1943: Italy

Archives consist of articles that originally appeared in Collier's Year Book (for events of 1997 and

earlier) or as monthly updates in Encarta Yearbook (for events of 1998 and later). Because they were

published shortly after events occurred, they reflect the information available at that time. Cross

references refer to Archive articles of the same year.

1943: Italy

The year 1943 will go down in Italian history as one of the most crucial in modern times. In that

year the last vestiges of the Italian empire in Africa were lost, Sicily and southern Italy were

invaded by Allied armies, and, greatest upheaval of all, Mussolini fell from power, carrying

down with him the 21-year-old Fascist régime.

By the end of 1942 it must already have become obvious to most Italians that their country was

on the losing side in World War II. The consciousness of this fact inevitably colored their

reaction to all events, both domestic and foreign, and helps to account for their apathy towards

the prosecution of the war. There was not, however, any serious danger that the Italian people

would revolt against the Fascist Government. With the entire governmental apparatus,

particularly the police, under its control, the Fascist régime was able to prevent any uprising or

even large-scale conspiracy. Anti-Fascist underground movements were undoubtedly active, as

became evident after the fall of Mussolini. But there was never any real expectation that by

themselves the masses could get rid of Fascism. As events showed, this could be brought about

only through a palace revolution within the Fascist hierarchy, of which the King and certain

elements in the Army would take advantage.

Lowered Morale.

The main energies of the Fascist régime were devoted during the first half of the year to

bolstering morale on the home front, to preventing the internal economy of the country from

collapsing, and to preserving itself from impending doom. The bombing of the north Italian

industrial cities by planes, flying across the Alps, became more and more difficult for their

inhabitants to bear. Scores of thousands were reported to have evacuated these cities for the open

country or smaller towns where they could count on relative safety. This exodus naturally

disrupted Italy's production of war materials. On January 25 the Corriere della Sera of Milan

declared with amazing frankness that the workers were unable to understand why they were at

war. The loss of Libya and the declarations of the Casablanca meeting between President

Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill conspired to depress Italian morale still further. On Jan.

29 the government announced that it was calling up the class of 1924 for military service, that

more women were to be compelled to work in war industries, and that 'zones of operations' were

being set up in southern Italy and in the islands of Sardinia, Sicily and Corsica. These measures

indicated that an invasion was felt to be imminent and still more sacrifices would be required of

the Italian people.

'Change of Guard.'

On Feb. 5 Il Duce got rid of twelve important members of his Government. Ciano was dismissed

as Foreign Minister and sent to the Vatican City as ambassador, Mussolini replacing him at the

Palazzo Chigi. Count Grandi left the Ministry of Justice, though he kept the presidency of the

Chamber of Fasces and Corporations. Seven other cabinet posts lost their occupants, including

such old-time Fascists as Thaon di Revel, Host-Venturi, Bottai and Pavolini. As a result of this

shuffle Mussolini himself held the five most important posts in the cabinet. Outsiders could only

speculate as to the causes for this drastic 'change of guard,' though reports seem to indicate that it

was caused by internal problems such as price control, inflation and the like. Meanwhile there

were signs that relations between Mussolini and the King were far from cordial.

Loss of Divisions on Foreign Soil.

One of the causes for war weariness in Italy was the heavy punishment inflicted on the Italian

divisions, estimated to be ten in number, fighting in Russia. In January Russia reported that the

Nazis had mown down Fascist troops as they retreated before the Red Army. Two weeks later

Russian sources declared that every one of the Italian divisions sent to Russia had been crushed.

And indeed, the official Fascist figures of losses incurred in January on the Russian front were

10,285 wounded and 27,000 missing. The number of killed was not given, probably because it

would have been too great a shock for Italian public opinion. On March 2 Mussolini welcomed

home the remnants of his ten divisions. Apparently the Fascist Government had withdrawn its

participation from the fight on the eastern front.

Occupying the Balkans and the Islands of the Aegean Sea were estimated to be some 30

divisions of Italian troops — more than in Italy itself. The main burden of garrisoning

Yugoslavia and Greece fell upon the Italian army. This was an ungrateful and inglorious task, for

the Yugoslavs and Greek peoples carried on a continuous guerrilla warfare. In an effort to cope

with this harassment the Italian commanders found it necessary to hang hostages and even wipe

out whole villages, which naturally only increased resentment and hatred. Fortunately for them,

however, they were aided by the bitter conflicts which broke out in Greece between at least three

sets of 'rebels' and in Yugoslavia between the Partisans under General Tito and the Chetniks

under General Mihailovitch. Nevertheless it became more and more difficult to hold those parts

of Yugoslavia not readily accessible from the main railroads and highways. Even in nearby

Slovenia, which had been divided among Germany, Italy and Hungary, anti-Axis activities were

constantly disrupting German-Italian communications.

Likewise in France the Italian occupation army had its troubles with the resistance movements

among the local population. French patriotic activities were especially troublesome in the

mountainous region of Savoy. At the end of March the Nazis were reported to be demanding of

the Vichy Government the labor of 100,000 Frenchmen in order to fortify the southern Italian

coast against the expected Allied invasion from North Africa.

Limited Diplomatic Relations.

Japan.

