-
A CVCV Analysis of Syllabic Consonants inCoptic
Jean-Marc BELTZUNG 1 & Cdric PATIN 1,21 LPP, Paris
2 ZAS, [email protected]
[email protected]
24 May 2007
1 Introduction(1) syllabic consonants have received different
treatments in phonological litera-
ture in CVCV phonology, a radical extension of the Government
Phonologytheory: syllabic consonant = a segment associated both to
a C slot and a V slot right-branching hypothesis (Blaho 2004, among
others) 6= left-branchinghypothesis (Scheer 2004, among others)
(2) this paper deals with syllabic consonants in Coptic, a now
extincted Afro-Asiatic language
(3) it will be shown that coptic phenomena support the
left-branching hypothesis
2 Schwas and syllabic consonants(4) no place here for an
extended discussion we will assume a basic knowledge
of the nature of syllabic consonants however, it is important
for our purposeto focus on the close relationship between syllabic
consonants and sequencesof a schwa and a consonant
(5) three different evidences supporting the relation existing
between syllabic con-sonants and schwa + consonant sequences: free
variation + interdialectal vari-ation + complementary
distribution.
2.1 Evidence 1: free variation(6) first evidence in favor of a
direct link between C
"
and C: they are in free varia-tion in many languages
Many thanks to Gwendoline Fox for helpful corrections
1
-
(7) the presence or absence of the schwa is most of the time
related to the styleof speech (e.g. Halh Mongolian (Karlsson
Mukhanova 2006, 2007): alternationbetween a N sequence (in formal
speech) and an N
"
(in casual speech))(8) the most discussed cases of C
"
/ C free alternation are probably in Germaniclanguagesa. English
(Clark & Yallop 1995: 67)
sudden [s2dn] [s2dn"
]medal [mEdl] [mEdl
"
]b. German (Siebs 1961, cited in Clark & Yallop 1995:
68)
haben [ha:bn] [ha:bm"
] to havegeben [ge:bn] [ge:bm
"
] to givesagen [za:gn] [za:gN
"
] to saydanken [daNkn] [daNkN
"
] to thankc. NE Dutch (Toft 2002: 112)
kiken [kikn] [kikN"
] to look
(9) note that the presence of a schwa is supported in 8-b and
8-c by the absence ofhomorganicity, while its absence is related to
homorganicity
2.2 Evidence 2: interdialectal variation(10) the direct link
between C
"
and C is also supported by the fact that a C se-quence in a
dialect may correspond to a syllabic consonant in another one(e.g.
syllabic nasals in Hellendoorn Dutch but [n] in other variants of
Dutch(van Oostendorp 2001, 2004))
(11) Berber any consonant, even a voiceless stop, may be
syllabic in BerberChleuh:Berber (Chleuh) (Ridouane 2003: 269-70 and
personnal communication)
kks
"
take offfq
"
.qs
"
irritatetk
"
.Sf
"
it driedtf
"
.ss
"
she is quiettk
"
.ks
"
t you took offtq
"
s.sf
"
it shrunktf
"
.tk
"
.ts
"
tt you sprained it (fem.)(12) Ridouane (2003) has demonstrated
that there is no schwa in the varieties of
Haha or Anti-Atlas, but that a schwa is present in the variety
of Agadir:Berber (Chleuh) (Ridouane 2003)
Agadir Hahafk f
"
k giveks ks
"
feed onsXf pas
"
Xf fade away
2.3 Evidence 3: complementary distribution(13) last evidence :
complementary distribution
2
-
(14) Britannic English (Toft 2002) the final /l/ is almost
always syllabic (e.g.people, vocal, etc.), while final /n/ shows
two different behaviors: i. it tendsto be syllabic after /t/
(beaten) ii. there is a schwa between /p,k/ and a final/n/ (deepen,
beacon)
(15) German (Noske 1996) "there is postlexically a free
alternation betweensyllabic sonorant cononants in German and a
sequence of schwa + sonorant[...] except for R, which is always
vocalised under these circumstances" (p.172-5).
