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NeighbourhoodReport
A Report from the ‘Asian Cities: Liveability, Sustainability, Diversity and Spaces of Encounter’ Research Project
Diganta Das Tracey Skelton A. Nageswara Rao G. Nagasubbarao
by
City&
Funded by: Global Asia Institute and the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, National University of Singapore. Copyright © 2014.
Hyderabad, India
2
Acknowledgements
We acknowledge the funding for the research
project from the National University of
Singapore Global Asia Institute, Asian Cit-
ies research grant (Grant Award Number:
R 109-000-111-133). We also recognise that
additional funding for the workshop, Asian
Urban Liveability in Practice: Researching,
Collaborating, Publishing, held at NUS in
September 2013 was provided by the Faculty
of Arts and Social Sciences Tier 1 Conference
Grant (Grant Award Number: R-109-000-155-
112). This workshop provided the space for the
collaborative planning, drafting and writing of
the four city/neighbourhood reports (of which
this report is one).
The Singapore based research team
acknowledges the following in-country
research co-ordinators without whom the
research would not have been possible: Dr.
Jeongkyoung Seo (Sungkynu Institute of
China Studies) in Busan, South Korea; Dr.
Nageswara Rao (Maulana Azad National
Urdu University) and Dr. G. Nagasubbarao
(University of Hyderabad) in Hyderabad,
India.
In addition we trained and employed a
number of student researchers in all four cit-
ies who worked with us as survey collectors,
interviewers, translators and/or transcrib-
ers. Their work was an invaluable part of the
project data collection and we are extremely
grateful for their contribution.
MADHAPUR, HYDERABAD CITY, TELANGANA, INDIA TELANGANA STATE
INDIA
LAKE
LAKE
LAKE
LAKE
RAILWAY
HIGHTECH CITY ROAD
HIGHTECH CITY MAIN ROAD
CYBERABAD
100 FEET ROAD
DELHI
TELANGANA STATE
MADHAPUR, HYDERABAD CITY
HYDERABAD CITY
1c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
1. InTRoDuCTIon
This city/neighbourhood report is one of four
reports written as policy relevant documents
from a major research project funded by the
Global Asia Institute of the National Univer-
sity of Singapore (Research Grant Number:
R-109-000-111-133). The project, Asian Cities:
Liveability, Sustainability, Diversity and
Spaces of Encounter, ran from December 2010
through to November 2013. It is a comparative
urbanism project that has examined the four
research themes of the title in four neighbour-
hoods in four cities within Asia. The cities we
studied are: Busan in South Korea; Hyderabad
in India; Kunming in China; and Singapore.
Within each of these cities we focused down on
a typical neighbourhood – neither the poorest
nor the wealthiest. The neighbourhoods were
Yeongdo in Busan; Madhapur in Hyderabad;
an intersection of the districts of Wuhua and
Panlong in Kunming; and Taman Jurong in
Singapore. The neighbourhoods were selected
on the basis that they were ordinary locales
where residents were able to make a reason-
able living and support their households,
they had employment, could afford housing,
had access to facilities and resources such as
schools and healthcare but were not neces-
sarily fully secure nor had access to the best
facilities and resources the city had to offer.
Another key criteria for selection was that the
neighbourhood had been through some form
of significant social, infrastructural or tech-
nological change (positive, negative or both)
within the past decade.
These city/neighbourhood reports pro-
duced from the Asian Cities project focus on
aspects of liveability and how these are expe-
rienced by the residents of our selected urban
neighbourhoods.
In terms of academic and policy and
planning contexts there has been a percep-
tible shift in urban studies research and
planning from a focus on ‘global’, ‘capital’
or ‘mega cities’ to one that interrogates the
more fundamental question of what is a good,
liveable city. This shift has also stimulated a
new way of understanding cities that is less
about objective indicators of urban living (for
example, quality of housing, density of trans-
port networks, amount of green spaces, etc.)
to one guided by a more subjective, contextu-
alised perspective. Such a perspective sees the
quality of urban living in relative terms. What
constitutes a good and liveable city needs to be
a measure of both objective indicators while
at the same time accounting for the subjec-
tive feelings residents have towards their
lived urban environments. Hence there will
be differences in how people define or experi-
ence urban ‘liveability’. These variances can
be explained by the differences in the socio-
cultural contexts of the cities, the diversity of
residents in the cities, as well as the divergent
historical-urban development of the cities. It
is important to understand urban liveability
as a behavioural-perceptual function, as well
as a material experience, interpreted from the
perspectives of the residents as well as those of
Map 1
Madhapur, Hyderabad
2 c i ty & n e i ghb ou rho od rep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
local planners and policy makers.
The research methodologies for all four
cities were both quantitative and qualitative.
Our quantitative method was a household
survey conducted with 400 residents in each
neighbourhood (more details below). We
devised standardised questions to interrogate
the research themes: liveability, sustain-
ability, diversity, spaces of encounter with
additional questions on governance. About
ten per cent of the questions in the question-
naire were adapted for specific aspects of each
neighbourhood. Where appropriate, question
items used an even-point Likert response set.
The statements for the Likert sections were
perceptual and experiential and respondents
were asked to specify their level of agreement
or disagreement; there was no neutral option.
We adopted this ‘forced choice’ method be-
cause it encouraged decisions from residents
and also it provided a better comparative
element across the selected neighbourhoods
in the four Asian cities. From residents’ re-
sponses to these Likert items (the statements)
we were able to develop a Likert scale for our
analysis. Where appropriate, we used SPSS
to generate univariate profiles of the four
neighbourhoods, used a variety of bivariate
and multivariate analyses to better help us un-
derstand the neighbourhood dynamics. Given
the socioeconomic and cultural complexities
embedded in a multi-site study, we felt that
our study objectives were better served using
a mixed method qualitative-quantitative ap-
proach where the data from different methods
can be deployed to understand our key themes.
Accordingly, we refrained from developing
more sophisticated models, preferring to use
the survey data as a way to provide the context
in understanding the qualitative material.