The number of countries with which Italy maintained diplomatic relations could almost be

counted on the fingers of two hands. In fact, practically all of her diplomatic activity was limited

to her relations with Germany and Japan. On January 14 the Italian government announced that it

had informed the puppet régime of Wang Ching-wei at Nanking that Italy was surrendering her

extraterritorial rights in China and her concession — only a few acres in extent — at Tientsin.

On January 20 the three major Axis powers signed a pact at Rome by which they promised to

pool their economic resources for a common victory. This would seem to have been a rather

empty gesture as far as Japan was concerned, since the only way that she could exchange goods

with her European partners was by means of a few blockade-runners, most of which were being

intercepted by the vigilance of the Allied navies.

Italo-German Relations.

After the fall of Tripoli on January 23 and under the shadow of the inevitable collapse of Axis

resistance in Tunisia, the Fascist Government came under increasing pressure to explore the

possibility of getting Italy out of the war on favorable terms. In mid-February Virginio Gayda

was reported to have suggested in his Giornale d'Italia that Italy might make peace with the

United States and Great Britain but never with Russia. However, on the following day official

quarters in both Berlin and Rome disavowed any such démarche. Apparently the Nazis were

disturbed by Italy's behavior, for on March 1 it was announced in Rome that Ribbentrop, Hitler's

Foreign Minister, had been there for five days of political-military talks, which were advertised

as the Axis answer to the Casablanca Conference in January. It was reported — by the usual

'reliably informed sources' — that Ribbentrop had presented German demands that Italy send

50,000 additional workers to Germany; that 15 more Italian divisions be shipped to Russia; that

more energy be injected into the campaign against Allied naval power in the Mediterranean; and

that with the help of the Gestapo the Italian secret police (known as the OVRA) show more

activity in running down defeatist and anti-German elements. Late in March Admiral Doenitz

visited Rome, presumably to see if the Italian fleet could not be taken off the shelf and put to

work defending 'Festung Europa.'

Italo-German relations were further complicated during the spring by the question of commercial

debts, decreased German coal deliveries, and the inability (or unwillingness) of Italy to export all

the food which the Germans demanded. Clearly the Fascist government was finding it

increasingly difficult to satisfy its northern partner.

Between April 7 and 10 Hitler and Mussolini staged one of their periodic meetings. The

communiqué issued at its close was entirely noncommittal, merely reporting that the two leaders

were 'in complete agreement.' Since they were accompanied by both their military and

diplomatic advisers it can be assumed that they went over the whole war situation. Perhaps Hitler

brought pressure on Mussolini to keep Italy in the war. In any event, it is quite certain that the

conversations took the usual form of Hitler telling Mussolini what was expected of him.

According to statements made by Marshal Badoglio after the fall of II Duce, the Italian

representatives at these Axis conclaves were not permitted to enter Hitler's presence without first

being searched. This revelation exemplifies the degree of confidence existing between the

partners.

Devastation of Aerial Attacks.

As the winter turned into spring, southern Italian cities received more and more aerial pounding.

On February 7 Naples was heavily bombed. On March 31 the biggest raid thus far mounted from

North Africa struck the port of Cagliari and nearby airfields, sinking at least five Italian ships.

Naples was hit again on April 4, and, on April 10 Flying Fortresses sank the cruiser Trieste at the

naval base of La Maddalena off the north shore of Sardinia. A constant war of attrition was also

waged against Italian shipping by Allied planes and submarines. By the end of April Allied

sources estimated that during the first four months of 1943 the Axis had lost over 50,000 tons of

shipping, sunk or seriously damaged, in the Mediterranean. Altogether some two-thirds of the

Italian merchant marine had by that time been destroyed. The Italian navy likewise suffered

losses whenever it showed itself at sea. Indeed, the R.A.F. caught it at its bases, notably at La

Spezia on April 19. During the attempts to evacuate Rommel's Italo-German army from Tunisia

several dozen Italian ships were sent to the bottom, some by Allied planes, some by Allied

submarines. By the middle of May the Fascist military machine had practically gone to pieces.

Its attempt to hold the empire in Africa had failed, even though Mussolini declared from his

balcony at the Palazzo Venezia on May 5 that 'Italy must and will return to Africa.' The

celebration of 'Empire Day' on May 9 left most Italians quite unimpressed.

Increasing Unrest.

Meanwhile the débâcle in Tunisia plunged the country into even deeper gloom. All sorts of

rumors flew about the country: that King Victor Emmanuel was about to abdicate; that Marshal

Badoglio had been called from retirement to take over the remnants of Italy's armed forces; that

the country was about to be invaded, etc., etc. Clearly Fascism had thoroughly discredited itself,

and the question uppermost in the mind of almost every Italian was: how could Italy get out of

the war? But, with more than half of the Italian divisions outside of the country, and with the

German Army and Gestapo in control of the Italian peninsula, the task of extricating Italy from

her Axis alliance seemed well-nigh hopeless.

Reports coming out of Italy by way of Switzerland in the middle of May stated that at the King's

intervention the conduct of the war had been taken over by Marshals Caviglia, Graziani, De

Bono and Cavallero (who had been succeeded late in January as Chief of Staff by General

Vittorio Ambrosio). All except the first of these four officers owed their advancement to the

Fascist Party. If such a quadrumvirate had in fact been created, it was obviously for the purpose

of 'fronting' for the disintegrating Fascist régime itself. A notable omission was Marshal

Badoglio, known to be at odds with Mussolini.