(16) Klaaifrysk Frisian (van Oostendorp 2004) "syllabic
sonorants and schwaare in a form of complementary distribution: the
former occur in exactlythose environments where the latter do not
occur." (p. 28)
(17) Piro Arawakan, Peru (Lin 1997,2005) "the two forms, C"
and Cv, areconsidered allophones of the corresponding underlying
C (Matteson 1965:33), and [that] the choice between C
"
and Cv is rule-governed." (Lin 1997:406)
3 Syllabic consonants in CVCV
3.1 The CVCV framework(18) CVCV is a radical extension of
Government Phonology (Lowenstamm 1996,
Scheer 2004): Prosodic structure is universally composed of
strictly alternat-ing CV units : CVCV. . . CnVn. Two lateral
relations structure the string:a. Governmentb. Licensing
(19) two major predictions are made by CVCV:a. No coda
(constituent)b. No branching constituents
(20) according to CVCV:a. a coda is a consonant followed by an
empty nucleus ()b. a geminate is a segment associated with two
Onset positionsc. a long vowel is a segment associated with two
Nuclei positionsd. Sgral & Scheer 1999, p. 16
closed syllable geminate long vowel [...C#]O N O N
C V C
O N O N
C V
O N O N
C V
O N
... C #
(21) the Empty Category Principle (Kaye et al. 1990) states that
a nucleus may re-main unexpressed if, and only if, it is:a. subject
to Proper Government (PG)b. enclosed within a domain of
Infrasegmental Government (IG)c. domain-final (parametrized)
(22) lateral relations structuring the string:
3
-
a. Proper Government (PG) is a dependency relation that holds
between twonuclei. One is the head (governor), the other its
complement (governee).Only plain vowels, IG enclosed vowels and
domain-final vowels maygovern another one.
b. Infra-segmental Government (IG) is a dependency relation that
holds be-tween the Place primitives of two different Onsets.
Sonorants are pre-dicted to be governors and Obstruents
governees.
c. Government Licensing: a consonant may govern another one
(throughIG) if licensed by its own nucleus.
(23) Government inhibits the segmental expression of its target
+ Licensing strength-ens the segmental expression of its target
(24) Proper Governmenta. an ungoverned vowel may governs an
empty nucleus
O1 N1 O2 N2
C C Vb. a governed vowel cannot govern a preceding empty
nucleus
O1 N1 O2 N2 O3 N3
C C C Vc. N1 must be phonetically expressed in this case
O1 N1 O2 N2 O3 N3
C C C V
(25) Infra-segmental Governmenta. a sonorant R may govern an
obstruent T, but a T cannot govern a R
a. O N O N
T R V
b. O N O N
R T V8b. a consonant must be licensed by its own nucleus to be
governer
O N O N O N
T R V C V
c. if not, the consonant cannot govern another one
O N O N O N
R 8 T C V
(26) Lowenstamm (1999) claimed that the diacritic # used at the
beginning of thewords is an empty initial CV (C0V0)
(27) accounts for the asymmetry of attested inital clusters in
languages that have:a. #TR only (Indo-European languages)
4
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b. both #TR and #RT (some Semitic languages)c. implication: #RT
#TR
(28) initial site is a site of clitization Clitization can take
place iff the site islicensed
(29) a. an infra-segmental domain allows the government of V0C0
V0 C V C V
# T R A
b. If IG fails to appear, V0 is not governed and may be
pronounced
C0 V0 C V C V
# R T A9
(30) under CVCV, a syllabic consonant is a segment associated
both to a C slot anda V slot explains why syllabic consonant
patterns with both vowels andconsonants (eg. tones, stress,
homorgany)
(31) almost all authors agree on the dual nature of syllabic
consonants. However,most of the discussion deals with Germanic or
Slavic languages. A centralquestion regarding their representation:
Are syllabic consonants:a. right-branching (Blaho 2004) orb.
left-branching (Scheer 2004) ?
a. Right-branching b. Left-branchingC V
V C
3.2 Left- or right-branching ?(32) Right-branching: advocated by
different authors Rennison 1993, Afuta 2002,
Blaho 2004, among others) + discussed in detail in Blaho
(2004)(33) Blaho (2004) cites several arguments to support her
analysis:
a. consonantal phonotactics: in Slovak, syllabic liquids are
only sensitive toconsonants preceding them.
b. the minimal word constraint : she claimed that there is no
word only com-posed of a syllabic consonant
(34) weakness: arguments are builded upon a small set of
languages (Germanic andSlavic). There are counter-arguments in
other languages:a. consonantal phonotactics: syllabic nasals
homorgonize with the follow-
ing consonants in Yao (Ngunga 2000) and Dagaare (Bodomo 1997)b.
