2 The Left Tribune NEWS

Left Tribune is the magazine ofLabour Youth in Ireland. We operateon the basis of a sustainable anddemocratic socialist ethos.

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Volume II, Issue 5February 2007

Editorial Staff

Editor: Dermot Looney (LYCommunications Officer)

Deputy Editor: Jane Horgan-Jones

News Editor: Conor Tannam

Design & Layout: Andrew Payne

Contributors: Louise Caffrey, PaulDillon, Joanne Doherty, Enda Duffy,Christina McSorley, Karen O’Connell,Donal O Liathain

With thanks to: Cian O'Callaghan andthe National Youth Executive

Printed by: Grehan Print, BrunswickHouse, Dublin 2

IUSY Adopt CokeBoycott CampaignThe International Union of Socialist Youth(IUSY) has adopted a policy to support theboycott of Coca-Cola in a huge fillup for theglobal campaign for human rights inColombia. During the historic IUSY WorldCouncil, held in Cork from February 1st -3rd, delegates approved the motion fromLabour Youth, Ireland to lend their supportto the growing campaign.

IUSY represents almost 150youth sections of labour, socialist and socialdemocratic parties all over the world and isthe largest youth political organisation in theworld. Founded 100 years ago, it held itsfirst ever Irish-based event in the UCC cam-pus in Cork with an active involvement bymany members of Labour Youth, Ireland.

Comrades from parties as diverseas the Armenian Revolutionary YouthFederation, the Mexican JuventudDemócrata PRD, the Fatah Youth fromPalestine, the All Burma Students Leagueand Australian Young Labour took part inthe event, themed “People in Movement.”

The Council was addressed byIUSY President Fikile Mbabula of the ANCYouth League in South Africa, and for thefirst time by IUSY Secretary General YvonneO’Callaghan from Ireland. The World Councildealt with issues such as the Middle Eastpeace process and global migration.

The resolution on Coca-Cola wasproposed by Enda Duffy, the Irish Labour del-egate, with the active support of ourColombian comrades in the JoventudPartido Liberal Colombiano (Liberal PartyYouth).

The campaign to boycott CocaCola began in Ireland in 2003 following acall from the Colombian trade union SINAL-TRAINAL, whose members were subject toa vicious anti-union campaign of intimidation,torture and even murder by paramilitariessupported by the Coca-Cola bottling plants.

Students in UCD, NCAD and TrinityCollege have all voted to prohibit the sale ofCoca Cola in shops owned by their studentunions, leading to a massive worldwide cam-paign which incorporates boycotts in over ahundred universities. Trinity students will beasked to renew this boycott for the thirdtime at the end of February and are confi-dent that the boycott will again be upheld.

Labour Youth has been to theforefront of the campaign in Ireland and con-tinue to work with progressive groups and

individuals in maintaining and spreading theboycott.

Speaking after the resolution waspassed, Labour Youth Chair Patrick Nultysaid, “the resolution sends a clear messageto Coca-Cola that this campaign is goingfrom strength to strength. Their crimes inColombia are indicative of the exploitationand aggression shown by multinational cor-porations towards people in the developingworld.”

“It is our duty to hold these compa-nies to account and to campaign for justiceand the rule of law. Their can be no hidingplace or excuses for companies who exploit,intimidate and degrade their employees inany part of the world.”

Further info & contact details: Page 14

Dermot Looney

ContentsNEWS SECTION1: IUSY Adopt Coca-Cola Boycott2: Pro-Choice Campaign Grows;News Round-Up3-4: Michael D Higgins Interview5: Branch Reports & EditorialFEATURES6: Disability and Social Exclusion7-8: Labour’s General ElectionCandidates by Constituency: Part 29: Political Poker10: In Theory: Neoliberalism and theDimunition of Democracy11-12: The Great Debate: ShouldLabour Co-operate More Closelywith Sinn Fein?LEFT BACK13: Bernie Sanders: Socialist in theUS Senate14: David Ervine Remembered

International delegatesvote to support BoycottKiller Coke Campaign

NEWS The Left Tribune 2

Empowering Women to Choose:Labour Youth Pro-Choice Meeting Looks to the Future

Over 70 pro choice activists from all politicalbackgrounds and none gathered onSaturday 27th January in the Central Hotelon Exchequer St. to discuss the Irish prochoice campaign and strategise for thefuture. The event was hosted by LabourYouth and was designed to come up withpractical, workable suggestions and initia-tives that the left can unite around in order tofurther the campaign.

With this aspiration in mind, theday saw a programme of workshops andfacilitators, instead of the more common for-mat used by public meetings involving speak-

ers followed by a question and answer ses-sion. Held concurrently, the workshops dealtwith the class analysis of the abortion issue,direct action and outreach campaigning. Thethree workshops were facilitated by AileenO’Connell (WSM), Aoife Cooke (RAGCollective) and Ailbhe Smyth (WERRC, UCD),with Ivana Bacik (Reid Professor of Law, TCD)acting as the overall chair.

Following the conclusion of thethree working groups, the meeting reassem-bled in order to hear feedback and collate thesuggestions from the groups into a coherentplan. In what was an extremely productivesession, a number of action points weredecided upon that activists were delegatedto coordinate in the coming months. Theseincluded a campaign targeting various“rogue crisis pregnancy agencies” whichoperate in Ireland and provide extremelydirective counselling, refusing to advisewomen of all the options available to them ina crisis pregnancy situation.

In addition, it was agreed that prochoice groups on campuses across thecountry should be set up, and that linksshould be made with womens groups in theUK who are interested in setting up “wel-come committees” for women travelling

across the water for abortions. A furtherdate was also set for another planning meet-ing to arrange these and other initiativesdecided upon on the day, and over €200raised in donations to get the ball rolling.

The level of interest in pro choiceissues evident in the numbers in attendanceshows that the lack of abortion facilities inIreland is an issue which needs to beaddressed, and that the political will is thereto address it. To get involved in the campaignand be added to the mailing list for details offuture activities, email youth@labour.ie orhorganjones.jane@gmail.com

Jane Horgan-Jones

Ivana Bacikaddresses themeeting

LY activists leafletoutside the GPO toadvertise the event

Labour Youth News Round-Up

Boost for Same Sex MarriageCampaign with Launch ofLabour Civil Unions Bill

The Labour Party has launched abill that proposes equal rights for same sexcouples. This bill is the first bill of its kindsince the inception of the state. If passed thislegislation will provide all the legal rights andresponsibilities that are afforded to couplesthat are married to same sex partners.Included in the bill are new regulationsregarding adoption.

If passed by the Oireachtas, thispiece of law would be a hugely progressivestep towards realising full equality betweensame sex and opposite sex unions. Under theconstitution a referendum would be requiredto deliver full same sex marriage. The pro-posals have the support of Labour Youth,Labour Equality and Labour LGBT, all ofwhom have been active in the campaign forsame sex marriage.

Free the Miami 5 Labour Youth activsts are urged to

sign a petition available atwww.labouryouth.ie in support of the ‘Miami5’ - Cuban prisoners who have been incarcer-ated since 2001 in a U.S. jail. The men arecurrently being held under false espionagecharges. The 5 were falsely accused by theU.S. government of committing espionageconspiracy against the United States, andother related charges. But they have arguedin their defense that they were involved inmonitoring the actions of Miami-based ter-rorist groups in order to prevent terroristattacks on their country of Cuba.

The men never directed anyactions against the US government nor didthey possess any weapons whilst in the coun-try. Family members and supporters havebeen denied access to the prisoners, whoare also refused letters of solidarity fromwriters such as Noam Chomsky and JoséSaramago demanding that the men bereleased. Labour Youth are also campaign-ing to end the US-led blockade of Cuba, asreported in the last issue of Left Tribune .