Our country sample size of 400 is not
large by conventional social science survey
samples which often cross the thousand mark,
and a key concern among the team was to en-
sure that sub-group sizes would not be a con-
cern for the statistical analysis we adopted. So,
our procedure was to make sure we established
a minimum 20% of total sample for the sub-
samples of each key variable (e.g. male versus
female for the gender variable) as defined by
the objectives of the study.
Table 1 above shows the country profiles
of our key variables. The gender dimension
is important because liveability issues are
closely tied to how men and women negoti-
ate their daily lives, work, and family. The
Country Sample Size
Gender owner non-owner newcomers % less than
5 yrs
Long-time Residents
Male Female
Singapore 400 40.2 59.8 82.4 17.6 22.7 77.3
Busan 400 41.5 58.5 61.9 38.1 13.0 87.0
Hyderabad 400 72.8 27.2 32.0 68.0 37.7 62.3
Kunming 400 52.0 48.0 55.7 44.3 47.9 52.1
Table 1
Key attributes of country
survey samples
3c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
sustainability question is explored through
the owner, non-owner variable, and we think
that respondents who owned their residential
premises have a stronger stake in the neigh-
bourhood when it comes to issues that have to
do with infrastructure, amenities and servic-
es. Lastly, we wanted a better understanding of
a “settled residential community” as this will
influence the diversity and spaces of encoun-
ters themes, especially in the ways newcomers
are accepted into the neighbourhood.
Table 1 shows that on the gender variable,
the spread is rather even, with the exception
of Hyderabad, where cultural considerations
meant that more males volunteered to be in-
terviewed. The 20% guideline was unable to be
fulfilled in two instances. Singapore’s policy to
encourage home-ownership meant that all its
public housing estates contained essentially
owner occupied units. Nevertheless, Taman
Jurong was the study site because it contained
a number of rental housing units, and because
of this, we achieved 17.6% non-owners in our
Singapore sample. Busan has low residential
mobility generally because of slow population
growth and ageing; the Yeongdo neighbour-
hood reflects this trend.
Our qualitative research methods con-
sisted of face-to-face interviews and neigh-
bourhood walking and recording (field-note
observations and photography). Interviews
were conducted with at least 30 neighbour-
hood residents who volunteered to be part of
the more in-depth research to collect behav-
ioural and perceptual data relating to liveabil-
ity, sustainability and diversity. This was done
via questions such as residents’ likes and dis-
likes, problems and difficulties, satisfaction
and happiness related to neighbourhood and
city dwelling. Ten interviews were conducted
with ‘city officials’ such as community leaders,
politicians, municipal officials, planners and
policy makers. Interviews were conducted
in local languages (Korean in Busan; Telugu,
Hindi or English in Hyderabad; Mandarin or
the local Chinese dialect in Kunming; English,
Malay, Tamil or Mandarin in Singapore). They
were then translated and transcribed into
English.
The whole project data set consists of
1600 surveys, 120 residents’ interviews and
40 ‘city officials’ interviews, combined with
researchers’ observations and photographs of
each neighbourhood. Grey materials, statisti-
cal data sets and other neighbourhood and
city based materials were also collected and
analysed. In addition to these policy-oriented
reports the project team (identified on the
back cover) will be producing a range of aca-
demic publications.
2. InTRoDuCInG THE CITY
Hyderabad, originally located along the
bank of the Musi river, is the state capital
of Telangana and functions as the central
administrative, commercial, industrial and
knowledge hub of the state1. At a larger spatial
scale, Hyderabad forms the urban core of the
4 c i ty & n e i g hb ourho od rep o r t : m adh apur in h yder ab ad
Hyderabad Metropolitan Area (HMA) which
by spatial extent is the second largest urban
development area in India, occupying a land
size of about 7,257 square kilometres (HMDA,
2014). From its humble origins as a small town
founded in 1591, it has developed to become
one of India’s fastest growing metropolises
with a population of approximately 9.4 mil-
lion (Census of India, 2011) which is further
expected to increase to about 19 million by the
year 2041 (GoAP, 2013).
Today, Hyderabad is one of India’s leading
hubs of the knowledge-based industries. It is
currently home to many of the most promi-
nent informational technology companies,
both domestic and foreign, including TCS,
Infosys and Wipro, as well as Microsoft, Fa-
cebook and Google. Hence, it is of no surprise
that Hyderabad is one of India’s most globally
connected cities whose global-city aspirations
are never veiled.
2.1 HISToRICAL BACkGRounD
Hyderabad’s urban built form and its social-
cultural fabric owes its distinction to its
unique sociopolitical history. The city’s urban
origins trace back to the Qutb Shahi Dynasty
in the early 16th century (Austin, 1992) which
oversaw the establishment of the early founda-
tions of a modern city. During this period, a
Persian-inspired ordered grid pattern of thor-
oughfares and streets emerged throughout the
city, punctuated by fine new buildings, civic
and trading spaces. Hyderabad soon emerged
as the principal trade hub of the Indian sub-
continent as well as a cultural centre where
arts and religion flourished. Today, the mag-
nificent ‘Charminar’, also known as the ‘Four
Minarets’—a rectangular monument raised on
four grand arches, erected in the city-centre –
remains the city’s foremost historical land-
mark from the Muslim dynasty.
The Mughal invasion of Hyderabad in the
late 17th century paved the way for the rule
of the Nizams or governors who were initially
appointed by the Mughal emperor. Later,
Hyderabad, still ruled by the Nizams, declared
itself independent from the Mughal court and
became the largest princely state in British
India (Rao, 2007). In the immediate post-in-
dependence period, Hyderabad was integrated
into a union with India, and was made the
state capital of the state of Andhra Pradesh,
which was itself a union of three broad re-
gions: 1) coastal Andhra in the east facing the
Bay of Bengal, 2) Telangana in the northwest
which houses Hyderabad, and 3) Rayalseema
in the south (Kamat, 2011). In 2014, Telangana
was formally bifurcated from Andhra Pradesh
Photo 1
The iconic Cyber
Towers – displaying the
global-city aspiration of
Hyderabad
5c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
and inducted as the newest state of India. The
other two regions of Andhra Pradesh together
became Seemandhra state. Hyderabad will be
the joint capital of both the states for 10 years.