the minimal word constraint : syllabic consonants may appear as a
word
of its own in Berber (Ridouane, pc): imperative [f"
] give and in ShaoxingChinese (Zhang 2006): [m
"
] yes, [N"
] five
5
-
(35) Left-branching: advocated by Harris (1994), Toft (2002) and
Scheer (2004)among others + discussed in details in Scheer
(2004)
(36) arguments:a. alternation of C and C
"
in Germanic languagesb. diachronical emergence of syllabic
consonants through the loss of a pre-
ceding vowel in Slavic (Scheer 2004)(37) weakness: arguments are
builded upon a small set of languages (Germanic and
Slavic) e.g. counter-argument regarding syllabic consonants
emergence inother languages: in African languages, most of the
syllabic nasals emergedfrom the loss of following vowel (see for
instance Creissels (1999) on Tswana) synchronic alternations
(Saghala our own data , Ganda: Kawaha 2001)
4 Syllabic consonants in Coptic
4.1 The Coptic language(38) Coptic is an extinct Afro-asiatic
language.
a. last stage of Ancient Egyptian.b. attested between the 3rd
and 14th century CE.c. not a uniform language but a set of five
main dialects (from north to
south): Bohairic (B), Fayyumic (F), Sahidic (S), Lycopolitan (L)
andAkhmimic (A)
(39) written with Greek alphabet augmented by seven Demotic
letters which dontexist in Greek e.g. r
p p
m-
p p
n-khme Egyptian ("man of Egypt")
4.2 Syllabic consonants: graphical expression(40) in Coptic SAL,
a non-etymological diacritic called supralinear stroke
may appear over all consonants:p p
m,
p p
n. . .
(41) different interpretations in the litterature:a. Till (1932)
: denotes a vowel since it alternates with schwab. Worrell (1934):
indicates syllabic division of a word syllabic conso-
nant.c. Polotsky (1933): denotes a syllabic consonant
(42) nowadays, supralinear stroke as syllabic marker has been
commonly acceptedamong authors (see Polotsky 1933, Nagel 1966,
Plumley 1948, Vergote 1973, Depuydt1985, Vicychl 1990, Peust 1999,
Layton 2000 among others)
4.3 Syllabic consonants as left-branching: some indices(43) if
supralinear stroke denotes syllabic consonants in SAL,
a. all consonants can have a syllabic function in unstressed
syllables butb. only syllabic sonorants can occur in stressed
syllable (Worrell 1934, Nagel
1966, Vicychl 1990 among others)
6
-
(44) our goal is to show that syllabic consonants are
left-branching in Coptic. Wewill focuse merely on syllabic
sonorants and four arguments will be advanced:1. inter-dialectal
complementary distribution of C
"
and C and intra-dialectalfree variation of C
"
and C2. emergence of stressed syllabic sonorants3. reduplication
process4. coronal nasal homorgany before labial obstruents
4.3.1 Complementary distribution and free variation
(45) Inter-dialectal: when a syllabic consonant appears in S, A
and L (signaled bysupralinear stroke), B and F generally have a
sequence of schwa (signaled bye) and the non-syllabic
counterpart:
C"
(SAL) C (BF)a. S n
"
to S nto robe (of linen)hr
"
man hrman pomegrenatehm
"
s xms ear
l
"
hem lhEm to shouthotB
"
xotB to killb. SOlms
"
SOlms gnat, mosquitosolp
"
solp to break
(46) C appears in BF in the following cases:a. when the syllabic
consonant in SAL is a sonorant orb. when the syllabic consonant in
SAL is an obstruent preceded by a sono-
rant1
(47) Intra-dialectal. Free variation of C"
and C is sometimes observed in SC
"
Ca. B
"
SE BSE forgetfulnessl
"
hem lhem roar
wm
"
- wm- eat (construct form)OBn
"
OBn alumm
"
pr
"
- m
"
pr- do notb. m
"
pk
"
- m
"
pk- negative past tensesolp
"
solp to breakhoBs
"
hoBs cover
onh
"
onh livelahmf
"
lahmf meaning unknow
(48) this first argument leads us to represent Coptic syllabic
consonant as left-branching structure in a strict CV framework.
Thus, we assume the followingrepresentations for the form S.
[Sn
"
to], B. [Snto] "robe (of linen)":
a. Sahidic C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3
S n t o
b. Bohairic C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3
S n t o
1This case may explain why examples with syllabic obstruents
alternations are scarce cross-dialectally.
7
-
4.3.2 Stressed syllabic sonorants
(49) the 2nd argument comes from stressed syllabic sonorants.
