
FamiliarityTourist Behavior Patterns
Venturer
Dependable
Near dependable
Mid-centric
Near venturer
Relaxation
Fulfillment
Familiarity
Strangeness
Stimulation
Relationship
Self-esteem/Development
Venturer Repeat Long-haul/
culturallydifferent
Dependable First-time
Short-haul/
culturallysimilar
Figure 2. Integrated motivation framework and tourist behavior patterns.
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Huang & Tsai, 2003). This indicates that taking a short-haul trip or choosing a
dependable destination can satisfy individuals needs as well even if they have been at
the highest travel career level.
Cohen (1972) went further. In his framework, the drifter, explorer, individual mass
tourist, and organized mass tourist roughly attach to Plogs (1974, 2001) destination life
cycle from venturer through to dependable, but the two types of institutionalized tourist
may occasionally choose near venturer or venturer destinations; similarly, the nonin-
stitutionalized may occasionally choose near dependable or dependable destinations
(Figure 2). This is plausible because Cohen (1972) emphasized the relationships
between tourists and both business establishments and the destination rather than
merely on the destination itself. Tourists therefore can get close, geographically, to a
venturer destination by utilizing various tourist establishments, for example, taking a
package holiday (in the case of mass tourists), or approach the authenticity of a
dependable destination by abandoning all tourist establishments (in the case of the
drifter). This suggests that what matters to Cohens (1972) tourist typology in destina-
tion choice is not the geographical proximity of the destination but tourists relation-ships with the destination.
Travel Experience
P. L. Pearce (1988) pointed out that travel experience is the fundamental force that
drives tourists to ascend the travel career ladder to achieve self-actualization. Thus, the
relaxation tourist might be a first-time visitor, whereas the fulfillment seeker might be
the most frequent repeat visitor, with those who seek stimulation, relationships, and
self-esteem and development sitting in between depending on the amount of travel
experience they have accumulated (Figure 2). This is undoubtedly true when Plog s(1974, 2001) and Cohens (1972) typologies are examined. The dependable tends to be
the first-time visitor, and the venturer is possibly the repeat visitor who has accumulated
plenty of travel experiences through discovering one destination after another
(Figure 2). In Cohens (1972) work, the organized mass tourist tends to be a first-time
visitor, because he is fearful of travel and strangeness, remaining largely confined to his
own culture throughout his trip (Figure 2). The drifter differs significantly from the
mass tourist and even the explorer, in being the visitor with substantial experiences
especially in regard to authenticity.
However, the validity of these arguments might be questioned because travel
experience is an ambiguous concept across these three frameworks and lacks a rigorousdefinition even in P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) work. In spite of its critical importance to
P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) TCL, travel experience is simplified as a proxy of a person s
life span or age, measured in empirical studies by three variables of domestic, interna-
tional travel experience, and age (P. L. Pearce, 2005). Filep and Greenacre (2007)
extended the travel career patterns model by redefining travel experience to encompass
travel frequency, the number of destinations visited, and the amount of time spent at the
destination. Another dimension of travel experience that is captured neither by
P. L. Pearce (1988, 2005) nor by Filep and Greenacre (2007) is authenticity. This
dimension stands out when it comes to Cohens (1972, 1979a, 1979b) works, because
he followed Boorstin (1964) and MacCannell (1973) in discussing tourism in relation to
social structures. What tourists have experienced is exclusively either illusoriness or
authenticity. Cohen (1972) dissolved this paradox by decomposing the holistic image of
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tourists into different types, each of which may experience some degree of illusoriness or
authenticity.
Travel experience thus can vary by tourist types. For example, the mass tourist
might confront more illusoriness, whereas the drifter might experience more authenti-
city. Travel experience, in this sense, is not a matter of where tourists are in their life
cycle or how frequently they travel; instead, it is really concerned with the depth of
travel and their contact with and involvement in the destination. It is plausible that a
repeat visitor may have superficial travel experience, whereas a first-time visitor may
have plenty of travel experience in terms of authenticity. The former can be exemplified
by mass tourists, who may travel a lot but are isolated from authenticity of the
destination, whereas the latter can be represented by the drifter, who may travel less
but is completely exposed to the destination and experiences authenticity as a result.
This argument is supported by Waller and Lea (1998), who reported that package
tourists (mass tourists) experienced little authenticity relative to those in a noninstitu-
tionalized setting such as in an independent tour. The general pattern that repeat
visitors resemble the drifter and first-time visitors resemble mass tourists still holds(Figure 2).