2.2 GLoBALIzATIon AnD HYDERABAD
Hyderabad today is widely known as one of In-
dia’s leading hubs of knowledge-based indus-
tries and is quite bold in its endeavour to join
the roster of globally significant cities. None-
theless, less than 20 years ago, Hyderabad was
by all accounts a rather quiet metropolis with
a reputation that was stuck in its glorious early
modern past under the reigns of its Muslim
rulers. Its ascendance onto the global map in
the late 1990s has therefore been nothing shy
of remarkable.
This transformation from relative obscu-
rity to global significance came at the critical
juncture of several key forces and processes,
namely 1) India’s economic liberalization,
from a relatively closed economy to a liberal
market economy, and 2) politico-adminis-
trative decentralization wherein decision-
making powers became increasingly shared
between the federal and the state govern-
ments (Krueger, 2002). Capitalising on these
larger processes of change, the state sought
loans from the World Bank under the struc-
tural adjustment program to pursue state-wide
economic reforms inscribed by a neoliberal
developmental logic and its associated link
with an entrepreneurial model of governance.
Similar to the World Bank’s city-centric
growth strategies (World Bank, 1999), the
state pursued a regional-growth strategy that
identified and mobilized Hyderabad as an
engine of growth. This was articulated in the
Andhra Pradesh Vision 2020, a policy docu-
ment prepared by consulting firm McKinsey &
Company. The visioning document set a ‘new
and comprehensive growth agenda’ (GoAP,
1999) for the state that aimed to integrate the
state’s economy into both national and global
economies through a focus on global growth
sectors—notably, IT, biotechnology and phar-
maceutical sectors. Accordingly, this restruc-
turing of the economy necessitated massive
capital investments in premium infrastruc-
ture and services. Crucially, this embraced
new ‘urban’ context was rooted in aspirations
of ‘global cityness’ and the construction of
spectacular urban imagery, which were per-
Photo 2
Charminar
6 c i ty & n e i ghb ou rho od rep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
ceived by policy makers to be integral compo-
nents to the success of the growth strategy.
The convergences of the aforementioned
developments cleared the ground for a mas-
sive reconfiguration and rescaling of the
urban landscape in Hyderabad. In particular,
sector-specific enclaves, served by a multitude
of state-of-the-art premium infrastructural
services and facilities such as uninterrupted
water and power supply, fibre-optic networks,
as well as flyovers and expressways were devel-
oped to facilitate investments. This included
HITEC City (Hyderabad Information Technol-
ogy Engineering Consultancy City), a $350
million knowledge enclave offering 1.4 million
square feet of IT space. With the initial suc-
cess of development of the knowledge enclave
and Hyderabad emerging as an IT destination
of repute, the state government initiated the
making of Cyberabad – a 52 square kilom-
eter knowledge enclave – largely inspired by
Malaysia’s Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC)
project. Cyberabad was carved out of 17 vil-
lages including part of Madhapur, our neigh-
bourhood of study for this project.
The success of this spatial engineering
policy, complemented by favourable IT policy
initiatives, attracted many international IT
giants to set up offices and research centres in
Hyderabad. These policy initiatives provided
a boost to Hyderabad’s urbanization, buoyed
by a new wave of migration to the metropolis
as many began seeking employment in this
new economic growth centre. Along with this
massive influx of people, the policy initia-
tives spawned massive developments of gated
residential apartments, ‘intelligent’ office
buildings, shopping malls and accommoda-
tion for working men and women around the
Cyberabad area, critically reconfiguring the
built form of the Madhapur neighbourhood
and larger Hyderabad within which it is geo-
graphically embedded.
2.3 uRBAn ISSuES In HYDERABAD
The spatial expansion of the city to peri-urban
regions and the rapid population increase has
meant that the challenges of managing the
city have grown tremendously in recent years
– resulting in the development of unplanned
urban sprawl. The existing infrastructure
cannot keep up with the increasing demand,
which in turn brings stratum-specific implica-
tions for Hyderabad.
Our project found that the complexities of
this rapid and intense development of the new
urban growth centre of Cyberabad have had
contradicting impacts on the peripheral urban
spatialities. The former village of Madhapur
has seen significant growth in personal wealth
for some residents who owned and urbanised
their land or sold it. However, many residents
were either displaced or forced to make a
living as marginal service workers. Everyone
in the neighbourhood though suffers from
worsening basic infrastructure provision,
especially in relation to water and sanitation,
traffic and refuse management.
In Hyderabad, indicators largely point
towards increasing stratification in urban ser-
7c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
vice levels. The development of infrastructural
support, notably, water supply, power distri-
bution, better roads and transport facilities,
waste and sewage treatments have, in general,
been concentrated largely in certain premium
pockets of the city. This does not at all suggest
that there has been a decline in urban service
levels for the urban marginal; at present, there
have been some slight improvements in some
cases. Rather, our observations suggest that
the rapid development has not translated to
more equitable distributions of public resourc-
es, and by extension, significant enhancement
of urban services especially for the lower lay-
ers of Hyderabadi society. Overall, the issue
of urban poverty and the associated aspects
of urban marginality relating to housing and
basic amenities remain the most prominent
challenges that rapidly growing Hyderabad is
facing today.
In addition, the huge migration from the
surrounding rural areas to Hyderabad has
resulted in a rapid increase of slum settle-
ments within the city (Rao, 2007). There are
over 1600 identified slum locations within the
metropolis, constituting a slum population of
almost 2 million (GHMC, 2006).
The city’s rapid population growth is
also adding pressure to an already stretched
transportation capability. Traffic density in
Hyderabad has increased drastically in recent
years, spurred by the increase in private vehi-
cles and motorbikes. It is estimated that there
is a total of more than 2 million vehicles plying
the roads in Hyderabad, and the increase in
the number of private vehicles is about 10% per
annum (Ramachandraiah, 2007). Investments
in public transportation such as bus expan-
sion routes and fleets have fallen behind the
surge in demand, further straining the traffic
condition in Hyderabad. Public transport ac-
counts for only 40% of total passenger trans-
port (Ramachandraiah, 2007). In addition,
Hyderabad’s urban form is characterised by
relatively low road capacity of about 6% (Ra-
machandran, 2012) and composed of generally
narrow and unplanned networks of carriage-
Photo 3
Significant change of
Madhapur’s landscape
within decades –
development of land
and properties have
been significant (source:
Diganta Das, 2012)
8 c i ty & n e i ghb ou rho od rep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
ways, combined with poor traffic manage-
ment, leading to massive congestion. Effective
maintenance of roads and bridges is lacking
and appropriate parking facilities are in short
supply, which in turn further exacerbate the
traffic congestion.