Labour Youth Says “MembersWill Have Say” on Coalition

Labour Youth has counteredrecent press speculation regarding theparty's coalition future, pointing out theiropposition to any junior status in governmentas mandated by successive YouthConferences. LY noted that the party mem-bership - as opposed to the leadership -would be making any decision once the elec-tion results are known. Labour Youth hasopposed the ‘Mullingar Accord’ strategysince it was announced in 2005.

Chair Patrick Nulty remarked,"Labour Youth has been consistent for someyears now in saying that Ireland does notmerely need an alternative government - italso needs to develop a realignment of poli-tics.” Bearing in mind that LY has over 1000members nationwide it is fallacy of the mediaand political commentators that a Labourcoalition with Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil is theinevitable result of the election. Labour Youthwill have a strong voice when the votes arecounted and it is imperative that our policiesand activism promote Labour to the fullest.

Conor Tannam

Michael D:Labour’s Inspiration

38 years since he first stood for election, Labour Party President Michael D Higgins faces into his 13thsuccessive campaign in Galway West in a mood as passionate & defiant as ever. He spoke to JaneHorgan-Jones & Karen O’Connell on his many causes for concern, from Shell in Mayo to the war in Iraq.

It might be raining and it might be cold,And the bishop’s gone and left the fold,But we're standing proudand we're walking tall,We’ve got Michael Drockin’ in the Dáil for us,Michael D rockin’ in the Dáil!

-The Saw Doctors

Michael D Higgins. TD. President of the LabourParty. Spokesperson on Foreign Affairs.Former Mayor of Galway, Minister for Arts,Culture, and the Gaeltacht, Honorary AdjunctProfessor at Large in Political Science andSociology in NUIG and probably the only Irishpolitician to ever have had a rock song writtenabout him.

In these and other diverse capaci-ties, Michael D. has been recognised as one ofthe foremost champions of human rights,socialist politics and political activism in theIrish public sphere for three decades andmore. It's little surprise too that he has firmlyestablished himself as a kind of spiritual leaderfor a Labour Youth which has adopted a cam-paigning approach on so many of the issuesclose to his heart.

Michael D's unrelenting quest forequality and justice has taken many forms overthe years. Most recently, this activism has

manifested itself in the publication of a new col-lection of essays, poems and diary entries enti-tled Causes for Concern: Irish Politics, Cultureand Society, which he sees as being an impor-tant contribution to consciousness in today'ssociety. "It is quite philosophical, it makes acase for being aware, and being criticallyaware, and then moving from critical aware-ness to action."

The book has proven immediatelysuccessful in the mainstream book charts,achieving unusual success for a political publi-cation. Although containing only two or threepieces from each decade, the depth and com-plexities of the issues explored in the book havealso evoked substantial anticipation for aneventual biographical work from Michael D.

Michael D's political career has beencolourful, diverse, sometimes controversial,and has surprising origins. In his early days asan undergraduate in NUIG, Higgins was Chairof the university Cumann of Fianna Fáil. Theyoung Michael D. had a view that he could influ-ence Fianna Fáil and "push it in a left direction".However, despite his best efforts, he remem-bers that his substantial efforts were eventual-ly thwarted by the Fianna Fáil leadership.

"Our Cumann was regarded as beingunruly, and was about to be disciplined. We hadbeen asking spokespersons to come and tell us

their policies and they had complained us tothe head office for being less than respectful ofsenior and eminent spokespersons. Has any-thing changed?" he winks.

The realisation that the Labour Partywas his true calling came after hearing NoëlBrowne speak in Manchester in 1968. A yearlater he was a Labour candidate for election inGalway West, eventually winning a seat in1981 and retaining it ever since, with a briefinterruption between November 1982 and1987.

He attributes what he notes is ahuge change in the political climate over theyears in no small part to negative develop-ments in the media.

"Some developments in communica-tion, for example the Internet, have moved infavour of faster and easier communication, butothers have become negatives in generalmedia area. The media is very nearly a monop-oly, and far worse than it was in the 60's and70's. As a result, the quality of political writingin the media hasn't improved at all, and therehas been a constriction of the space available

for discussing politics.""There has also been a concentra-

tion of ownership and a tabloidisation of media;this is true not only of print media but also ofradio and television. There is a profound ten-dency against democracy in that.”

These comments are particularlyapt for those involved in campaigns that havefound themselves the victims of targetedmedia bias; most notably the Shell to Sea cam-paign and solidarity with the Afghan hungerstrikers in St. Patrick's Cathedral in May 2006.

The particularly evocative case of thelatter brought to light many inadequacies andinjustices fundamentally embedded in the Irishimmigration and asylum systems. Perhapsmost demonstrative of these shortcomingsare the many personal stories that emergefrom within the layers of bureaucracy thatmake up the process.

"Youngsters in St. Pat's and othersmay be attending school, but then their rewardfor studying hard and getting their Leaving Certis that they are now eligible for deportation.This is a scandalous, appalling burden to carry."

"We need a clearer system in place;issues of migration should be moved awayfrom the Department of Justice. A departmentdeal-ing with security is clearly not the bestdepartment to be handling issues regardingmigrants and refugees. The absence of flexibili-ty is appalling, and there is a very strong caseto be made for eliminating backlog by allowinganyone who has been waiting for a decision formore than a certain amount of time to stay.The whole system is quite immoral and wrong."

Similarly, the Shell to Sea campaignhas been the sustained target of media liesand fabrications for almost the entirety of itsexistence. However, Michael D was clear andunambiguous when asked about his views ofthe campaign and his ideas for how best it canprogress.

"It is a great pity that Justin Keating'sproposals in the 70's which would have allowedfor a right of participation in ownership for thestate and a right to take royalties were notadopted. The fiscal licensing terms were thenchanged by Ray Burke in deeply suspicious cir-cumstances, and later changed again by otherFianna Fáil ministers. Then Shell arrived, assist-ed in no small part by Frank Fahey."

"There is no doubt that Fianna Fáilhands are very dirty on this issue, and that theTaoiseach is behaving with cowardice…Intervention is surely needed. I feel sorry for thepeople of Rossport. This has all been dumpedin on top of them, and it is very wrong for [themedia and government] to present their cam-paign as a front for other people."

Going forward, Michael D. suggestedthe internationalisation of the campaign tofocus on the state-owned company Statoil inNorway, pointing out that when a delegationfrom Rossport visited the country, "the partythat is now in government supported them."

Michael D. was also critical and con-cerned about elements of Garda treatment atthe protests in Bellanaboy. "Gardaí have been

INTERVIEW The Left Tribune 4

undisciplined and unaccountable. On occasionsthey have been provoked, but on many moreoccasions, including the time I was in Rossport,the Gardaí's attitude has been provocative,unhelpful and unaccountable."

Undoubtedly, though, Michael D isbest known for his longstanding opposition tothe war in Iraq, and to the use of Shannon air-port as a stopover point for US military on theirway to the Middle East. He noted his strongsupport for Motion 119 from the last fullLabour Party Conference in 2005, proposedby Labour Youth, which called for the removalof US military from Shannon.

"Labour Youth's proposal was per-fectly correct, it was the only one, and it wasthat military were arriving in Shannon as partof an illegal war outside of international law.You cannot accept diplomatic assurances thatyou are complying with international law."

"I believe Shannon should not beavailable for CIA flights… Any use of any of ourairports should be under the clear acceptanceof our obligations under the UN charter andshould be within the obligations of internationallaw and justice. This rules out the use of any ofour airports for such military purposes andpieces of adventurism as we have seen."