Distance Decaying Effects
Distance decay is a core concept in geography, examining the role of distance in the
interactions of origins and destinations (Gaile & Willmott, 1984). Distance, which is
initially defined with respect to its geographical dimension, is represented in tourism as
a composite variable of time plus financial constraints (Bull, 1995). Cohen (1988)
redefined distance beyond these tangible constraints to include tourists own values,
customs, and lifestyles that may separate tourists from the destination. This dimensionof distance is what Cohen (1988, p. 31) referred to as the environmental bubble,
which may impede tourists, especially the drifter, from breaking through their familiar
environment to experience novelty and authenticity; on the other hand, the environ-
mental bubble can protect tourists, such as mass tourists, from being completely
exposed to a strange destination that indicates potential risks. The role of the environ-
mental bubble was verified by Changs (2009) study in which tourists tend to seek
novelty and simultaneously avoid risks, the degree of which may vary from organized
tourists to explorers.
Though physical distance is of little importance to Cohens (1972) framework, it
does affect the spatial distribution of Cohens (1972) tourist typologies. Physical
distance can sort tourists with respect to their types into different destinations, leading
to an uneven distribution of tourist arrivals from the near destination to the distant
(McKercher, 1998; McKercher, Chan, & Lam, 2008; McKercher & Lew, 2004).
Specifically, the mass tourist will normally travel less as distance increases, because
the farther he is away from his familiar environment, the more threats and risks he will
encounter (Figure 2). The drifter behaves oppositely: The farther the destination is
away from the origin, the more likely he is to visit there, because distance results in
novelty (Figure 2). However, the drifter may occasionally visit short-haul destinations
as long as in doing so he can immerse himself in the destination and experience
authenticity. Consequently, tourists tend to accumulate disproportionately more at
short-haul destinations, including not only mass tourists but also the explorer and the
drifter, and less at long-haul destinations with exclusively the drifter. This represents the
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notion of distance decay in tourism, namely that tourist arrivals decline exponentially
as distance increases (McKercher, Chan, & Lam, 2008).
This is also true for Plogs (1974, 2001) tourist typology. The dependable tends to
confine himself to short-haul destinations, whereas the venturer takes relatively long
trips (Figure 2). The rest of the types (the near dependable, mid-centric, and near
venturer) fall somewhere between the short- and long-haul destinations as distance
increases (Figure 2). The rationale for Plogs (1974, 2001) framework that reconciles to
the theory of distance decay is that travel personality is assumed to be normally
distributed in the tourist population, with a slight skew toward venturesomeness.
Thus, a huge number of tourists, represented by the in-between personalities, will
accumulate at destinations between short- and long-haul, whereas quite a small number
will distribute themselves at the short- and long-haul destinations. The latter group
comprises the dependable and the venturer, who, according to Plog (2001), account for
2.5% and 4% of the population, respectively.
The concept of distance decay seems inappropriate to extend to the travel career
ladder. This is because the TCL is essentially a diachronic approach, failing to capture,synchronically, the distribution of the relaxation, stimulation, relationship, self-esteem
and development, and fulfillment levels as distance increases. However, if the life span
of an individual is taken into account, the distance decaying effect can be reinterpreted
as follows: short-haul tourists might be young and first-time visitors with little travel
experience, whereas long-haul tourists are more likely to be the elderly and repeat
visitors (Figure 2). The reason is that the distant destination best serves the fulfillment
goal of the elderly and the experienced, whereas the surrounding destination allows
young people to relax and be stimulated. Despite slightly offending against common
sense that the elderly may travel less, this contention is supported by Bao and
McKerchers (2008) study, which examined Hong Kong inbound tourists and found
that the short-haul tourists (Taiwanese, Thai, and Koreans) were substantially younger
(10 years) than the long-haul tourists (Australians and Americans).
Tourists Behave Within a Destination: The Case of City Destinations
This integrated framework can be generalized to any specific contexts, including urban
tourism and city destinations. The validity of this framework, though, might be ques-
tioned when it comes to a city destination. This is because these three motivation
paradigms that underlie the integrated framework are developed in a context in
which tourist flows from the origin to the destination are highlighted. This is also the
context within which the pushpull framework is developed. Crompton (1979) arguedthat the destination simply represents the pull factors of tourist motivation compared to
the push factors that arise on an individual level. We apply the integrated framework to
city destinations because they are more a cultural complex encompassing museums,
historical heritages, and modern lifestyles (e.g., D. G. Pearce, 2001; Roche, 1992) than a
geographical location away from the origin (e.g., Leiper, 1979). In this sense, the city
destination matters to tourists not because of distance, which provides novelty, but
because of its cultural agglomeration, which satisfies a variety of tourist needs.