Stressed syllabicsonorants emerge diachronically through the loss
of a stressed vowel preced-ing a non-syllabic sonorant. The lost
vowel is always the outcome of Egyptianstressed */i/, that is /a/
in closed syllables in S and B (but /E/ in other dialects)and /i/
or /e/ in open syllables in all dialects (Vycichl 1990:74)
(50) stress in Egyptian languages appears on either the ultimate
or the penultimatesyllable of a word (trochaic system): */"rama/
> /"rom/ man vs */"rin/ > /"ran/name
(51) a sequence *CiRT (where R=sonorant and T=obstruent) >
(CaRT) > CR"
T inS and A but CRT in B and F, as shown by the following
examples:
Egyptian S and A B and Ftbt tB
"
t tBt fishm hm
"
tS hmtS vinegarfn-w fn
"
t fnt worms
Slf Sl
"
f Slf fearwrt wr
"
t wrt rose
(52) this fact is very common in S and A and explain why *i >
a and e is rare inthis environment. In B and F, a schwa occurs
instead (written as e)
(53) stressed syllabic consonants in S and A can be represented
as follows (whereboxed positions represent the stress):
a. Sahidic b. Bohairic
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3
t a B t
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3
t B t
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3
t B t
(54) if the left-branching structure is correct, we must follow
Scheer (1998:281)and admit that Coptic final empty nuclei may
govern the previous nucleus ifthis nucleus is not lexically
filled.
(55) vowel loss is also synchronically reflected in the S and A
verbal morphol-ogy where the vowel /i/ (i) of some infinitive verbs
alterns with /a/ (a) in thepronominal form when the following
consonant is not a sonorant (56a.). Whena sonorant appears after
the infinitive vowel /i/, the pronominal form has a syl-labic
consonant instead (56b.):
(56) Infinitive Pronominala. mis mast- to give birth
S ik Sakt- to dighit hat- move around, convulsesih saht- be
removed
b. in n"
t- (*ant-) to findS iB SB
"
t- (*SaBt-) to changeS in Sn
"
t- (*Sant-) to seek, asksmin smn
"
t- (*smant-) to establish(57) B and F generally have a schwa
instead of syllabic consonants in (56b.). Right-
8
-
branching representation fails to predict the forms in (56a.)
but correctly pre-dicts the forms in (56b.)2:Right-branching
representationa. mast-f
"
"to give him birth" b. Sn"
t-f
"
to ask him
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3-C4 V4
m a s t f
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3-C4 V4
S a n t f
(58) in (57), the well formedness of the representation involves
the absence of avowel in V1. If V1 is present, C2 cannot spread on
V2 but V2 must be ex-pressed since it cannot be governed by V3,
already governed by V4. A left-branching representation correctly
predicts both forms in (56a.) and (56b.):Left-branching
representationa. mast-f
"
"to give him birth" b. Sn"
t-f
"
to ask him
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3-C4 V4
m a s t f
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3-C4 V4
S a n t f
4.3.3 Reduplication
(59) Coptic reduplication is formed by reduplication of the
second and third con-sonants at the right of the base. In the
infinitive form of verbs, the reduplicantappears with no vowel but
with a syllabic consonant wheras the root appearswith a full vowel
in Sahidic (the dot denotes syllable boundary):
hBOr.Br
"
to become loosenedSOr.Sr
"
to knock downStOr.tr
"
to disturbBas.Bs
"
sort of duckkas.ks
"
to dansesOl.sl
"
to comfortkrOm.rm
"
to become darkmOn.mn
"
to move, shake (earth)(60) if syllabic consonants are
right-branching in Coptic, the representation of redu-
plicated forms such as [mOnmn"
] to move, shake (earth) is ill-formed:Right-branching
structure
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3 C4 V4
m O n m n
(61) if syllabic consonants are Left-branching in Coptic, the
representation of thereduplicated forms are
well-formed:Left-branching structure
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3 C4 V4
m O n m n
2/-f/ is the third person masculin singular suffix
9
-
(62) some reduplicated verbs appear without vowels neither in
the base nor in thereduplicant. This fact can be explained by vowel
loss in S and A. Rememberthat /a/ < */i/ in stressed closed