This illegal occupation in Iraq alsodraws a comparison with the support given toIsrael from the US in aid of their occupation ofPalestine. "The US administration is impaled onthe hook of unconditional support for Israel.

The Palestinian issue is about dispossessionand occupation, and severe breaches ofhuman rights that have been completely tram-pled on by the Wall. The EU needs to sponsora conference in the region; there you can dealwith the nuclear issue too."

Amid the media frenzy and specula-tion about Labour’s possible coalition options,Michael D offered some clear and coherentpositions on Labour's policies for government.

"We need to maximise electoral sup-port for our own policies. We will not negotiateon our principles - we have bedrock values. Forexample, there will NOT be private hospitals onpublic hospital grounds with Labour in govern-ment. We will have an ethical foreign policy rat-ified by international agreement. There will be avindication of workers rights, and nothing willcome at the cost of civil rights."

Looking to the future of the party andIrish politics in general, Michael D was ebullientin his praise for Labour Youth and the bottom-up activism that has defined it in recent years.

"The levels of youth activism, and theradicalism, courage and energy of LabourYouth in particular are to be welcomed. Thechallenge for Labour Youth lies in building a lefteconomy and society and to fight against therise in managerial philosophies."

Approaching what may be his lastcandidacy for Dáil Eireann, Michael D. hasclearly retained the strength, drive and integri-ty that characterised his political career fromthe moment it began, and remains a source ofconstant inspiration for those of us committedto the socialist cause, to campaigning activismand to human rights in the world today.

5 Things you might not know about Michael D...1. Former PD leader Des O’Malley once said that Michael D “would go mad” if he ever got into government. 10 yearslater, Michael D’s response as Minister for Arts, Culture & the Gaeltacht was “if this is madness, let us have more of it!”

2. He has released three poetry collections; The Betrayal, The Season of Fire and An Arid Season.

3. He is President and a Director of Galway United Football Club, working with‘Rogue Trader’ Nick Leeson - the club’sGeneral Manager - in a club which has recently been nominated to the new League of Ireland Premiership.

4. A quote from his speech to the Party Conference in Tralee in 2005 - “Proud to be Left, Proud to be Labour” hasbecome a de facto motto for Labour Youth. As well as popping up regularly in speeches at youth events, the lineappears on the new banner of the UCD Upton-O’Riordan branch and is used in the masthead for Left Tribune.

5. He has made documentaries on Noël Browne, the island of Montserrat & the 1992 ‘Earth Summit’ in Rio.

“The media is very nearly amonopoly, and far worse than itwas in the 60's and 70's”

“The US administration is impaledon the hook of unconditionalsupport for Israel”

Trinity College is predicting a busy year withthe Coca-Cola issue once again coming tothe forefront of our student politics. The thirdreferendum in four years on the boycott isset to take place at the end of February. Asuccessful public meeting with Kevin Keatingof SIPTU and Labour Youth activist Paul

Dillon, President of UCD SU at the time of theboycott there, helped to launch the campaignat the start of February. Activists are confi-dent that the boycott will again be retained.

Preparations are currently underway for Trinity Labour's Socialist week. Theaim is to explore a variety of issues that arisefrom within a socialist reality. It is hoped thatthis event will take place in March.

Christina McSorley (Chair)

5 The Left Tribune NEWS

Labour Youth Branch ReportsTrinity College / David ThornleyBranch (trinitylabour.bebo.com)

UCD / Upton-O’Riordan Branch(ucdlabour.bebo.com)

The branch kicked off the new semester bylaying down some plans for a series of publicmeetings to be held in the coming year. Thefirst of these was a successful meeting on

Travellers Rights in the context of thePadraig Nally trial with Martin Collins ofPavee Point.

Future plans include talks on theBeech Hill and a number campaigns duringthe year, including Stop the US blockade ofCuba. This will take the form of a campaign in

UCD to be followed by a picket of the USembassy.

A further campaign will take placeon Disability Access in UCD, including a pub-lic meeting and a campaign calling for betterfacilities to be made available for individualswith special needs in the College.

It is also hoped that an event cele-brating the 30th anniversary of the LabourYouth branch in UCD will be held, featuringspeakers from each decade. The new branchbanner on the left will also be launched.

Meanwhile, many branch mem-bers remain actively involved in the Shell toSea campaign on campus and will be travel-ling to Rossport for the Solidarity Day on the16th of February.

Karen O’Connell (Equality Officer)

To include your own branch or con-stituency news in future issues of

Left Tribune, just email lycommunications@labour.ie

Editorial: Between a Rock & a Hard PlaceLike it or not, it seems to be a requirement ofthe Labour Party - above all other parties - toanswer questions on its coalition prospectsin the run up to any general election. Sadly,issues of short-term arithmetic have domi-nated political discourse in recent weekswhen the agenda could have been set by theLabour's long-term vision for society itself.The great dichotomy manifests itself in thenarrowest possible terms - Fianna Fáil orFine Gael - rather than in far more fundamen-tal questions; left or right, public or private,greed or care.

What is at least as depressing asthe narrow and largely vacuous commentaryon Labour's post-election options is the dullpredictability of it all. Much of it was outlinedin Labour Youth's document on electoralstrategy, entitled "Towards an AlternativePolitics," which was released prior to theTralee Conference in 2005.

Those who are enacting the strate-gy voted for at that Conference have certain-ly taken the commitment to Fine Gael seri-ously, going so far as to release large num-bers of joint policy documents - some good,some not so good - and to parade the FGleader on the party website and at parlia-

mentary party meetings. Nevertheless, thefairly stagnant position of both "alternativecoalition" parties in the polls have prompteda rethink in strategy, with considerable med-dling from media sources and supposedinternal squabbles prompting considerablespeculation towards a coalition with FiannaFáil should the numbers require it.

There is a case to be made thatsuch an approach will help "keep Labour rel-evant" in the election campaign - althoughsuch an approach was far from successful in2002. Whatever the reasons, the PartyLeader and management have adopted a"FG where possible, FF where necessary"strategy. The term "national interest," seem-ingly coined by the Irish Independent in aninterview with Pat Rabbitte, has been utilisedto great effect by a number of parties toward away the Sinn Féin bogeyman.

Nevertheless, it is likely that amajority of the members of the Labour Party- the people who will ultimately decide - willreject any attempts to coalesce with FiannaFáil after the election, believing the nationalinterest is not served by 5 more years of FF-dominated government.

It is not the fault of the Labour

Party that the media focus is on personalitiesand the numbers game, rather than issue-based politics and policies. Nevertheless, thestrategy embarked on by the leadership hasplayed into that agenda and it is increasinglydoubtful that Labour will be able to set theagenda in the campaign ahead, no matterhow solid our policies.

Perhaps Labour's best hope isembarking on a more independent approachwhich focuses on the established ground -public services, social justice and neutrality -which parties such as the Greens & Sinn Féinhave managed to attack with some success.

Regardless, Labour's position inIrish politics is increasingly squeezed by thejagged rock of Fianna Fáil and the barrenhard place of Fine Gael. Only a Labour Partywith the requisite confidence and boldness inour ideals to stand against Civil War partiesalmost 100 years on will replace them.

Dermot Looney, Editor

FEATURES The Left Tribune 6

Excluded and Ignored: How Irelanddiscriminates against our disabled

For a long time in Ireland, students with spe-cial needs had to attend special schools. The1998 Education Act finally legislated for theinclusion of children with special needs intomainstream schools. Unfortunately the sup-port services in place to meet these needsare inadequate or simply do not exist. A sub-stantial proportion of primary school pupilswith special needs are not getting any sup-port at all. Some schools will not enrol a childwith special needs until resources are provid-ed from the Department of Education.However, the Department will not give extraresources to a school until a child with spe-cial needs enrols in that school. The NationalEducational Psychological Services identifychildren who may have particular needs.However schools can only commission amaximum of 2 psychological assessmentsfor every 100 students on the school role.The only other way of being assessed is bygoing to a psychologist privately, meaningchildren who do not have the means to affordthis are further disadvantaged. Barriers alsoexist in the physical accessibility of schoolsand third level institutions.