3. MADHAPuR—THE TRAnSITIonInG
nEIGHBouRHooD
In keeping with the aims of this project, this
research critically examines how residents
in an ordinary neighbourhood (in this case
Madhapur) experience and conceptualise live-
ability within the context of significant social,
infrastructural or technological change.
Madhapur, once a sleepy suburb com-
posed primarily of a village, quickly trans-
formed into the locus of the city’s emerging
IT and knowledge agglomeration, served by
world-class infrastructure and surrounded by
premium real estate belts once it was identi-
fied as the site for HITEC City in 1997, and
later part of the larger Cyberabad. In less
than two decades there has been rapid and
dramatic state-led urban restructuring. Once
a peri-urban space, it is now contiguous with
the city’s most affluent residential locality,
the Jubilee Hills. This emphatic transforma-
tion in turn is producing new geographies and
socialities of the neighbourhood which make
it fertile ground for a critical interrogation
of the concept of liveability—the focus of this
research report.
3.1 GLoBALIzATIon AnD RuRAL-
uRBAn TRAnSFoRMATIon
Nearly two decades earlier, Madhapur, situ-
ated at the western periphery of Hyderabad,
was largely an agricultural backwater, away
from the urban core of the city. The residents
of Madhapur depended largely on cattle-rear-
ing and farming on ancestral lands for their
livelihoods. Despite its relative proximity to
the urban core of the city, due to slower invest-
ments and infrastructural support, Madhapur
and surrounding villages remained relatively
underdeveloped until HITEC City (and later
Cyberabad) came into being.
The selection of Madhapur for the con-
struction of Cyber Towers (Photo 1), as part of
the state’s spatial engineering policy to attract
and build up a critical mass of IT industries
in the area, marked a significant rupture
from the locality’s agrarian past. Suddenly
Madhapur became a site to provide IT busi-
nesses with state-of the-art infrastructure
for their operations which included, among
others, dedicated high-speed internet con-
nectivity, 24-hour electronic security systems,
banking facilities and uninterrupted power
and water supply.
The continued growth of the knowledge
enclave has resulted in complex changes in the
demography of the neighbourhood, in particu-
lar increased in-migration of skilled software
professionals coming into the neighbourhood.
The shift towards a knowledge-based economy
has paved the way for greater social stratifi-
cation with the emergence of the digeratis,
9c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
who now form a considerable bulk of the new
middle class. It is noteworthy that along with
the digerati class, there has been a constant
flow of migrants to Madhapur from surround-
ing rural regions in search of better economic
opportunities.
While the initial developments in
Madhapur constituted primarily infrastruc-
tural support to IT companies, subsequent
developments catered for the consumption
demands of the emerging digerati population
as part of the larger urban restructuring of
the space. The emerging digerati class, highly
skilled and sought after, draws better incomes
and demands premium goods and services.
Consequently one of the main drivers behind
Madhapur’s restructuring are the emerging
globally mobile middle class and affluent pop-
ulations who are the most conspicuous rep-
resentations and validations of a globalising
urban space. As such, production of the built
form of this space reflects a convergence of the
particular demands of this emerging group,
and both the private and public responses
to accommodate them. The built form of the
space has been spatially engineered to meet
the consumption needs of these new-middle
class populations. The luxury high rise belts,
mammoth shopping malls, exotic restaurants,
designer retailers and office complexes, served
by ‘world-class’ infrastructure, flyovers and
expressways, are the urban manifestations of
the changing socioeconomic geographies of
the neighbourhood.
Photo 4
Madhapur has seen rapid
recent developments
– ranging from housing
to shopping malls and
luxury hotels (Source:
Diganta Das, 2012)
10 c i ty & n e i g hb ourho od rep o r t : m adh apur in h yder ab ad
4. AnALYSIS oF THE SuRvEY RESuLTS
To achieve the objectives of this project, we
conducted a survey with 400 locals residing
in Madhapur, from October, 2011 to January,
2012. The survey addressed a broad range of
issues pertinent to the central themes of this
project which included, people and diversity
of spaces, urban infrastructure, amenities and
services, as well as governance.
In addition, this project employed a
face-to-face interview procedure to capture
a deeper snapshot of both behavioural and
perceptual contours on the ground in relation
to issues above. We conducted in-depth inter-
views with 40 stakeholders—which included
local residents, city officials such as elected
representatives, policy makers, municipality
officers and local academicians. In addition to
probing deeper into their opinions about is-
sues asked in the questionnaire, the interviews
also sought respondents’ opinions about what
they liked and disliked about Madhapur, and
their recommendations to make the neigh-
bourhood more liveable. Key results from both
the questionnaire and the interviews relating
to liveability in Madhapur are discussed below.
Where pertinent, we have inserted partici-
pant quotes from our respondents to further
illustrate key findings, as well as to provide
subjective accounts relating to the issues in
discussion beyond figures and numbers.
4.1 SoCIo-DEMoGRAPHY
Among the respondents we spoke to, an
overwhelming majority of 84% were of Telugu-
descent followed by 14% non-Telugu (Figure 1).
This ethnic distribution suggests that while
there has been a huge influx of migrants to
Madhapur in recent time, intra-state popula-
tion shift is a dominant pattern rather than
inter-state. In other words, much of the migra-
tory flows into Madhapur have originated
from regions and localities within the state
itself. Proximity to HITEC City and being in
a linguistically and cultural familiar environ-
ment were important to residents who had
migrated.
Looking at the distribution of educational
attainment of respondents, we observed that
a large number of respondents hold at least
undergraduate level qualifications (Figure 2).