Destination as a Cultural Complex
A city as a destination is more complex than it is in Leiper s (1979) tourism system
model, in which tourism is simply a two-way exchange. In this regard, travel is
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portrayed as a journey departing from the origin and returning from the destination,
within which the destination signifies a geographical location compared to the origin.
That is, the destination is a dimension to measure the distance that a tourist travels from
the origin, a setting where the concept of distance decay best applies. D. G. Pearce
(2001) advanced this line of research and proposed a scale for the destination, which is
classified into four levels, namely, regional/national/international, city, district, and site
level. According to D. G. Pearce (2001), cities as a complex commonly include four
qualities, which are social and cultural heterogeneity, economic multifunction, physical
centrality, and high physical densities of structures, people, and functions. This allows
researchers to examine how tourists behave within a city with respect to different
cultural attractions, historical heritages, and modern tourism facilities.
According to Cohens (1972) tourist typology, mass tourists are more likely to
travel to a city than a rural destination because their travel activities rely much upon
travel-related facilities such as hotels, restaurants, and transportation. These facilities
can be provided by a city, especially where tourism is the major economy. In contrast,
explorers or drifters intentionally deviate from cities to travel to some places withouttourist facilities provided. However, an exception might be that drifters probably travel
to a city to be involved in the life of local people and experience different cultures.
P. L. Pearce (1988, 1993) argued that tourists accumulate travel experience and thereby
change motivations by visiting a variety of destinations during their life spans, which is,
however, impossible within a particular destination. If we take a synchronic perspec-
tive, a city destination can accommodate all tourist types that P. L. Pearce s (1988,
1993) framework suggests because a city is a multifunctional entity that provides
relaxation activities as well as the fulfillment amenities such as museums and concerts.
In Plogs (1974, 2001) framework, the dependable may explore the destination by
circling around his hotel, whereas the venturer may take a longer trip, deviating fromthe hotel as far as possible, resembling the concentric exploration pattern suggested by
Lew and McKercher (2006).
Hierarchical Travel Experience
Travel experience is the core concept in P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) motivation frame-
work, which results in hierarchical motivations. The assumption that underlies
P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) framework is that tourists need to accumulate their travel
experiences over time before stepping from the lower ladder (level) to the higher one.
Because the destination in P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) framework is largely a geogra-
phical location that distinguishes from others with respect to distance, tourists have to
travel to a number of destinations to make a change in their motivation. However,
tourists may fulfill their hierarchical motivations within a city because cities in their
own right are multifunctional. D. G. Pearce (2001) argued in this regard that the
demand for urban tourism is not represented by tourist flows from the origin to the
destination but, specifically, is in relation to different functions of a city and therefore is
multipurpose in nature. It may follow that the relaxation tourists find the most interest,
for instance, in shopping venues and night clubs, whereas fulfillment is found in
museums and cultural activities. Evidence of this argument can be found in Jansen-
Verbeke and van Rekom (1996), in which tourist motivation is hierarchical for visiting
a museum; the core motivationfood for thoughtis analogous to self-actualiza-
tion/fulfillment in P. L. Pearces (1993, p. 127) framework.
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It is possible that in Plogs (1974, 2001) framework the venturer may acquire more
travel experience than the dependable because the movements of the venturer are more
diverse than those of the dependable. This also means that the venturer will visit a large
number of attractions available in a city. In contrast, the dependable may take a guided
tour or a tour package in a city destination, which may facilitate travel but, of course,
impede contacts with the city and local people. This type of travel results in what
Boorstin (1964) regarded as the illusoriness of travel experience. This is also true when
taking into account Cohens (1972) framework, in which mass tourists can increase
their travel experience in terms of quantity by visiting one attraction after another
within a city, but the quality or the depth of travel is relatively shallow; the drifter,
however, may selectively visit a couple of attractions such as cultural heritages and local
communities from which he believes he can obtain authenticity.
Tourist Spatial Pattern Within a City
Distance accounts for tourist flows from the origin to the destination as well as betweentwo destinations. Nevertheless, it has little influence on tourist behavior within a destina-
tion in terms of both transportation cost and time budget. Thus, we may not detect a
distance decaying pattern for tourist movements within a destination or a city. What
determines the spatial distribution of tourists in city destinations is the density and
distribution of attractions. Leiper (1990) proposed an idea of attraction system to illus-
trate the role of attractions, suggesting that a city may encompass both principal attrac-
tions and surrounding attractions. Principal attractions can exert a great influence on
tourists and therefore result in disproportionately larger tourist arrivals than surrounding
ones. Principal attractions of this kind may include the major museums and cultural and
historical heritage sites that best represent a citys identity and image (Dadgostar &
Isotalo, 1996; Jansen-Verbeke & van Rekom, 1996; Mommaas, 2004). Therefore, tourists
probably cluster around the location of principal attractions regardless of their types.