People with physical disabilities aredenied access to public transport. Not allDublin buses are wheelchair accessible.Rush hour trains are above passengercapacity, meaning that there is no space forwheelchair users. Elevators at train stationsare often out of order. Train stations usuallyneed prior notification if a wheelchair userwill use the service. Buses and trains mostoften do not have speakers to indicate thevarious stops, which can be very problematicfor people with visual impairments, or signsindicating the various stops, which can causedifficulties for people with hearing impair-ments. Private transport such as taxis andcars is often relied upon, which can be veryexpensive.

People with disabilities in Irelandare half as likely to be in employment com-

pared to people without disabilities. TheEmployment Equality Act 1998 was the firsttime that employees and job seekers with adisability had the right not to be discriminat-ed against. However, the protection of pri-vate property clause within the Constitutionhas watered down the responsibility employ-ers should have towards an employee with adisability. The Act requires that an employerdo all that is reasonable to accommodatethe needs of a person who has a disability by

providing special treatment or facilities atless than nominal cost. The meaning of theterm 'nominal cost' is unclear, allowing formany employers to overlook the needs ofemployees or choose not to employ a personwith a disability because of the unknown"costs" involved. Only a small number ofcases have been brought to the EqualityAuthority on this ground of discrimination.The time and the costs involved in pursuing acase are undoubtedly preventing peoplefrom bringing forward cases of discrimina-tion.

People with disabilities are oftendenied the right to socialise. Cinemas, shops,restaurants and pubs are generally notwheelchair accessible. Even if a cinema iswheelchair accessible, you have to sit at thevery front, directly at the screen. Shop aislesare often too narrow for wheelchairs,shelves and counters are not reachable,prices are not displayed in Braille, changingrooms are not accessible. Most restaurantsand pubs are not wheelchair accessible -there are often steps into and within thebuilding, no accessible toilets, stairs but nolift. Menus are rarely in Braille. Staff are not

trained in sign language. The Equal StatusActs 2000 and 2004 state that serviceproviders must reasonably accommodate aperson with a disability by providing specialtreatment or facilities at less than nominalcost. Service providers often do not carry outthese obligations because of the costsinvolved or the lack of awareness of or enti-tlement to grants. Part M of the BuildingRegulations requires that all new public build-ings must be accessible to people with dis-abilities. There has been a lack of enforce-ment of this and very few sanctions imposed.

The Acts that have been men-tioned above have highlighted the right peo-ple with disabilities have not to be discrimi-nated against within the education system,when applying for a job, within the workplace,and when accessing buildings. But the smallnumber of cases being brought to theEquality Authority with regard these discrimi-nations and the under-representation of peo-ple with disabilities within the education sys-tem and in employment suggests that theseacts are having only a small effect in endingdiscrimination and in creating accessibility.These Acts also have the effect of individual-ising discrimination because of the require-ment that individuals themselves bring for-ward cases of discrimination, instead of high-lighting that discrimination against peoplewith disabilities is a systematic part of theenvironment. In order for these acts to haveany substantial effect, there needs to beinspections of public buildings, workplaces,the transport system and the education sys-tem, rather than placing full responsibility onindividuals. Ultimately political will is neededto end the blatant inequalities experienced bypeople with disabilities. This issue needs tobe put on the political agenda and on ouragenda in Labour Youth as part of our over-all struggle for equality, justice and inclusion.

People with disabilities are being excluded from Irish society because of the lack of enforcement of cur-rent equality legislation and the lack of political will to challenge the discrimination that they experiencealmost every day, writes Joanne Doherty

A school can only commission amaximum of 2 psychologicalassessments for every 100 stu-dents on the school roll

The Left Tribune 87 The Left Tribune

General Election ‘07: Labour’s CandidatesWith a general election just a few months away, Labour is standing up to 50 candidates in every one of the 43 constituencies around thecountry - the first time we have contested every constituency since 1969. Having previously looked at candidates in Dublin and the NorthWest, he now profiles Labour’s candidates in the Ireland East and South election regions.

Ireland East (All of Leinster minus Dublin)The politics textbooks will tell you that Labour's strongest vote throughout history has not been in Dublin, but in the other counties of Leinster - coun-ties such as Wicklow and Wexford have almost always had a Labour presence in the Dáil. The 13 candidates in these 10 constituencies will be hop-ing to increase Labour's tally of 6 seats in this area.

LouthNo of seats: 4 - Currently 2 FF, 1 FG, 1 SFNo current Labour TD. Candidate: Cllr Ged NashA former Labour stronghold, Michael Bell held a seat here from1982 to 2002. 31-year old Ged Nash has a job on his hands in win-ning back the seat here from a strong FG attempt to gain a secondseat. However, having topped the poll by a considerable margin in the2004 elections with the highest ever first preference vote recordedin his electoral area, Ged will be in with a shout of becoming one ofLabour's youngest TD in the next Dáil.

Meath EastNew constituency - formerly part of Meath. No of seats: 3No current Labour TD. Candidate: Cllr Dominic HanniganThe splitting of the 5-seat Meath constituency into two 3-seaters is generally seento be of electoral benefit to Labour. In the 2005 by-election in Meath, DominicHannigan polled very well in his base in the eastern part of the county. Elected asan Independent councillor in the 2002 locals, Hannigan is one of the most high-profile new Labour candidates & will face stiff opposition in trying to reclaim aLabour seat once held by now-Independent Brian Fitzgerald.

Meath WestNew constituency - formerly part of Meath. No of seats: 3No current Labour TD. Candidate: Cllr Brian Collins33-year old Brian Collins remains a familiar face to many Labour Youth activists,having co-ordinated the Tom Johnson Summer School for many years. A councilloron Kells Town Council, he will face an uphill challenge in a competitive field whichincludes big-hitters Noel Dempsey (FF) and Damien English (FG).

Kildare SouthNo of seats: 3 - Currently 2 FF, 1 LABCurrent TD and candidate: Jack WallLabour's spokesperson on Sport and Tourism in the current Dáil, Jack Wall hasheld a seat here since 1997. A mostly rural constituency with an increasing num-ber of Dublin commuters, Kildare South may indeed return a change at the nextelection. The media wisdom is for a switch from FF to FG and a Labour hold.

Laois-OffalyNo of seats: 5 - Currently 2 FF, 2 FG, 1 PDNo current Labour TD. Candidates: Jim O'Brien and David WhelanUndoubtedly Labour's weakest constituency in the whole of Leinster, it is hard toremember that Labour held a seat here less than ten years ago. Pat Gallagher'selection in 1992 was the fruit of many year's labour as well as the effect of anational Spring Tide. First-timers Jim O'Brien (based in Portlaoise) and DavidWhelan (based in Tullamore) will be hoping to build Labour's profile in a constituen-cy dominated by Ministers Cowen and Parlon and FG's Olwyn Enright. Maybe, justmaybe, a collapse in Parlon's vote might lead to a backdoor chance for Labour.

Longford-WestmeathNew constituency - Longford was formerly joined with Roscommon, andWestmeath was a 3-seat constituency on its own. No of seats: 4Current TD and candidate: Willie PenroseIf you're looking to put money on one Labour candidate in the next general election,Willie Penrose would be the safest bet. Touted nationwide as an incredible vote-get-ter, Penrose was the only Labour candidate in 2002 to exceed the quota on thefirst count and while the introduction of Longford to the constituency will hardly addto the Labour presence, he looks set for his fourth term in the Dáil this time round.