The distribution here indicates that
our respondents are generally fairly highly
educated and qualified. This is not surprising
given that Madhapur is the site of the city’s
knowledge and high-tech enclave—Cyberabad,
Photo 5
Advertisements for
accommodation are
seen ubiquitously in the
neighbourhood (Source:
Diganta Das, 2012)
11c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
attracting many of the globally mobile and
highly educated to work and settle there.
Therefore they are generally overrepresented
in the neighbourhood’s socio-demographic
composition. Nonetheless, despite this over-
representation, our sample did capture a
broad spectrum of respondents in terms of
educational qualifications: 12% of the respond-
ents only completed primary education while
a further 20% did not undergo any formal
education.
A finding that further attests to the
migrant-based population relates to owner-
ship status of housing in the neighbourhood.
It was observed that 68% of the respondents
are tenants while only 32% are home-owners.
The neighbourhood has seen a rise in develop-
ment of working young men’s and women’s
accommodation in recent times (see Photo
5) – largely to cater to the needs of software
professionals working in Cyberabad which has
fuelled the rise in the tenant population.
4.2 nEIGHBouRHooD
When asked about broad place-specific at-
tributes of the neighbourhood, the responses
we gathered were generally quite positive.
For example, 79% of those asked agreed that
Madhapur is a well-maintained neighbour-
hood, while a further 13% strongly agreed
(Figure 3).
This is broadly similar to our findings on
the respondents’ perceptions on the cleanli-
ness of the neighbourhood. 73% agreed and a
further 17% strongly agreed that Madhapur is
a clean neighbourhood (Figure 4). However,
in-depth interviews and our own observations
inform that some pockets of Madhapur need
more effort to keep clean – especially along
the main road of Madhapur. Improvement of
proper drainage systems and regular cleaning
by authorities may help in improving the con-
ditions. Further to this, active participation
of the public towards building capacity and
keeping their neighbourhood clean is impor-
tant, which helps in achieving the objective of
liveable neighbourhood planning.
When it comes to safety issues—nearly
96% largely agreed that the neighbourhood is
Telugu
84%
14%
Non-Telugu
2%
20% No formal education
12% Primary
18% Secondary11%
10 + 2
2% Vocational
38% University
Figure 1
Ethnic composition of
residents in Madhapur
Figure 2
Educational level of
residents in Madhapur
12 c i ty & n e i g hb ourho od rep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
safe (Figure 5). This broad concurrence may
be explained and reinforced by their percep-
tions of police coverage in the neighbourhood.
When asked about regular police patrolling in
the neighbourhood, nearly 90% of respondents
agreed that there are adequate police patrols.
It is also noteworthy that private security
guards play an important role in maintaining
the security, in relation to gated apartments,
shopping malls, hotels and restaurants situ-
ated in the neighbourhood, which further
strengthen the safety perception of the neigh-
bourhood.
4.3 PEoPLE, SPACES oF EnCounTER
AnD nEIGHBouRLInESS
While conceptualising issues around diversity
in the neighbourhood, we gathered attributes
relating to people and spaces of encounter.
More than 90% respondents agreed that the
neighbourhood is friendly.
Further, when asked whether neighbours
look out for each other, 83% agreed indicating
a strong feeling of neighbourliness and con-
cern for their neighbours (Figure 6). Through
in-depth interviews we found that the level of
neighbourliness in Madhapur is beyond every-
day exchange of niceties. Residents often meet
for informal gatherings in the neighbour-
hood and participate and celebrate festivals
together.
The survey also revealed that there is
general receptivity among the locals towards
migrants from other regions. For example,
more than three-quarters of those surveyed
Figure 3
Madhapur is a
well-maintained
neighbourhood
Figure 4
Madhapur is a clean
neighbourhood
Figure 5
Madhapur is a safe
neighbourhood
Strongly Disagree
Disagree Agree Strongly Agree
73%
Agree
65%Agree
17%
31%Strongly
Agree
1%
1%
9%
3%
79%
Agree
13%1%
8%
13c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
are happy to have people of different regions
and/or states in their neighbourhood. In-
depth interviews also revealed that estab-
lished residents of Madhapur generally have
a welcoming attitude towards new-comers.
Residents realise that Madhapur is a dynamic
neighbourhood and due to the proximity of
Cyberabad, new-residents from different
states come to live in Madhapur – that brings
in new cultures and living habits. Overall,
long-term residents welcome these diversities.
Further, nearly 88% agreed that migrants from
other regions contribute positively to the city’s
economy (Figure 7).
Nonetheless, even as the respondents
acknowledged the economic contributions of
migrants, they seemed cautiously mindful that
migrants do heighten competition for jobs.
Nearly 41% respondents agreed that migrants
have reduced the availability of suitable jobs
for locals in Madhapur (Figure 8).
While in terms of employment there
are some concerns, 60% felt that this hadn’t
translated into overcrowding for housing in
the neighbourhood. However, interviews with
respondents did highlight the increasing
rental rates of accommodation in the neigh-
bourhood.
‘Due to the arrival of newcomers, the
rental rates are very high. The room rents
have nearly doubled because the people
who live here are all job holders and have
high positions in their workplace’
(respondent)
Figure 6
Neighbours look out
for each other
Figure 7
Migrants from other
regions contribute
positively to the
city’s economy
Figure 8
Less jobs for locals due to
influx of new residents
Strongly Disagree
Disagree Agree Strongly Agree
63%
Agree
51%Disagree
13%
28%Agree
25%Strongly
Agree
2%
8%
10%
75%
Agree
8% 1%16%
14 c i ty & n e i g hb ourho od rep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
However, beyond jobs and rent related
concerns, our data indicates that the presence
of migrants have not undermined residents’
attachment to their neighbourhood. Nearly
92% of respondents answered that they do have
a sense of belonging to the neighbourhood
(Figure 9).
These, perceptual contours towards mi-
grants that edge on the positive side provide
strong evidence that at this stage, the influx
of migrants are not seen to be problematic,
possibly because the majority of migrants are
Telugu speakers and so culturally connected
to long-term local residents. Hence, despite
the relatively high percentage of migrants in
the social make-up, residents are generally
welcoming towards newcomers and it appears
that this is a historical trait of the city itself.