Stepped-up Air War.

Meanwhile the tempo of Allied bombings on Italian cities increased. Grosseto, not far from

Rome, was bombed on May 20 — a day on which the Allies destroyed no less than 113 planes

over Italy. During the three days May 20-22 285 Axis planes were downed. On the 24th Cagliari

and various airports in Sardinia were again heavily bombed, leading to a mass exodus from the

Sardinian capital. (When Allied troops arrived there in September, this city of 80,000 was

destroyed and utterly deserted.) On the 28th the port of Leghorn and its oil refineries were hit.

On the 30th 100 Flying Fortresses struck at Naples and on the following day a heavy attack was

made on Foggia. The latter, in addition to being one of the principal rail centers of southeastern

Italy, was the focus of a network of Fascist airfields and dispersal areas.

Talk of a Separate Peace.

The air war waged against Italian cities brought to light the fact that the Fascist government had

never made more than the most perfunctory efforts to provide adequate protection for the civilian

population, either in the form of shelters or anti-aircraft defense. This only helped increase the

demands for peace, which in a number of cities were reported to have taken the form of

demonstrations and even riots. In spite of hints that Italy might be separated from the rest of the

Axis by a lenient peace, the Allies continued to proclaim that nothing short of unconditional

surrender would be acceptable. Foreign Minister Eden, speaking at Portsmouth on May 29,

declared that Italy would be bombed relentlessly until she ran up the white flag. He reminded his

listeners that Mussolini had asked Hitler for the privilege of helping the Nazis bomb London.

'We have not forgotten that,' said Mr. Eden.

On June 11, at the moment of Pantelleria's capitulation, President Roosevelt openly invited the

Italian people to revolt against Mussolini and expel the Germans. He told the Italians that they

had been betrayed by the Fascist Party and that if they would forsake it for the United Nations,

Italy would be restored to her place as 'a respected member' of the European family of nations.

Five weeks later, on July 16, President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill again called upon

the Italian people to revolt in a jointly prepared message distributed over Italy by Allied planes.

This exhortation, prompted by the success of the invasion of Sicily, promised the Italians that

unless they forsook their Axis partner they would suffer even more grievous punishment.

Interestingly enough, this proclamation was reproduced in Italian newspapers on orders from the

government, probably because so many Italians had already seen copies of the air-borne leaflet.

Two days later Carlo Scorza, Secretary General of the Fascist Party, rejected the Roosevelt-

Churchill message over the radio 'in the name of the Black Shirt militia,' and called for renewed

resistance against the invaders.

Naval and Military Targets.

Meanwhile new and heavier blows had fallen on Italy from the air and from the sea. On June 5

three battleships were hit by Flying Fortresses at the naval base of La Spezia. On the 24th the

British Admiralty reported that thirteen more Axis ships had recently been sunk in the

Mediterranean, including an Italian auxiliary cruiser. Four days later Leghorn was blasted again.

On July 17 Naples was subjected to the heaviest raid thus far delivered from North Africa. No

less than 500 bombers rained destruction down on her vital communications and war production

centers.

Rome Attacked.

The climax came on July 19 when Rome itself was bombed. The American fliers who

participated in this raid had been especially trained and specifically instructed to hit only certain

definite military targets, such as the San Lorenzo and Littorio freight yards and the Ciampino

airfield. Nevertheless, in spite of this careful planning and execution, the Italians asserted that

various historical buildings had been hit and damaged, notably the ancient Church of San

Lorenzo Fuori le Mura. The reaction of world opinion was divided, though on the whole it

supported the Allied contention that Rome, not having been declared an open city in spite of

repeated suggestions, was a legitimate military target. Pope Pius XII deplored the raid and

expressed his regret that it had been found necessary. As a result of the bombing many civilians

fled from the city.

Domestic Situation.

The natural accompaniment of this aerial warfare on Italian cities was a constantly increasing

effort by the Fascist régime to keep the domestic situation from getting out of hand. On April 16

Carmine Senise, chief of the Italian police, was reported to have been replaced by Renzo

Chierici, a Fascist hierarch believed to be a close collaborator of the Nazis. On the following day

Aldo Vidussoni was replaced as Secretary General of the Fascist Party by Carlo Scorza, his

Vice-Secretary. On the 18th Carlo Tiengo, who had served as Minister of Corporations for only

three months, was reported to have been replaced by Tullio Ciannetti. These and other changes

were presumed to indicate a constant search by Mussolini for men on whom he could rely

through thick and thin.

An official statement issued by the British Ministry of Economic Warfare at the end of April

declared that the Italians were getting little more food than were the conquered peoples. For

example, their bread ration was 37 ounces a week, only half of the German allotment. Their meat

ration was five to seven ounces a week, while three and one half ounces constituted the fat

allotment. Moreover, other sources indicated that food conditions in Italy were steadily getting

worse, due in no small part to the heavy shipments of foodstuffs to Germany. At the same time,

in spite of all sorts of government decrees and regulations, prices continued to rise as goods

became scarcer. Black markets flourished, some of them operating under the protection of

Fascist heirarchs. It was natural, therefore, that there should have been growing signs of labor

unrest and the spread of defeatist sentiment among all classes of people, even in the Party itself.