WicklowNo of seats: 5 - Currently 2 FF, 1 FG, 1 LAB, 1 INDCurrent TD and candidate: Liz McManus. Also : Cllr NickyKellyLabour came closest to a second seat here last time outwith just 19 votes separating Nicky Kelly from Fianna Fáil-oriented Independent Mildred Fox, who is now steppingdown. A strong challenge has been mooted for GreenCouncillor Deirdre de Burca here, and there may yet be anindependent heir to Fox's seat, but with FF in disarray thehope is that Labour can win 2 of the 5 seats in a con-stituency that has never failed to elect a left candidate(James Everett, Liam Kavanagh and Liz McManus).

Ireland SouthIn the last three decades the left has built aconsiderable presence across Munsterthrough Labour, the Workers'Party/Democratic Left and the DemocraticSocialist Party, but this has been partly erod-ed in recent years. There are 12 constituen-cies in this area, with 5 sitting TD's and 12candidates already selected.

11 Cork EastNo of seats: 4 - Currently 2 FF, 1 FG, 1 LABCurrent TD: Joe Sherlock (retiring). Candidates: Cllr John Mulvihill, Cllr Seán SherlockHaving first been elected for Sinn Féin - The Workers' Party in 1981, and later its furtherincarnations up to the Labour Party, Joe Sherlock is now stepping down with two strongcandidates lining up to replace him - his son, Cllr Seán Sherlock, and Cllr John Mulvihill.Seán has a strong base in his father's former heartland of Mallow, whereas John will belooking to build on his Midleton-based local vote. Interestingly, Mulvihill got more first pref-erences than Sherlock the last time out, but it the latter was elected on transfers.

22 Cork North CentralNo of seats: 4 - Currently 3 FF, 1 FG, 1 LABCurrent TD and candidate: Kathleen LynchThe dropping of a seat here may put pressure on Labour's Kathleen Lynch, a former DLrepresentative who famously won a by-election here in 1994. Sinn Féin are promotingtheir candidate strongly here but the pundits seem to be suggesting similar personnelthis time round, with FF taking the drop of one seat.

33 Cork North WestNo of seats: 3 - Currently 2 FF, 1 FGNo current Labour TD. Candidate: Cllr Martin CoughlanHardly a Labour heartland, Martin Coughlan nonetheless polled a respectable vote here in2002 and won both town and county council seats for the Macroom area in the 2004elections. With just six candidates declared - 3 FF and 2 FG, as well as Martin - it is likelyto be the smallest election in the country.

44 Cork South CentralNo of seats: 5 - Currently 3 FF, 1 FG, 1 GPNo current Labour TD. Candidate: Cllr Ciaran LynchCllr Ciarán Lynch will fight it out in one of the tightest battles in the country, with FF'sMícheál Martin and FG's Simon Coveney vying to top the poll. Lynch will be hoping to gainone of the FF seats although the Greens' Dan Boyle may also be under threat. With astrong showing in the 2004 locals here, and a vigorous local organisation, Lynch may beLabour's best chance of a gain in "The Real Capital."

55 Cork South WestNo of seats: 3 - Currently 2 FF, 1 FGNo current Labour TD. Candidate: Senator Michael McCarthyHaving polled 10% here in 2002, Michael McCarthy went on to an impressive Seanad vic-tory on the Labour Panel. Both FF's Denis O'Donovan and FG's Jim O'Keeffe seem safehere, but the retirement of former Agriculture Minister Joe Walsh might leave an outsidechance for the Labour candidate on an improved showing.

77 Kerry SouthNo of seats: 3 - Currently 1 FF, 1 LAB, 1 INDCurrent TD and candidate: Breeda Moynihan-CroninFormer Labour organiser Pat Magnier said that Michael Moynihan - Breeda's father -carved the Labour seat out of the mountain rock of Kerry South. Labour has fought hardto maintain a base here and Breeda Moynihan-Cronin's announcement of retirement ledto considerable despair in the local organisation. Her change of mind to run again hasprompted flurries of activity and a local poll has placed her highly for re-election.

66 Kerry NorthNo of seats: 3 - Currently 1 FF, 1 FG, 1 SFNo current Labour TD. Candidate: Cllr Terry O'BrienLabour members will need little reminding of former successes here. Former leader DickSpring held the Labour seat here for over 20 years, following on the tradition from hisfather. He lost it in 02 in unlucky circumstances, polling 0.90 of a quota and still losingout. Tralee-based Councillor Terry O'Brien will be hoping to rejuvenate Labour's fortunes inKerry North, and recent polls have predicted that Labour will take a seat from FG or SF.

99 Limerick EastNo of seats: 5 - Currently 2 FF, 1 FG, 1 LAB, 1 PDCurrent TD and candidate: Jan O'SullivanLabour's Education Spokesperson in the current Dáil,Jan O'Sullivan began her political life in the DemocraticSocialist Party and has carried on the tradition - andthe seat - of Jim Kemmy in this mostly-urban con-stituency which also incorporates a small part of CoClare. A strong vote-getter with an excellent chance ofre-election.

1122 WaterfordNo of seats: 5 - Currently 2 FF, 1 FG, 1 LABCurrent TD and candidate: Brian O’SheaBrian O’Shea first stood in 1982 and wasfirst elected in 1989, holding his seat sincethen. He is currently Labour’s spokespersonon Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs,and despite a strong showing by SF and aresurgence from the Workers’ Party, shouldretain the seat.

88 Limerick WestNo of seats: 3 - Currently 2 FF, 1 FGNo current Labour TD. No candidate yet selected.The only constituency where Labour has yet to select a candidate. She or he will have afight on their hands as Labour only holds one Council seat here and did not stand in 02.

Kildare NorthNo of seats: 4 - Currently 1 FG, 1 LAB, 1 INDCurrent TD and candidate: Emmet StaggThe increase of Kildare North from 3 seats to 4 shouldn't affect Emmet Stagg'slongstanding vote in an area he has represented since 1987. The former darlingof the Labour Left was unable to return a Labour colleague in Paddy MacNamarain the 2005 by-election here, but should comfortably hold his seat despite a leftchallenge from Independent Catherine Murphy.

WexfordNo of seats: 5 - Currently 2 FF, 2 FG, 1LABCurrent TD and candidate: BrendanHowlin Along with Wicklow, Wexford has beensomewhat of a stronghold of the leftfor years, with Brendan Corish and hisfather Richard dominating until the1980's. Only between 1982 andBrendan Howlin's election in 1982 didLabour not hold a seat here. The pat-tern is unlikely to be changed here.Colm O'Gorman was rumoured to be intalks with Labour about a possible runhere but instead opted for the PD's.His campaign has been much of adamp squib and is unlikely to threatenHowlin's return to the Dáil.

Carlow-KilkennyNo of seats: 5 - Currently 3 FF, 1 FG, 1 LABCurrent TD: Seamus Pattison (retiring). Candidates: Cllr MichaelO'Brien, Cllr Jim TownsendHaving represented the constituency since 1961, SeamusPattison, who was automatically returned as Ceann Comhairle in2002, has now retired. Kilkenny-based Councillor Michael O'Brienand Carlow-based Cllr Jim Townsend will seek to emulate the elec-toral strategy with both candidates polling well in 2002 and withLabour performing well in the 2004 locals here.