syllables was lost before sonorants. In theseforms, the sonorant is
always syllabic both in the base and in the
reduplicant:Reduplication in S (Plumley 1948:72, Vergote
1973:48)
Br
"
.Br
"
to boiltm
"
.tm
"
to become heavykm
"
.km
"
to strike a musical instrumentkrm
"
.rm
"
to murmursn
"
.sn
"
to resoundtl
"
.tl
"
to driphm
"
.hm
"
to roar
(63) if syllabic consonants are rigth-branching in Coptic, the
representation of redu-plicated forms such as [krm
"
rm
"
] to murmur is ill formed:
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3 C4 V4 C5 V5
k 8 r m r m
(64) if syllabic consonants are left-branching in Coptic, the
representation of thereduplicated form is well-formed:
C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3 C4 V4 C5 V5
k r m r m
4.3.4 Homorgany
(65) in Coptic, a consonant homorgany occurs in initial coronal
nasal + obstru-ents sequences, where the nasal consonant is a
proclitic element (/n-/ definiteplural article, genitive
marker):
10
-
a. m"
-mE:w the thoughtsm
"
-mayn the signsm
"
-mes the interestsm
"
-Ba:mp the goatsm
"
-p ew the heavensm
"
-p-nut of Godb. n
"
-wot (*m"
-wot) of onlyn
"
-wOyn (*m"
-wOyn) of lightc. n
"
-rom the menn
"
-nOyt of flourn
"
-tSOyt of olivesn
"
-Sn
"
s of linenn
"
-swO of wheatd. n
"
-kOw (*N"
-kOw ?) the othersn
"
-kem (*N"
-kem ?) of Egypt(66) in (65a.), coronal syllabic nasals are
assimilated to a following labial obstru-
ent3, leading to a labial syllabic nasal. If the first consonant
of the root is alabial glide [w], as in (65b.), assimilation doesnt
take place. In (65c.), coronalsyllabic nasal keep coronal
articulation before coronal obstruents.
(67) possible representations of Coptic homorgany stated in
(65):a. Left-branching b. Right-branching
C V C0 V0 C1 V1- C2 V2
m m e s
C0 V0 C1 V1 C2 V2
m m e s
(68) the left-branching structure under (67a.) involves the
clitic CV site. The right-branching structure under (67b.) doesnt
involve this site as C1 spreads onhis right (the clitic site
withered away, as stated by Lowenstamm (1999)). Theright-branching
structure fails to predict assimilation since it violates the
Prin-ciple of Free Occurence (Kaye 1990), which states that there
are no restrictionson the melodic content of neighbouring onsets
and nuclei.
(69) an additional clue can be invoked throught the fact that
there are no assimila-tions before /m/ filling the syllable nucleus
(Till 1951:6567, Peust 1999:161 data from S):
a. m"
-mes the interestsm
"
-Ba:mp the goatsm
"
-p ew the heavensb. n-m
"
lO:h (*m-m"
lO:h) the fightsn-m
"
sah (*m-m"
sah) of crocodilen-m
"
to (*m-m"
to) the deapth (of a sea)(70) the forms standing in (69b.) show
that no assimilation takes place when the
initial consonant of a stem is a syllabic consonant. As for
examples in (67), ifwe represent syllabic consonants as
right-branching, assimilation is predictedto occur in the forms
given in (69b.):
3However, assimilation sometimes fails to appear before the
labial fricative /B/ in S: [n"
-Bal] the eyes(*m
"
-bal), [n"
-BaSOr] the foxes, etc.
11
-
C0 V0 C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3
m m s a h
(71) if syllabic consonants are left-branching we can account
for the fact that noassimilation takes place in (69b.) because of
the syllabic /m/:
C V C0 V0- C1 V1 C2 V2 C3 V3
n m s a h
*m
(72) since V1 is filled by the following consonant, the Free
Occurrence Principle isviolate and no assimilation occurs in this
case. According to Till (1951), thefact that no assimilation take
place can only be due to an intervening vowel(graphically rendered
by supralinear stroke)4.
(73) our analysis is supported by Scheer (2004: 707-41)s
analysis of homorganic-ity according to him, a nasal in coda
position (i.e. before an empty nucleus)is weak and will therefore
assimilates and or spread5 in order "to consolidateits existence"
(p. 710). This is what happens in (69)
(74) Right-branching hypothesis predicts that in (69) the first
nasal will stand in acoda position too, and will then be unstable
Left-branching hypothesis pre-dicts that the nasal in (69) will
stand in a strong position, since the followingnucleus is filled by
the syllabic nasal, and then will not need to assimilate
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