To eliminate the latter, both Mussolini and Secretary General Scorza threatened to carry out a

drastic purge of unworthy Fascist elements.

By early June the situation had become alarming. The transportation system was cracking up

under the constant hammering of Allied bombers and the unfulfillable demands of military

traffic. The export of food to Germany was therefore 'temporarily suspended,' perhaps in partial

retaliation for Germany's failure to deliver 1,000,000 tons of coal each month as agreed. But this

measure did not relieve the food crisis in the larger cities and the government therefore prepared

to seize all stocks of cereals. On top of everything else came the threat of inflation, which indeed

was already a reality by this time. Ostensibly as a means of controlling this inflation, the

government announced on June 4 that it was floating a 10,000,000,000 lire loan. At the end of

the month Baron Acerbo, Minister of Finance, declared that the loan had been oversubscribed by

some 20 per cent. Some idea of the state of the Italian Treasury may be gained by the report,

published by the Badoglio Government on August 4, that the internal state debt of Italy

amounted to 405,823,000,000 lire, and that the deficit foreseen for 1943 was 86,000,000,000 lire.

'Fascist Directorate.'

While Mussolini sought frantically to bolster his tottering government by carrying out wholesale

purges of the Party, the King seems to have become more and more the pivot of a competing

régime. He held his own privy councils, issued his own statements, and surrounded himself with

his own military advisers. Some of the more ardent and intransigent Fascist chiefs, in an attempt

to keep their régime intact, met in a three-day session ending June 12. They concluded by

drawing up a nine-point memorandum of almost ultimative character, which they presented to Il

Duce. This 'Fascist directorate,' as it was described, asked for the honor of assuming the entire

responsibility for the defense of the fatherland. After condemning various current forms of

bureaucracy and complacency, it demanded the severe repression of defeatist elements, the

suppression of black markets, and the closing of all deluxe hotels, cafés and other unnecessary

extravagances. It also called for the expulsion of undesirable foreigners (this apparently did not

refer to the Nazis) and demanded that compulsory war labor service be instituted. This was a

very strong statement, and the fact that the Fascist leaders felt compelled to draw it up shows the

extent to which Mussolini's prestige and control of the Party had weakened. On June 17 a report

came from Berne that Scorza had assumed temporary dictatorial powers in domestic affairs.

Since there had been no reply to the directorate's memorandum it was even suggested that

Mussolini had been incapacitated from governing. However, on the 24th Il Duce addressed the

directorate, seeking to answer the issues raised in its memorandum. He admitted the justice of

some of the points, such as the necessity for suppressing the black market. But on the whole his

replies were not very convincing and must have persuaded the directorate that they could no

longer expect real leadership from the Dictator.

Mussolini Voted Down.

The invasion of Sicily on July 10 stunned the Italian people and sent Mussolini's stock even

lower. The underground groups in Italy, taking advantage of the growing confusion, decided in

mid-July to merge into one Partito d'Azione, whose aim would be to overthrow Fascism and set

up a democratic republic. Apparently in one last effort to retrieve his position, Mussolini met

with Hitler in northern Italy on July 19 — the day that Rome was first bombed. Evidently the

Führer told his Italian Gauleiter that Germany was not prepared to defend southern Italy and that

the Italians must therefore get ready to lose that part of the country in order to consolidate a line

of resistance somewhere in the north. At any rate, whatever the nature of Hitler's orders to his

satellite, they proved unacceptable to the majority of the leaders of the Fascist Party. On the

night of July 24, after a heated discussion among some two dozen of the Party's leaders,

Mussolini was voted down by a reported majority of 19 to 5. The opposition included such

Fascist stalwarts as Count Grandi and Il Duce's own son-in-law, Count Ciano. Only Farinacci

and a handful of rabid pro-Nazis supported the falling dictator. At least this is the story insofar as

one can reconstruct it at the present time from the meager sources available, including statements

made by Marshal Badoglio in October.

Mussolini Arrested.

The announcement that the King had 'accepted the resignations' of Mussolini and his cabinet was

made over the Rome radio on July 25 at 11 P. M. Rome time. It was also announced that Victor

Emmanuel had asked Marshal Badoglio to form a military government to replace the Fascist

régime. This was one of the most startling events of recent years, for hardly anyone had ever

imagined that a dictator could be ousted from office by such a simple expedient as 'accepting his

resignation.' Several conflicting versions of the actual events of July 25 came out of Italy during

the subsequent weeks. Many details still remain to be filled in. The main picture, however, seems

to be clear. As already indicated, Mussolini was out-voted in his own Fascist Grand Council by

his own collaborators. Their hope apparently was to keep the régime intact, but under their own

rather than Mussolini's control. Instead, the King took advantage of the situation and had

Mussolini arrested after a brief interview in which Il Duce was told that his resignation had been

'accepted.' The fallen dictator was taken away in an ambulance in the custody of the carabinieri,

first to a place in or near Rome, then for a time on the island of Ponza northwest of Naples, from

which he was removed to northern Sardinia, and finally to the Grand Sasso d'Italia in the

Abruzzi. It was from this latter place, as will be mentioned below, that he was rescued by Nazi

paratroopers. Many predictions have been made as to what would be the end of Mussolini, but

hardly anyone had foreseen anything so anti-climactic as his 'resignation,' arrest and

imprisonment virtually without a shot being fired. The sudden and tame end of Il Duce's

dictatorial career must have been a rude shock to his Nazi partner. For the fall of Mussolini could

not fail to depress the stock of dictators everywhere.