Tipperary NorthNo of seats: 3 - Currently 2 FF, 1 INDNo current Lab TD. Candidate: Sen Kathleen O'MearaWith FG targeting the return of a seat here that theylost with the scandal over Michael Lowry - who, baffling-ly, continues to top the poll here - it is difficult to see theLabour candidate not feel the pinch here. Nevertheless,Kathleen will be aiming high to move next door from theSeanad to the Dáil. Formerly a Labour seat built up byJohn Ryan, it might yet return a Labour TD in ‘07.

1111 Tipperary SouthNo of seats: 3 - Currently 1 FF, 1FG, 1 INDNo current Labour TD. Candidate:Mayor Phil PrendergastClonmel's Phil Prendergast is uni-versally accepted as a brighthope for Labour in a constituencyonce dominated by Labour'sMichael Ferris. Formerly part ofSeamus Healy's Workers' andUnemployed Action Group,Prendergast joined Labour in2005 and has put out a strongmarker for a challenge here.

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FEATURES The Left Tribune 10

IN THEORY: Neo-liberalism and thedemise of Irish democracy

Neo-liberalism is arguably the most importantconcept of the past 30 years. It is an ideologythat has come to announce an upheaval in glob-al economic, social and political governance anda paradigm that has provoked some of themost impassioned and bitter policy debates."Neo-liberalism" is a term that litters the pagesof academic journals but hears rare utterancewithin the popular media or the walls of LeinsterHouse. Consequently, despite its global magni-tude it is a concept that the vast majority of peo-ple in Ireland, as worldwide, have never heard of.

So what is neo-liberalism? Firstly it isimportant to note that neo-liberalism is not aprecisely defined term. It is a broad ideology andits implementation has varied between coun-tries. The central tenet of neo-liberal ideology isthat the economy will grow fastest if govern-ments keep their intervention to a minimum.Hence it advocates vast privatisation of stateenterprise, low taxation and a highly limited wel-fare state. It also proposes the "opening up" ofindividual countries to the global economy, prin-cipally through the attraction of high levels ofForeign Direct Investment (FDI); essentiallymoney (or companies) from abroad to fund proj-ects at home.

Neo-liberalism is first and foremostan economic policy and its economic implica-tions are of utmost importance. However, aneconomy cannot exist in isolation and so neo-lib-eralism must also be seen as a political andsocial policy with consequences for the fabric ofsociety in far broader terms. These political andsocial effects of neo-liberalism are a much lessdebated topic, yet through an examination ofthe Irish context it can be argued that elementsendemic to the neo-liberal model erode and limitthe quality of democracy.

Firstly, the neo-liberal avocation ofhigh levels of privatisation presents a conflictwith the democratic model since by definition iterodes the public sphere; the sphere of demo-

cratic activity. Thus the increasing threat of pri-vatisation taking place within the Irish health,education, energy and transport sectors limitsthe accountability of these sectors to the Irishpeople. As we sell off control of our assets,democracy is eroded since our decisions at

election time are effectively decisions over asmaller and smaller area of policy. Moreover asour say diminishes, that of the private sectorgrows, creating a situation in which decisionsaffecting Irish people are increasingly decidednot by the Irish people as a whole, but by a smallgroup of private and wealthy individuals.

The importance placed on the attrac-tion of FDI in the neo-liberal paradigm furtheraccentuates this trend. By making FDI the cor-nerstone of economic growth, neo-liberalismgives those controlling foreign capital withinIreland a disproportionate and undemocraticinfluence on decisions taken in the country. Italso places limits on the policy choices that gov-ernments which accept the neo-liberal modelcan make. A particularly potent example of thisin the Irish context is the use of Shannon Airportas a stopover point for US military planes in thewar against Iraq. This situation exists despitethe clear opposition of the vast majority of Irishcitizens, yet it is allowed to perpetuate becauseour government fears offending any foreigninvestment within the country, an inherentlyundemocratic situation.

A final issue relates to the linkbetween neo-liberalism and inequality, thegrowth of which is expected by even the mostenthusiastic proponents of neo-liberal restruc-turing. Within Ireland the pre-eminence of this

ideology has resulted in extraordinarily high lev-els of inequality. More than 20% of Irish peopleare living in poverty and the EU social inclusiondata from 2001 (most recent) places Ireland atthe bottom of the table in terms of the EU-15.The effect of this on people's lives must be nei-ther underestimated nor ignored. However, itmust also be examined from the perspective ofits effect on the functioning of democracy. Ourequal engagement in the political system isdetermined not just by our equal "right" toengage, but by our ability to engage. Time, edu-cation, health, knowledge, even money itself, canaffect the weight of our political contribution.These factors are more unequal in an unequalsociety. The result of this is a "democracy" inwhich the democratic contribution between cit-izens is of increasingly unequal weight.

Thus there is high indication that theneo-liberal model has a negative impact on thefunctioning of democracy. Yet this erosion ofdemocracy is happening in silence. This silenceinteracts with the undemocratic nature of neo-liberalism to further compound popular alien-ation from the democratic process. If Irishdemocracy is to maintain any meaning, thissilence must be broken and informed and inclu-sive debate must begin. For this to happen thequestion of neo-liberalism must be transportedfrom academic circles into "real" society. Thecurrent context of politics, in which issues areintroduced and challenged in the absence of adebate that engages with the notion of ideology,is not just unhelpful but wholly damaging to Irishsociety and democracy. The responsibility fortransporting this debate into the "real" worldultimately lies with political parties, trade unions,the media and broad civil society. This trans-portation must begin with an acknowledgementand re-engagement with the ideologies of thiscentury. Only in such a manner can democracybe reinvigorated and neo-liberalism, which soundermines that democracy, be challenged.

In the second of Left Tribune’s seriesIn the second of Left Tribune’s serieslinking the theoretical questions oflinking the theoretical questions ofmodern socialism with practicalmodern socialism with practicalissues, Louise Caffreyissues, Louise Caffrey looks at neo-liblooks at neo-lib --eralism and the detrimental effect theeralism and the detrimental effect theideology is having on democracy.ideology is having on democracy.

Neo-liberalism gives thosecontrolling foreign capital withinIreland a disproportionate andundemocratic influence ondecisions taken in the country

Is it now time for Labour to work with Sinn Féin towards a left-led alternative government rather thancoalition with Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil? Paul Dillon, who was a former organiser for the ATGWU in the 6counties, and Donal O Liathain, a member of Northern Ireland Labour Youth, take on the debate.

DEBATE The Left Tribune 1211 The Left Tribune DEBATE

Should Labour co-operatemore closely with Sinn Féin?

What is to become of the Labour Party? Tenyears of Fianna Fáil and the PDs and Labourstill hovers in or around the 10 to 12 per-cent mark in the opinion polls. At this stage,it is safe to conclude that the Mullingaraccord and the pre-election pact with theFine Gael party have not rewarded Labour interms of public support. Add to that the factthat some long standing Labour policesseem to have been ditched and new policieshave been cautious and "un-Labour' like inorder to preserve an image of false unitybetween Labour and FG and the picture forLabour appears bleak. The greatest effect ofLabour's alliance with FG has been the partialresurrection of that party's fortunes.

What is the alternative? Surely notan alliance with Fianna Fáil. Labour membersneed little reminder of the outcome ofLabour's past association with FF in govern-ment. Those who suggest that Labour's elec-toral slaughtering in 1997 had more to dowith the switch in electoral partners fromFianna Fáil to Fine Gael in 1994 are still box-ing from the same corner. Close relation-ships with either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael - thePodge and Rodge of Irish politics - do not ben-efit Labour electorally and prevent the emer-gence of an alternative politics to rival thecurrent dominance of centre-right ideas inIreland.