‘Hyderabad is a composite city with
people of different cultures, religions
and castes… Hyderabad is very
welcoming to others’
(respondent)
4.4 LIvELIHooD AnD InFRASTRuCTuRE
In this section we consider peoples’ responses
and perspectives in relation to actually living
in the neighbourhood, effectively the elements
that constitute urban liveability in these times
of rapid urbanisation and social change in
the neighbourhood. We examine the research
findings relating to livelihood issues, relating
to employment, housing, health care and edu-
cation. We then focus on more infrastructural
issues within Madhapur relating to transport,
public space, water and electricity.
4.4.1 CoST oF LIvInG, EMPLoYMEnT
AnD HEALTHCARE
As for selected measures relating to livelihood,
there is general consensus that Madhapur has
a lot to offer in terms of employment opportu-
nities. From our interviews with the residents,
one aspect of urban life that emerged very
strongly was employment. In fact, a funda-
mental attraction for many who have made
their way to the neighbourhood is the avail-
ability of jobs.
‘We came here because Madhapur [and
Hyderabad] is good place(s) for staying.
Here, a lot of opportunities are opened
for us to earn money. The educated
people get jobs more comfortably… in the
villages, there are less opportunity for
jobs, therefore, many have made their
way here to earn money and make
a living”
(respondent)
About 70% of those surveyed agreed that
there are ample employment opportunities
near their neighbourhood and that they were
able to find employment here that matches
their skills or qualifications (Figure 10).
Interestingly, these findings contrast with
the earlier finding on the increased employ-
ment competition posed by migrants. Seen
together, these findings suggest that respond-
15c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
ents are of the view that the competition
posed by migrants, while perceptible, is not
significant enough to erode their confidence in
Madhapur’s job market.
Despite the broad concurrence that
employment opportunities are plentiful, and
by extension, a good guarantee of livelihood,
most are of the view that the cost of living is
becoming expensive in Madhapur. Hence the
positives of employment opportunities can be
offset because of increases in the cost of living.
When asked if the neighbourhood was becom-
ing an expensive place to live, 95% agreed that
it was.
This general concern about relative
increases in the cost of living emerged very
strongly in the interviews. Such increases
are both significant and unabated against the
backdrop of rapid development of the neigh-
bourhood. For some, the cost of living may
push some of the poorer segments of the resi-
dents to leave the neighbourhood for relatively
cheaper options. In our research we observed
squatting/ land guarding where the poorest
people were living in make-shift shelters to
keep their jobs in the area. A municipal cor-
porator from Madhapur and a local political
leader commented that:
‘If the middle class people desire to live
near Cyberabad, they have to earn 50–60
thousands Rupees to lead a (good) life.
There is no chance for the poor to live
here. If they want to rent rooms, they are
charged 4000–6000 (Rupees a month).
Figure 9
Sense of belonging
to Madhapur
Figure 10
There are ample
employment
opportunities in
Madhapur that
matches skills
Figure 11
The healthcare facilities in
Madhapur are expensive
Strongly Disagree
Disagree Agree Strongly Agree
N/A
54%
Agree
37%Agree
18%Disagree
57%Strongly
Agree
14%
23%Strongly
Agree
4%10%
69%
Agree
0.3% 8%
1% 5%
16 c i ty & n e i ghb ou rho od rep o r t : m adh apur in h yder ab ad
So, there is no place here for the common
man. It is very difficult.’
Accommodation rental prices are not the
only element of increased living costs, many
vital urban services – such as healthcare are
moving beyond the reach of many residents.
An overwhelming 94% of our respondents
opined that the healthcare facilities in the
locality are expensive (Figure 11).
A possible reason for the lack of avail-
ability of affordable healthcare is because of
the lack of public healthcare facilities in the
neighbourhood. When asked what types of
health care are available in Madhapur, 94%
responded private clinics and hospitals. The
private healthcare facilities have developed
in the neighbourhood to meet the demands of
the professionals and highly paid employees in
the IT sector. There has been limited invest-
ment in the provision of public healthcare in
the neighbourhood. Similar reflection may be
observed in relation to the provision of public
education. The government aided school is
poorly provisioned and overcrowded. Access-
ing private health care and education pushes
up the cost of living and is out of reach for
many of the neighbourhood residents. This
means that there is a high risk of limited to no
upward social mobility for poorer residents in
the neighbourhood which will impact on social
sustainability for many families.
4.4.2 TRAnSPoRT
Nonetheless, when it comes to transport
infrastructure, the residents generally agree
that the cost of commuting by public transport
is still affordable. Nearly 75% of those surveyed
agreed on the affordability of public transport.
However, when it comes to adequacy of public
transport, residents opined that Madhapur
is a neighbourhood with a rapidly increasing
population and so needs more public trans-
port options and mobility-related infrastruc-
ture.
In terms of the distribution of respond-
ents’ regular mode of transport, walking and
motorbiking emerged as the most common
means of commuting to work (37% and 28%
respectively). It is noteworthy that there has
been some effort to create dedicated cycling
lanes around the Cyberabad region to encour-
age professionals to use cycles for everyday use
rather than motorised vehicles. The develop-
ment of dedicated cycling lanes and popularis-
ing cycling will go a long way towards building
a healthy and liveable neighbourhood. How-
ever, this is not being integrated beyond the
Cyberabad campuses and offices and is not yet
a dense enough network to be effective.
Photo 6
Land-guarding in and
around Madhapur (source:
Diganta Das, 2011)
17c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
When asked about the adequacy of roads
and parking facilities, nearly half of the re-
spondents said they are inadequate and more
infrastructure is needed (Figure 12).
Their dissatisfaction increased further
when asked about the adequacy of footpaths.
Eight out of ten respondents said that there
are inadequate footpaths in the neighbour-
hood despite the high numbers of people
walking. Since 4 out of 10 of those we surveyed
commute to work by walking, there is an ur-
gent need to sufficiently construct footpaths to
ensure the safety of pedestrians in Madhapur.
This general disaffection towards the
existing transportation infrastructure helps
explain the broad optimism towards the pro-
posed elevated metro rail (for which construc-
tion began towards the end of our research
project). Support for the metro registered
nearly 90% among the respondents surveyed.
Specifically, a large majority of 89.5% believed
that the metro would reduce traffic congestion
in Madhapur (Figure 13).