Italy after Fall of Mussolini.

The great question in everyone's mind was, of course, what effect the fall of Mussolini would

have on Italy's role in the war. Would she continue to honor her treaty of alliance with Germany?

Would she seek the status of a neutral? Or would she try to go over to the Allies in an effort to be

on the winning side? For a time the new government went through the verbal motions of abiding

by the German alliance. There was obviously no other course it could follow, since the country

was filled with German troops and Gestapo agents. The Badoglio Government nevertheless soon

began to show signs of seeking the role of a neutral, or at least of a non-belligerent, though it

must have known that under the circumstances this was a political and military impossibility.

Meanwhile the fall of Mussolini was welcomed throughout the country with joyous

demonstrations of relief. Immediately newspapers and political organizations of all stripes sprang

up, particularly in the north and among Liberal and Leftist groups. The Partito d'Azione issued a

proclamation from Turin calling for positive action by the government to obtain peace and

reestablish democratic institutions. Fearing an outbreak of extensive disorders and a general

disintegration of government, Badoglio placed the country under martial law. On July 26 the

composition of his 'temporary military government' was announced, consisting largely of

generals. Yet the country showed that it had no desire whatsoever to continue the war, as the

many peace demonstrations, which took place despite the new government's prohibition of them,

amply indicated. Some observers, searching history for analogies, described Badoglio alternately

as the Italian Kerensky, Prince Max of Baden, Pétain, or even Darlan.

From the Allied side there was no reason to believe that Italy could obtain peace on any other

terms than those of unconditional surrender laid down at Casablanca. On July 27 Winston

Churchill, addressing the House of Commons, declared that unless Italy broke her alliance with

Germany she would be 'seared and scarred and blackened.' President Roosevelt, speaking over

the radio the following day, reiterated that unconditional surrender was the only way out open to

Italy, and he promised that Mussolini would be 'brought to book.' Meanwhile Signor Guariglia,

newly appointed Foreign Minister in the Badoglio government, was reported as declaring in

Istanbul and Sofia (while en route to Rome from his former post in Ankara) that Italy fully

intended to fight on as a German ally.

However, despite these protestations of loyalty to the Axis, the Badoglio government was unable

to prevent the disintegration of the Italian forces in the Balkans, estimated to number over 30

divisions. Some of these troops remained loyal to Axis commanders, others showed no such

inclination and were disarmed by the Germans, some even were reported to have gone over to

the Partisan forces of General Tito — e.g., the Venezia Division. Many simply melted away

toward home.

Political Confusion and 'Peace Strikes.'

On July 27 new peace riots were reported in northern Italian cities, in the course of which a

number of prominent Fascists were said to have been killed. The crowds battled troops in those

areas where military discipline was still maintained. Elsewhere the Badoglio government found

it necessary to send in the police, who had fewer qualms about firing on the populace. In general

the situation in northern Italy was thoroughly confused, with some divisions and regiments

reported to be actively resisting the influx of German troops. For a time it even appeared that the

Italian forces might be able to cut the German lifeline through the Brenner Pass. But the Nazis

quickly took over key points, particularly in northeastern Italy, such as at the ports of Trieste and

Fiume. The Badoglio government was thus faced with Allied invasion in the south and a

renewed Nazi invasion in the north. On July 28 the Cabinet officially decreed the legal end of the

Fascist Party, and on the following day it dissolved the Chamber of Fasces and Corporations.

The Senate, though not dissolved, was closed; while various other repressive measures were

taken throughout the country. By August 1 order was reported to have been restored in northern

Italy, only to have 'peace strikes' break out anew two days later, to the accompaniment of

demands for the abdication of the King and the end of the Badoglio régime.

Allied Offers.

With the fall of Mussolini the Allied aerial war against Italy was abated in the hope that such

action would encourage the people and government of Italy to capitulate. On July 29 General

Eisenhower broadcast congratulations to the Italian people on their overthrow of Mussolini. He

promised them that if they would desert Germany they would not only receive honorable terms

but would obtain Allied help in ridding the country of the Nazi invaders. He also held out the

prospect that Italian prisoners would return to their homes. Secretary Hull, in a statement issued

shortly afterwards, expressed the hope that Italy would accept this generous offer. On the 31st

the Allies again warned Italy that she must make her choice. It was pointed out to her that the

inactivity of the Badoglio government and the failure of the Nazi forces to withdraw from the

country gave the Allies no alternative but to resume the large-scale raids which they had broken

off on the 25th. Again on August 2 Italy was warned that she could expect heavier and more

devastating raids than any she had thus far experienced. On August 8, no acceptable peace

propositions having been received from Rome, heavy Allied raids were made on Milan, Turin

and Genoa.

German Pressure.

During the first days of August the Nazis, who by then had recovered from their surprise, began

exerting severe political and military pressure on the Badoglio government. More Nazi troops

poured into northern Italy as well as into those Balkan areas formerly garrisoned by Italian

forces. On August 6 Ribbentrop was reported to be at Verona in conference with Signor

Guariglia. It can be taken for granted that the Nazi diplomat used every available argument and

threat to keep Italy in line.