This is the bad news. The goodnews is that an alternative is available if weare brave enough to seek it out. The num-bers of Labour, Sinn Féin, Green and pro-gressive TDs in the Dáil outstrips the parlia-mentary strength of the Fine Gael party. Asimilar coalition of the willing exists outsideparliament. Labour members were amongstthe hundreds of thousands who have takenpart in the mobilisations against war, attackson workers' rights and other progressivecauses in recent years. Some of these mobil-isations - namely the Anti-war demonstrationof 15 February 2003 and the Irish Ferriesmarch of December 2005 - were amongstthe biggest in recent Irish history. This oughtto be a cause for great hope.

There has never been more sup-port for a left-led government in Ireland.Labour has the opportunity to lead a coalitionof the willing both inside the Dáil and outside

and construct a programme deserving of thedescription Labour to build support for it.

This of course means a change inattitude from some towards Sinn Féin. Thetruth is that all of the traditional argumentsagainst the participation of Sinn Féin in gov-ernment have now disappeared. The IRA hasput its arms beyond use. The Sinn Féin partyhas been aligned to the causes close to thehearts of members of the Labour party andothers on the Left in recent years - mostnoticeably the citizenship referendum of2003, the question of the US military's use ofShannon airport and currently in the Shell toSea campaign.

There is no point resurrecting whatoccurred in yester year. Sinn Féin membersreturned to the Dáil in 2006 will be returnedon a political mandate, not on the basis ofpast IRA atrocities. It is time to let the pastrest. Some on the Left have been weary ofraising questions of Republicanism andnationalism, lest such questions divide peo-ple or contribute towards reactionary poli-tics. The truth of the matter is that it's nocrime to argue strongly for Ireland to be gov-erned as single entity. It makes a lot of prac-tical sense.

For starters, Unionists would havea stronger voice in an all Ireland context.Currently, Unionism is a tiny minority in theWestminster set up. The Left need not beuncomfortable with questions of nationalidentity. Identity does not have to be assert-ed in a way that excludes anybody. A pluralistsociety can accommodate a strong Irishidentity, a strong British identity, a strong

Polish agenda. Socialists recognize the com-mon purpose of humanity and stress thatwhen it comes to divisions in society, thedividing line is class, not nationality. But thatdoesn't mean we need be uncomfortablewith people asserting their identity.

Some have raised practical ques-tions over Sinn Féin's Left credentials relat-ing to their time in government in the Northwhen Sinn Féin ministers were said to haveintroduced private finance initiatives into pub-lic services. Others argue that Sinn Féin'sLeft credentials are compromised by aseemingly all encompassing nationalism, evi-dent when the party leadership supportedMary McAleese in her bid to win thePresidency in 1997.

These are questions for debateand discussion. To the Labour audience, Ioffer this point of view. Labour members willonly be in a position to challenge Sinn Féin onsuch questions when we strive to put ourown house in order. This means assertingopposition when our own party leadership isambivalent about possible part-privatisationsof public service and insisting that we useopportunities like Presidential elections toadvance the Labour cause through actuallyrunning a candidate of our own.

The policy of pursuing a Labour-ledgovernment has both principled and prag-matic merit. This means reaching out to allthose - including Sinn Féin - who may bepotential allies in this quest. The conditions,both inside and outside parliament, arefavourable for the construction of such aproject.

"The British army must take full responsibilityfor civilian deaths by failing to clear the area[around the car bombs planted by the PIRA]in an efficient and appropriate manner" -PIRA Army Council statement

This was the twisted logic of SeánMac Stíofáin, the first Chief of Staff of theProvisional IRA, and in a way it characterizedthe twisted logic of the ProvisionalRepublican movement from its very incep-tion. Nothing was ever their fault, they hadthe right to remove from existence anyonethey wished, and violence was just their wayof political campaigning. In their view twowords justified everything - "Brits Out".

With the passing of time the periodknown as 'the Troubles' will fade in people'smemories. It will be hard for the generationafter our's to understand the motives andmethods of many. It's even hard for our gen-eration to remember the constant fear, theunrelenting security and counter securitymeasures, the unspoken rules dictating whatyou couldn't say or where you couldn't go. It'sa long, tragic and truly saddening story.

To explain Sinn Féin/PIRA's part ininstigating the violence in figures, the PIRAkilled approximately half of all who were killedin the Troubles. They killed more civilians thenthey killed British soldiers and they killedmore Catholics then they killed Protestants.In short, for 30 years the PIRA terrorizedtheir way through Northern Ireland not car-ing that they were directly damaging their'own' community more then protecting it. ThePIRA also killed more republican paramili-taries than loyalist paramilitaries in its"defense of the community". In reality thePIRA was a cabal of ruthless men andwomen consolidating power and wealth withlittle regard for those who got in their way.

But is this representative of SinnFéin today? After all Gerry Adams has comea long way from being a scruffy prisoner andMartin McGuinness has changed from theragged PIRA volunteer that he was to thesleek and oily politician he has become.

Let us consider the small case offive of Arthur Morgan's election workers inBray. Not 30 years ago but 3. Remember2003? Remember that five Sinn Féin elec-tion workers were among a gang of 6 (thesixth had done time for membership of thePIRA) arrested in Bray, Co Wicklow in 2003.These boys were posing as gardaí, using fakeuniforms and a stolen car made to look like asquad car (which contained Arthur Morgan'selection posters in the boot). What were theydoing five years after the Good FridayAgreement dressed as Garda in Bray?

Let's think about September 2003.Jean McConville was due to be buried. SinnFéin had 'nothing' to do with her murder

many years before, but none-the-less SinnFéin representatives warned her family notto make the service public. The family did. Allten children of Jean have reported threatsand/or attacks from the 'Republican move-ment'.

Few would count November 2005as history. A little under 18 months ago fiveSinn Féin activists were charged over claimsthey viciously assaulted a garda and group offoreign nationals with hurleys in a racistattack in Ballinamore, Co Leitrim. During theattack, the proud Irish Republicans cried"f*** off back to your own country" and defi-antly declared that "Ireland is for the Irish".Thankfully the leadership of the "Ireland ofEquals" haven't bowed under pressure andthese fine Irishmen still retain their member-ship of SF.

Gardaí also probed a link betweenthe Ballinamore incident and an attack on acouple in a bar in Manorhamilton in March oflast year. Two active members of Sinn Féinwere among six men arrested in connectionwith that incident.

The list goes on: hijackings of alco-hol in Meath, punishment beatings in Belfast,Limerick, Derry. Racist attacks inManorhamilton, Twinbrook. Extortion inBelfast Dublin, Cork. Money laundering inManchester, London, Glasgow… all caseswhere individuals with connections toProvisional Sinn Féin have been arrested.

The left wing has, at the heart of itstraditions, the absolute truth that politicsdoesn't end at a parliament's door. We know

that a declaration passed in a dusty chambermatters not a damn if people's actions andattitudes do not support it.

The Sinn Féin leadership may loftilydeclare themselves to be a left leaning party,but when it refuses to take action against itsown members for violent bigoted crimes itlooses all credibility. Sinn Féin in governmentmay declare itself to be a rights giving group,but when they triple health waiting lists, whenthey fail to remove the 11 plus and when theydo nothing but hinder equality legislation thenthey show their true colours. Many ordinarymembers of Sinn Féin can show socialistinclinations but until they realize that a unitedpeople is more important than a unitedIreland they are little more then base nation-alists in a party acting for "ourselves alone".

What story the future will bring noone can know, but there are stories from thepast we all should know. In 1969 the leaderof the Orange lodge on the Shankill road visit-ed the Catholic priest of the Falls Road with asimple request. He asked for, and was given,a lend of the church's musical instrumentsso that the lodge could celebrate the 12th ofJuly. After the traditional march the lodge'sband marched up the Falls Road. There forthe rest of the day they gave a free concertof contemporary show tunes, much to thedelight of the local community.