‘I wish that the Metro Rail come soon
to Madhapur. It is much useful for the
common people. Why? Because bus ticket
charges have gone up and there is extreme
traffic jam there. If the Metro Rail is
built, we can reach anywhere on time.
There are many advantages with it … ...
(respondent)
As evident from surveys, dominant issues
concerning urban transportation in the neigh-
bourhood are that of traffic congestion, irregu-
lar public transport and lack of pedestrian
paths. This indicates that the improvements
in road networks thus far are still falling be-
hind demand, and the neighbourhood thereby
remains very vulnerable to congestion, and
the concomitant slow, polluting, noisy traffic.
Interestingly, even as respondents expressed
optimism with the planned Metro, they were
equally wary that the Metro will perhaps make
Madhapur a more expensive neighbourhood.
4.4.3 PuBLIC SPACE
As for other neighbourhood infrastructure
and services, the responses garnered, in gen-
eral, were less favourable and point towards
Figure 12
Madhapur has adequate
road and parking
infrastructure
Figure 13
Metro train will reduce
traffic issues
No
Yes
10.5
89.5
%
4%5%
43%StronglyDisagree
48%Agree
18 c i ty & n e i ghb ou rho od rep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
inadequacies in their provision. For instance,
77% of respondents agree that the neighbour-
hood needs more facilities in relation to basic
sports and exercise facilities. The lack of
adequate safe playing areas for children in the
neighbourhood also emerged as a major con-
cern among parents. In addition, about 84%
of respondents felt that the neighbourhood
needs good access to green spaces, a finding
that is supported as well as explained by resi-
dents during our conversations.
What may be gleaned here is that the
rapid unplanned and unregulated transforma-
tion of the built space in Hyderabad, and this
neighbourhood in particular, often means
compromising the natural environment with-
out subsequent action to address the associ-
ated issues that bear upon residents’ everyday
quality of living. This is one of the negative
effects of the rapid urbanisation taking place
in the neighbourhood.
4.4.4 WATER AnD ELECTRICITY
Water provision, or lack of it, is a critical issue
for most parts of Hyderabad. It is important
to note though that Cyberabad benefits from
a reliable and good quality water supply. Our
research found that a significant majority of
respondents (70%) reported that they only
have irregular access to clean water, while a
further 4% said they never had access.
This finding suggests critical deficits in
the provision of clean drinking water. We also
identified the diversity of water sources people
have access to (Figure 15). While 59% have
access to formal water resources (provided
by municipal authorities), even this type of
provision is neither reliable nor consistent.
Residents’ confidence in the public service
provider is critically low. This is evidenced
from the significant reliance on informal
sources of water and private water-tank ser-
vices, which registered as the next two widely
used modes of water collection, used by 22.8%
and 10.6% of the respondents respectively.
Similarly, for a huge majority, or 89.5%
of the respondents, the power supply in
Madhapur is not reliable (Figure 16). This
suggests that the deficit in power supply is
generally felt across the socio-demographic
continuum. While water and power supply
are considered basic public services, irregular
provision has affected the overall liveability of
the neighbourhood.
4.6 WHAT RESIDEnTS LIkE AnD Do
noT LIkE ABouT MADHAPuR
When asked about some of the not so good
aspects of living in Madhapur, almost all
respondents highlighted the worsening traffic
conditions; drinking water issues as well as
water and air pollution which they believed
carry negative implications for the liveability
of the area.
Some expressed that these aspects of
dwelling in the neighbourhood have worsened
over time and demanded urgent action from
the authorities. Upon probing their thoughts
on the larger implications of these urban
issues, some highlighted the impact on their
19c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
health and general wellbeing. For them, their
concern about pollution is closely intertwined
with that of the negative effects on their health
and wellbeing. Respondents also attributed
road accidents to the heavily congested roads.
Amongst those who were dissatisfied with the
traffic conditions, some pointed out that the
construction and maintenance of roads have
not been able to keep up with the increasing
number of vehicles. The prevailing perception
amongst most respondents was that the rapid
population increase has exerted tremendous
pressure on the city’s urban infrastructure,
particularly on water, power and traffic.
When asked about the good things of
living in Madhapur, three attributes emerged
very strongly: 1) availability of jobs and op-
portunities, 2) amenities and services and
3) neighbours and friends. There is general
agreement among residents that the greatest
attraction point in Madhapur is the avail-
ability of jobs and opportunities. According
to them, Madhapur’s urban development has
created a spectrum of jobs that not only caters
to the educated and highly skilled, but also
to those who are less educated or untrained.
Another good thing about living in Madhapur
is the availability of amenities and services –
often at the door stop. For example access to
food & vegetable vendors, a weekly market,
availability of kirana (general) stores and
other everyday services make Madhapur more
liveable. When asked what he felt are the best
things about living in the neighbourhood, one
respondent replied:
Figure 14
Access to clean
drinking water
Figure 15
Water sources
in Madhapur
Figure 16
Power supply
in Madhapur
Formal sources
Private water-tank source
Nearby hand-pumps / wells
From other neighbourhood
Informal sources
Not reliable
Reliable
59.0
10.6
3.8
3.3
22.8
89.5
10.5
%
%
4% never
70%Intermittently
26%Regularly
20 c i ty & n e i g hb ourho od rep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
it’s a good place to live. There is
availability of our daily needs, a good
place for the entertainment and outing
with family
(respondent)
Talking about neighbours and friends,
respondents valued having a diverse mix of
people in the neighbourhood and having large-
ly peaceful and accommodative neighbours.
A recurrent motif amongst our respondents
when asked about what makes them feel that
they belong to the neighbourhood is their
relations with family members, their neigh-
bours and friends. Others also cited friendly
neighbours as the greatest perk of living in
Madhapur.
4.7 SuMMARY oF SuRvEY:
DISCuSSIonS, RECoMMEnDATIonS
This survey has enabled the identification of
some of the urgent urban issues of the resi-
dents in Madhapur relating to liveability—
specifically the lack of planning and regula-
tion combined with problems with urban
infrastructure and services. While there have
been improvements in this neighbourhood,
strategic and effective planning, infrastruc-
tural support, urban services and amenities
are still inadequate. We argue that these areas
are in urgent need of improvement as they
affect people negatively and influence their
perspectives of local municipal and political
institutions.