On August 10 Badoglio's Interior Minister, Signor Fornaciari, resigned in protest against 'the

continued administration of civilian affairs by the military.' This was taken to indicate that the

hopes of Italian liberals and democrats had not been fulfilled by the new government.

Considering the condition into which the country had been plunged by Mussolini's reckless

foreign policy, and in view of the fact that there were twenty or more Nazi divisions in Italy, it is

not surprising that some of these hopes were unfulfilled.

On August 13 Milan was set afire by the biggest raid yet to strike Italy. Turin and Rome were

also bombed. On the 14th the Badoglio government declared Rome an open city. By mid-August

Milan had been subjected to ten heavy raids, Genoa to thirteen, and Turin to twenty-two, and the

people of these cities had clearly had enough. By August 16 they had had more than enough,

when the worst raid of the war in Italy created widespread panic. Clearly the Badoglio

government would have to get Italy out of the war at once if it wished to preserve even a

semblance of control over its own people.

Fascist 'Iron Guard.'

For their part, the old guard of diehard Fascists tried desperately to salvage something from the

débâcle. Late in August former Secretary General Farinacci, a rabid anti-Semite and pro-Nazis,

was reported to be organizing a Fascist 'Iron Guard' in Germany. The fate of many of the high

officials of the former Fascist regime was clouded in mystery, though rumors were rife that some

of them had been imprisoned, or even executed. Practically all information about events in Axis-

held Italy came via Switzerland and had to be taken with several grains of salt. The one thing

that seemed perfectly clear was that the Italian people desperately wanted to get out of the war

on almost any terms. On September 5 the Rome radio renewed once more the plea for an

'honorable peace.' Two days previously the Eighth Army had crossed the Strait of Messina and

had begun to push its way up the Calabrian Peninsula. At the same time the spokesman for the

Badoglio government declared that Italy wanted to have nothing to do with Communist Russia,

and that it strenuously objected to the participation of the Soviet Union in the Allied

Mediterranean Commission which had recently been set up to deal inter alia with Italian affairs.

Italy Surrenders Unconditionally.

On Sept. 8 General Eisenhower and Marshal Badoglio made the electric announcement that Italy

had surrendered unconditionally. The armistice had in fact been signed on September 3 after

desultory negotiations covering several weeks. The terms of Eisenhower's armistice had been

approved by the American, British and Soviet governments. In his broadcast to the Italian people

he declared that those of them who 'act to help eject the German aggressor from Italian soil will

have the assistance and support of the United Nations.' Marshal Badoglio in his broadcast,

delivered shortly after that of Eisenhower, declared that it had become impossible for Italy to

continue 'the unequal struggle against the overwhelming power of the enemy,' and that to save

Italy from greater harm he had asked for the armistice. He declared that Italian forces would

cease hostilities against Anglo-American troops, but that they would, however, 'oppose attack

from any quarter,' which presumably referred to the Germans.

'Military Armistice.'

The negotiations to get Italy out of the war had begun during the first week of August by way of

Madrid and Lisbon. The Italians at first tried to hold out for more advantageous terms than

unconditional surrender, but were finally convinced that peace on any terms was preferable to

the state of chaos and anarchy into which the country had fallen. The negotiations were almost

entirely conducted by the military commanders, and it was properly described as a 'military

armistice.' The exact text of the armistice was not published. However, the following summary

of its essential provisions was issued by General Eisenhower's headquarters:

(1) Immediate cessation of all hostile activity by Italian armed forces.

(2) Italy will use its best endeavours to deny to Germans facilities that might be used against the

United Nations.

(3) All prisoners or internees of the United Nations immediately to be turned over to the allied

Commander-in-Chief and none of these may now, or at any time, be evacuated to Germany.

(4) Immediate transfer of the Italian fleet and Italian aircraft to such points as may be designated

by the Allied Commander-in-Chief with details of disarmament so prescribed.

(5) Italian merchant shipping may be requisitioned by the Allied Commander-in-Chief to meet

the need of the military and naval programme.

(6) Immediate surrender of Corsica and all Italian territory, both of islands and mainland, to the

Allies for such use as operational bases and other purposes as the Allies may see fit.

(7) Immediate guarantee of free use by the Allies of all airfields and naval ports in Italian

territory, regardless of the rate of evacuation of Italian territory by German forces. These ports

and fields to be protected by Italian armed forces until this function is taken over by the Allies.

(8) The immediate withdrawal to Italy of Italian armed forces from all participation in the current

war from whatever area wherein they may now be engaged.

(9) Guarantee by the Italian Government that if necessary it will employ all available armed

forces to ensure prompt and exact compliance with all provisions of this armistice.

(10) The Commander-in-Chief of the Allied forces reserves to himself the right to take any

measure which in his opinion may be necessary for the protection and interests of the Allied

forces for the prosecution of the war, and the Italian Government binds itself to take such

administrative or other action as the Commander-in-Chief may require, and, in particular, the

Commander-in-Chief will establish Allied military government over such parts of Italian

territory as he may deem necessary in the military interests of the Allied nations.

(11) The Commander-in-Chief of the Allied forces will have full right to impose the measures of

disarmament, demobilization and demilitarization.

(12) Other conditions of political, economic and financial nature, with which Italy will be bound

to comply, will be transmitted at a later date.