Today this would be impossible. Awall 60 foot high of steel and barbed wirenow divides these communities. Lovinglyemblazoned on the wall in letters 6 foot highis the message "Support Sinn Féin/P.I.R.A.”

YES: Paul Dillon

NO: Dónal ÓLiatháin

13 The Left Tribune INTERNATIONAL

The outcome of the recent mid-term elec-tions in the United States was a shift in polit-ical power to the Democrats; for the firsttime in over a decade the party now holdspower in both the House of Representativesand the Senate. This victory can best bedescribed as a protest and direct politicalattack on the Bush administration and the

occupation of Iraq. However, when thinkingabout American politics, one can only beaghast at the fact that the Democrats andRepublicans have very few political differ-ences. Both parties are pro market capital-ism and pro war and both are funded by bigbusiness. In addition, the majority of theirpublic representatives are wealthy million-aires. The only real question when voting inAmerica is which is the lesser of two evils?This is a truly shocking reality in a countrythat purports democracy. However, in thestate of Vermont a rare classic battlebetween capitalist and worker took place.

In the Senate elections a veryunusual thing happened in American politics;a democratic socialist ran for election andwon convincingly. As the records show,Bernie Sanders is the first self-declaredsocialist to enter the Senate.

Bernie Sanders' whole life has beenoccupied by struggles for social justice. In hisearly political career, Sanders ran for theSenate in 1972 and 1974, as well as for gov-ernor of Vermont in 1972, 1976 and 1986.In all these elections he lost. However, in1981, Sanders ran for mayor of Burlingtonand defeated six-term Democratic incum-bent Gordon Paquette by 12 votes. Duringhis term as mayor he implemented manysocialist policies and was thanked by theelectorate when they re-elected him forthree more terms.

Under Sanders, Burlingtonbecame the first city in the country to fundcommunity-trust housing and it redevelopedmany of its disadvantaged areas. In 1988,when six-term incumbent HouseRepresentative Jim Jeffords made a suc-cessful run for the Senate, Sanders againturned his attention to national politics andran for Jeffords’ vacated seat in the House.Unfortunately, Sanders narrowly lost toPeter P. Smith, the former Republican candi-date for governor, but again ran againstSmith in 1990. In one of the biggest upsetsin recent political history, he took 56 percentof the vote and became the first independentmember of the House since 1950.

Sanders is a co-founder of theHouse Progressive Caucus, a left wing groupof mainly Democrats. Sanders' voting recordspeaks for itself, with votes against both res-olutions authorising the use of force againstIraq in 1991 and 2002 and strong opposi-tion the 2003 invasion. Sanders supportsuniversal health care and opposes what heterms "unfettered" free trade, which heargues deprives American workers of theirjobs while exploiting foreign workers insweat-shop factories. He also makes nosecret of his opposition to the Bush adminis-tration, which he has regularly attacked forcuts in social programmes he supports.

When Jim Jeffords announcedthat he would not seek re-election, Sandersdecided to run. He easily beat his Republicanchallenger, businessman Richard Tarrant, bya margin of 2 to 1. History was made whenthe first known socialist entered the USSenate to take his seat on 4 January 2007.

Despite his achievements, Sandershas received heavy criticism from both theright and left. From the left, he has receivedcriticism for being too close to theDemocrats and for supporting a vote forJohn Kerry over Ralph Nader in the last pres-idential election. Sanders also supported theIsraeli attacks on Lebanon and is extremelyhostile towards Palestinian sovereignty. Inaddition, critics from the right claim Sanderspromotes programmes that include national-ising all U.S. banks, public ownership of all util-ities, the ending of compulsory education andestablishing a worker-controlled government.

In an article he wrote entitled 'US

needs a political revolution', Sanderssummed up his view of American politicalhegemony: "The tragic consequence of mil-lions of low income and working people losingfaith in the ability of the government torespond to their problems, is that today theUnited States has, by far, the lowest voterturnout of any major country. Meanwhile, therich and multi-national corporations arepouring billions into the political process andboth major political parties. The obviousresult is that many candidates who are elect-ed end up being more concerned aboutpleasing their wealthy benefactors than rep-resenting the needs of working people, chil-dren, the elderly or the poor."

Sanders sums up this article with acall to arms for the American worker, "Wehave the wealth and resources in this coun-try today to end poverty, make health careavailable for all, and provide the best educa-tion in the world. We won't accomplish thosegoals, however, unless all Americans reclaimtheir democratic heritage by fully participat-ing in the political process: by using thepower to vote and speak and act for socialjustice."

Although we on the left must notget carried away by his success, there is nodoubt that Sanders is a man that continuallyadvocates grassroots participation indemocracy and society and has consistentlybeen calling for a new grassroots politicalmovement to sweep across the USA andreclaim politics for the people. Clearly, theelection of Bernard Sanders is a step in theright direction for American politics.

A Socialist in the US Senate

“We have the wealth and resources to end poverty, make healthcare available for all and provide the best education in the world”

Enda Duffy

Sanders supports universalhealth care and opposes whathe terms "unfettered" free trade

LEFT BACK The Left Tribune 14

Obituary: David ErvineOn a cold blustery day in January under theshadow of Belfast's famous shipyards DavidErvine was laid to rest. It was clear from theclosed shops, the constant trickle of mourn-ers emerging from the sidestreets and thelowered flags, that this community was say-ing farewell to one of their own.

How did this convicted bomberbecome so instrumental in the peaceprocess? How could a man who despisedracism and bigotry to his core maintain linksto racist paramilitaries? How did a man whoalways struggled to maintain his elected posi-tions commanded such universal respect?

Born in inner city East Belfast Davidcame from a Protestant working class fami-ly. After WWII many had been laid off fromHarland & Wolfe Shipyards, the areasbiggest employer - between 25,000 and30,000 workers in total. Never a wealthyarea, East Belfast suffered.

Throughout the 50's and 60'sthings went from bad to worse. Even at an

early age he recognised and appreciated thesolidarity the unemployed had with eachother regardless of religion. Things were tochange when on July 21st 1972, attending afriend’s wedding in Belfast Castle, Ervine wit-nessed Republican bombs across Belfastfrom the high vantage point. As the guestswatched plumes of smoke rise from Loyalistand Unionist areas many decided that theyneeded to do more to defend their communi-ties. The 19 year old David Ervine was one ofthese. The next day he joined the UVF

Two years later David Ervine wascaught driving a stolen car, with explosivesand various bomb components. Sentencedto 11 years in the Maze, David was subject-ed to verbal abuse the moment he wasplaced in his cell. Ironically it was his cell-mate and the resident UVF Commander whoattacked him. Demanding to know why Ervinehad been imprisoned, Gusty Spencedespaired at his simplistic naive answers.

Spence mentored him in econom-ics, social theory and amongst other things,

the Irish language. They became closefriends and came to the conclusion that apeaceful socialist political group was needed.

Upon his release he returned toEast Belfast and joined the PUP. For the nextthirty years he campaigned tirelessly for theworking classes. Until his death he was at thefront of a wide variety of socialist and labourcampaigns. East Belfast is still one of themost disadvantaged areas in NorthernIreland. Less then 1 in a 100 students get tothird level. Unemployment rates are some ofthe highest on the island - voter turnout lev-les some of the lowest. Boarded up housesand burnt out shops dot the streets.

But David Ervine has left a legacy.In the politics of flags, David managed toraise more important issues. The people ofEast Belfast now have access to social proj-ects, cooperatives and educational centres.We're still a long way from Ervine's dream ofa north "free of the Pope, the Queen and KingBilly" but with a few more David's and a fewless Ian's it could be closer then we think.

Donal O Liathain

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