Though physical distance does not matter to the distribution of tourists within a
city, cultural distance does. Cultural distance may be represented by social and cultural
heterogeneities within a city, suggesting the multicultural nature of a city. In this sense,
the venturer in Plogs (1974, 2001) framework may approach distinct cultures to
experience novelty, whereas the dependable may approach those cultures that are
similar to his own to reduce cultural conflicts. In P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) framework,
relaxation tourists are more likely to experience similar cultures than fulfillment tour-
ists. In Cohens (1972) framework, mass tourists, in principle, can experience a variety
of cultures that are available in a city, but such experience is relatively shallow. This isbecause mass tourists are protected by their own cultures on the one hand, and, on the
other, are impeded by tourist establishments from being completely involved in the
local community. The drifter, in contrast, exclusively explores distinct cultures by
which he can uncover the significance of his own culture. This suggests that the spatial
distribution of tourists can be determined by the heterogeneity of cultures in a city,
which reaffirms that a city as a destination goes beyond the scope of its geographical
location with respect to the origin.
Conclusion
Insofar as tourism has been discussed extensively on a multidisciplinary basis (Jafari &
Ritchie, 1981), from an indisciplinary perspective (Tribe, 1997), or even as a chaotic
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system (McKercher, 1999), these three works have defined, from their own standpoints,
the limits and scope within which we can talk about tourism as it currently stands.
Plogs (1974, 2001) work highlights the aspects of personality that drive people to travel
and thereby determine the life cycle of a destination. The inclusion of travel personality
in explaining tourist behavior differs from the conventional interpretations in which
individuals are assumed homogenous with respect to personality. Relaxing this
assumption allows researchers to simultaneously investigate the interactions between
individuals psychological attributes and cognitive patterns within a social context. The
integrated motivation framework is expected to serve this purpose. Plog (1974, 2001)
went too far to make his model realistic, because he presumed that personality deter-
mines not only tourist behavior but the evolution of destinations. Destination person-
ality might be an analogy for the destination image that we talk of today or the concept
of brand personality proposed in marketing, but the development, evolution, or life
cycle of a destination is too complex to be accommodated within a personality
framework.
P. L. Pearce (1988, 1993) contended that tourist motivation is driven by a learningprocess by which tourists accumulate experience that simulates higher levels of motiva-
tion. Thus, individuals life stages determine their travel experiences and motivations.
The definition of travel experience in P. L. Pearces (1988, 1993) work is quite ambig-
uous and simplified, making his theory far from robust. Even in P. L. Pearce and Lee
(2005), the most important motivationsnovelty, escape/relax, and relationship
cannot be explained by travel experience. P. L. Pearce and Lee (2005, p. 235) concluded
by saying that these three dimensions of motivation function as the core factors in all
travel motivation patterns regardless of travel experience level. What Cohen (1972,
1979a, 1979b, 1984) attempted to interpret is tourism as a modern social phenomenon.
In his framework, tourists, consumption, and the tourism industry as a whole represent
social relationships and interactions in modern society. In light of this, his model is
perhaps of little relevance to tourist behavior as we normally discuss it.
The validity of the integrated framework lies in the fact that tourist behavior with
respect to destination choices, travel experience, and distance decay is of theoretical
consistence, especially in the context that addresses tourist flows from the origin to the
destination. City destinations as a cultural complex provide a unique scenario to test the
integrated framework with respect to tourist movements within a destination. Findings
in this regard suggest that tourists have demonstrated behavior patterns other than
those identified regarding tourist flows. This theoretical exercise commences as a
response to the unilateral stance in interpreting tourist motivation by relying on a single
piece of theory. This concern has been clearly expressed by Dann (1981), who claimedthat we may deviate from truly understanding how tourists act and how the tourism
system works because a stereotype of view is forming in defending ones own theories. It
would be appropriate to take a comprehensive perspective on this, in the sense that
tourist behavior can be interpreted on an individual level by applying travel personality,
in a diachronic dimension by the TCL, and from a holistic perspective by the strange-
nessfamiliarity and environmental bubble ideas.
Acknowledgements
We thank the anonymous referees for their helpful comments. We are grateful to
participants at the 8th Asia Pacific Forum for Graduate Students Research in
Tourism for their insightful discussion and comments. Financial assistance from the
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School of Hotel and Tourism Management at The Hong Kong Polytechnic University
is acknowledged.
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