(13) The conditions of the present armistice will not be made public without the prior approval of

the Allied Commander-in-Chief. The English version will be considered the official text.

The Allies made absolutely no commitments to Italy, and even stipulated that the armistice was

not to be announced until a time that suited their own plans. Thus, though the armistice was

signed on September 3 — the day Montgomery's Eighth Army crossed the Strait of Messina into

Calabria — it was not announced until September 8, a few hours before the Allies made a

landing in force near Salerno, south of Naples. The announcement of the armistice was

accompanied by two appeals from Allied headquarters. One of these was to the Italian people,

made by both radio and leaflets dropped from airplanes, asking them to give no aid to the

Germans but rather to engage in sabotage against the Nazi war machine. The second appeal was

to the Italian navy, asking it to surrender to the Allied forces. This appeal, made by Admiral

Cunningham, gave the Italian fleet exact instructions on how to reach Allied bases in order to

capitulate. A similar plea was made to the Italian merchant fleet.

The Nazis were of course infuriated by this 'open treason.' The demonstrations of joy which

broke out in all Italian cities after the announcement of the armistice were met by the Nazis with

force. The Germans declared that henceforth they would practice 'no more tolerance' in their

dealings with the Italian population. Nazi troops occupied the principal Italian cities, and many

anti-Fascist leaders were arrested. One report stated that some 4,000 'anti-Fascist hostages' were

taken into custody within an hour after the announcement of the armistice. All of those Italian

anti-Fascist leaders who had shown their hand during the 'forty days' of freedom after the fall of

Mussolini now had to go underground or flee abroad to escape the Nazi terror. Others were not

so fortunate and lost their lives. In this way many of the men who could have led the revival of

democratic Italy were exterminated. In some respects this was the greatest tragedy of all that has

befallen Italy.

Italian forces still stationed in the Balkans and in the Aegean area were ordered by General Sir

Henry Maitland Wilson, British Commander-in-Chief for the Middle East, to cease hostilities but

to maintain discipline and resist all German efforts to capture or disarm them. Italian ships and

airplanes in the area were ordered to flee to the nearest Allied port or airfield. In particular

General Wilson instructed the Italian forces to seize control of the Dodecanese Islands from the

Nazi garrisons stationed there.

Nazi Occupation of Rome.

On Sept. 10 Nazi forces occupied Rome after desultory resistance by Italian troops loyal to the

Badoglio régime. The King and his government were obliged to flee to Apulia. On the same day

Hitler made a broadcast in which he sought to minimize the effect of Italy's defection from the

Axis. He praised Mussolini but said that the Germans had been doing most of the fighting in

Italy anyway, and that the armistice would have little effect upon the course of the war. In fact,

he indicated that Germany was better off now that she was no longer saddled with an Italian ally.

Outside observers pointed out that Germany no longer had to supply Italy with coal, oil, iron and

steel products, and many other strategic materials. At the same time the chaos into which

northern Italy had fallen, plus the constant bombing by Allied planes, had greatly reduced the

industrial output of that region. Apparently the Germans sought to offset some of this loss by

seizing able-bodied Italians for forced labor in Germany and elsewhere in the Nazi Lebensraum.

Surrender of Italian Navy.

The appeal to the Italian fleet turned out to be more successful than most Allied leaders had

dared hope. By Sept. 10 Italian ships began streaming into Malta and other Allied ports in the

Mediterranean, after escaping capture by the Nazis. A few of the vessels chose to be interned in

Spanish waters, and certain others in Turkish ports. One battleship, the Roma, was sunk by Nazi

divebombers en route from La Spezia to Malta. By September 14 some 110 Italian naval vessels

were in Allied hands, with still others to follow. The final score of naval booty included 6

battleships, 8 cruisers, 19 submarines and 27 destroyers. In addition a number of merchant ships

and transports gave themselves up. In all the Allies acquired approximately 70,000 tons of usable

merchant shipping, though only a part of this consisted of ships large enough for oceanic

operations. The Rex was seized by the Germans at Trieste, while the Conte di Savoia was

reported to have been scuttled by its crew at Venice.

Mystery of Mussolini.

The question asked on all sides was — what had become of Mussolini? The Germans gave the

answer on September 12, when they declared that he had been freed by Nazi parachutists from

his place of captivity on the Grand Sasso in central Italy. Pictures, including movies, later

released by the Nazis, showed Hitler welcoming a greatly emaciated and aged Duce in Germany.

Thereafter reports persisted that he was ill, that he had had several operations, that he was

paralyzed, that he was insane, that indeed he was dead. In any event, he sedulously avoided

public appearances. On September 18 a speech emanating from a Nazi-controlled radio station

called upon the Italians to fight against the Allies and the 'traitor' Victor Emmanuel. The Nazis

said that the speaker was Il Duce, though many who listened failed to detect any resemblance to

the Mussolini of old.

Second Armistice Agreement.

On Sept. 11 the King and Marshal Badoglio urged all Italians to fight against the Germans. By

that time, however, most of the Italian forces in northern Italy seem to have surrendered to the

Nazis or to have simply disintegrated and gone home. Still, reports indicated that in the hills

several groups of guerrilla troops were harassing the Germans. Though Badoglio repeated his

call for resistance against the Germans in a proclamation on Sept. 20, the prevailing opinion

among American and British soldiers was that they would prefer to fight the war without having

the Italians as allies or co-belligerents. On September 29 the Allies signed with Marshal

Badoglio a second armistice agreement consisting of forty clauses covering questions of a

political, economic and financial nature — the September 3 agreement having covered only

military matters.