On the positive side, some of the issues
raised by the residents are dimensions of
urban liveability which can be improved upon
in the short to medium term. For example,
to enhance the walkability of the local neigh-
bourhood, footpaths should be constructed to
ensure the safety of pedestrians. Facilitating
bicycle lanes should be helpful in encourag-
ing cyclists in the neighbourhood and towards
developing a green and healthy neighbour-
hood. The development and maintenance
of neighbourhood green-spaces with basic
sports and exercise facilities for children
and elderly people will go a long way towards
enhancing liveability of the neighbourhood.
Well-regulated parking spaces and designated
auto-rickshaw stands will also help towards
management of traffic in the neighbourhood.
Nonetheless, there remain more challeng-
ing structural issues such as the rising cost of
living and the dearth of public services (such
as provision of drinking water, affordable
healthcare facilities) which demand greater
and careful planning as they affect the lowest
stratum in society the most, but they also have
an impact on all residents.
Nonetheless, the survey also revealed that
people’s perception of liveability is not solely
nor fundamentally influenced by the avail-
ability of sound infrastructure and amenities,
alongside appropriate provision of urban ser-
vices. Interestingly, despite the shortcomings
associated with the neighbourhood (evidenced
above), the sense of satisfaction with living in
the neighbourhood emerges strongly among
the respondents, certainly more than we as
21c i ty & n e i g hb ourho o d r ep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
researchers had expected from our time spent
in Madhapur. Perhaps, residents’ opinions are
shaped by a comparison with their quotidian
lived experiences between the past and exist-
ing urban situation or in relation to places
they lived before migration. There is a general
consensus that there have been some improve-
ments in certain key dimensions that make
up their concept of urban liveability such that
these mitigate the everyday deficits of living in
Madhapur.
5. ConCLuSIon
Hyderabad is a vibrant, metropolis with a
rich history, and potentially with a success-
ful future in the global economy. In the last
few decades it has seen a massive economic
transformation and an associated urban
reconstruction as it stridently moves towards
actualising its global city aspirations. In
this, Hyderabad has done well in increasing
its profile in the global economy as well as
meeting people’s employment aspirations.
Nonetheless, the optics of the global city
betray the ‘third world’ urban landscape that
continues to exist within the city’s pockets and
peripheries. Hyderabad is, by all accounts, a
city of extremes and contradictions, evident
from the gleaming modern urban landscape
in Cyberabad, and the squalor of slums
punctuating the urban fabric of the larger
metropolis. While expanding the economic
and urban potential of the city by investing
in state-of-the-art infrastructure specifically
catered to attract foreign capital seems to hold
great promise for the state government, city
authorities and common citizens, a signifi-
cant section of the city’s population remain
marginalised and disadvantaged in the provi-
sion of basic infrastructure, amenities and
services.
Whether Hyderabad succeeds in its en-
deavour to become a global city is contingent
not only on whether it can meet the challenges
of competing within the global economic land-
scape, but also on how well it addresses issues
relating to urban liveability within the context
of the 21st century. At present, there is an
urgent need to pay closer attention to develop-
ing planned, regulated, adequate and decent
urban infrastructure and services while
ensuring comprehensive coverage of these
important and even vital provisions across
all sections of the rapidly growing population
of this city. Ensuring successful provision of
basic but adequate amenities at the neighbour-
hood level would lead to better liveability for
residents. Better liveable neighbourhoods will
pave the way for a liveable city.
22 c i ty & n e i ghb ou rho od rep o r t : madh apur in h yder ab ad
noTES
1 On June 2, 2014, Telangana was formally
bifurcated from erstwhile Andhra Pradesh
and formed as the new state of the Repub-
lic of India, with Hyderabad as its capital.
Seemandhra state, the remaining region
of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh will share
Hyderabad as its administrative capital for
a maximum of ten years. It should be noted
that we conducted our research before
the bifurcation was agreed, and we were
researching at times of intense protest and
disruption. The Telangana issue was ex-
amined in the neighbourhood survey and a
point of debate in our in-depth interviews.
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Ramachandraiah, C. 2007. Public Transport
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Ramachandran, M., ed. 2012. Metro Rail
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Press.
Rao, N. 2007. Cities in Transition:
Growth, change and governance in six
metropolitan areas. London: Routledge.
Rudolph, L.I., and S. H Rudolph. 2001.
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SCHoLAR BAnk
There are four city/neighbourhood reports that have been
produced from the Global Asia Institute research project:
Asian Cities: Liveability, Sustainability, Diversity and
Spaces of Encounter. They have been deposited in the
National University Scholar Bank and can be accessed
from the general Internet link given below. Each report
can be searched by title or author’s name
City and Neighbourhood Report: Busan, Korea (2014)
by Mihye Cho, Jeongkyoung Seo, Tracey Skelton
City and Neighbourhood Report: Hyderabad, India (2014)
by Diganta Das, Tracey Skelton, A. Nageswara Rao,
G. Nagasubbarao
City and Neighbourhood Report: Kunming, China (2014)
by Harvey Neo, Pow Choon Piew, Tracey Skelton,
City and Neighbourhood Report: Singapore (2014)
by Chang Jiat Hwee, Ho Kong Chong, Tracey Skelton
SB@NUS: http://scholarbank.nus.edu.sg
hyderabad,india
kunming,china
busan,korea
singapore
pro ject ti tl e :
Asian Cities: Liveablity, Sustainability, Diversity and Spaces of Encounter
The project is funded by the Global Asia Institute of the National University of Singapore (NUS).
Principal Investigator and Project Leader
Associate Professor Tracey Skelton (NUS)
Overseas City Research Leaders
Busan, South Korea, Dr Mihye Cho (Singapore University of Technology and Design)
Hyderabad, India, Dr. Diganta Das (Nanyang Technological University)
Kunming, China, Dr. Havey Neo (NUS)
Other team members: Dr. Jiat Hwee Chang, Dr. Pow Choon Piew, Associate Professor Ho Kong Chong and Professor Brenda Yeoh (all at NUS)