As was mentioned above, Montgomery's Eighth Army of British and Canadian troops crossed

the Strait of Messina to the toe of Calabria on September 3. This movement had been prepared

by unceasing air attacks against the few communication lines which led into the peninsula, as

well as by naval bombardments against some of the south Italian principal ports. For example, on

August 31 the British warships Nelson and Rodney delivered a severe bombardment north of

Reggio, where the Eighth Army was to land on the 3rd. Only desultory resistance was met, since

the Axis forces obviously had no intention of trying to hold the peninsula. Columns of British

troops therefore moved north and east along both coasts at a fairly rapid pace.

Salerno.

The amphibious operation which resulted in the establishment of an Anglo-American beachhead

near Salerno was carried out by a large number of Allied ships and three divisions of troops —

two of them British and one American. Unfortunately the Allies did not achieve tactical surprise,

and thus found the Germans waiting for them in well-entrenched positions. The Luftwaffe also

enjoyed the advantage of being much closer to its bases, since Salerno was almost out of range

for the Allied fighters operating from Sicily. General Clark's Fifth Army thus had to slug it out

under adverse circumstances. For several days the battle was a seesaw, and at one time the

Germans almost succeeded in cutting through the American lines to divide the Allied beachhead

into two parts. This disaster was averted by quick and heroic action, and by the 16th the tide had

definitely turned against the Nazis. On the following day units of the Eighth Army, which had

been rushing up the Calabrian Peninsula, made contact with the Fifth Army south of Salerno.

Capture of Vital Points.

Meanwhile other units of the Eighth Army had taken Taranto on September 9 with the assistance

of the British Navy. Three days later the port of Brindisi on the Adriatic coast was occupied. The

first reports to come from the Mediterranean after the announcement of the armistice had Allied

forces landing at Genoa, Pisa, Civitavecchia, Gaeta, Naples and other central and northern Italian

ports. These rumors proved to be without foundation. However, Flying Fortresses scored heavily

when on September 8 they bombed and virtually destroyed the headquarters of the German

Army in the resort town of Frascati.

In Sardinia the German forces were driven out by Italian troops. Some of the Nazis ejected from

the island managed to escape to Corsica, where they ran into French resistance. For some time

many Corsican patriots had been carrying on a guerrilla war against the German and Italian

occupation forces. On September 20 French commandos from North Africa were landed, as well

as an American unit. By October 5 the Nazi troops had been forced either to flee or to capitulate.

Though there were some 80,000 Italian troops on the island, they played little part in this

campaign. They had not, however, endeared themselves to the Corsican population, which

demanded in no uncertain terms that they be repatriated to Italy at the earliest possible moment.

On the mainland it had become evident by September 20 that the Nazis were preparing to

evacuate Naples. Following their scorched earth policy, they looted and gutted this third largest

city in Italy. Large-scale demolitions were carried out in all areas remotely susceptible of

military use, particularly the port zone. Docks and warehouses were thoroughly demolished,

while the harbor was studded with sunken ships. Looting was carried out on a large scale. On the

22nd the important rail junction of Potenza was taken by the Eighth Army, and five days later

Foggia fell. The airfields near the latter were found to have been extensively damaged, but were

quickly repaired by R.A.F. engineers.

Capture of Naples.

On Oct. 1 Naples was entered by the Fifth Army, to the immense joy of the populace. The

sanitary and food conditions in the city were found to be desperate — the Nazis having destroyed

aqueducts, sewers, electric plants, and every other form of public utility found in a large modern

city. Officers of the Allied Military Government were faced with the gigantic task of repairing

this destruction, preventing epidemics, and supplying the people with food. Worst of all, they

had to perform these miracles despite the disorientation and apathy of the city's inhabitants.

Some of the Neapolitans, as Allied officers later discovered, had fought valiantly against the

Nazi rear guard. On the whole, however, the civilian population seemed so stunned by the

combination of Allied bombing and Nazi looting that it merely participated in events as

unwilling and apathetic bystanders. Among the German atrocities perpetuated against the city

should be noted the explosion of a time-bomb in the new Post Office on October 7, in which

more than 100 people lost their lives.

Leaving part of his forces behind to clean up Naples and consolidate the territory already gained,

General Clark sent the bulk of the Fifth Army in pursuit of the Nazis towards the Volturno River.

The ancient city of Capua was taken on October 8, while Caserta with its immense royal palace

fell on the 9th. But the campaign by now had bogged down with the arrival of the rainy season.

Nazi resistance stiffened, and for the rest of the year the advance of the Fifth and Eighth Armies

was measured in short distances. The terrain consisted of the mountainous backbone of Italy,

where roads were few and in the mud and snow of winter virtually impassable. The 'road to

Rome' proved to be more formidable than had been anticipated, and by the end of 1943 the Fifth

Army was still standing before Cassino, while the Eighth Army on the Adriatic had not yet

reached Pescara. Nor were all air victories scored by the Allies, for on December 2 the Luftwaffe

attacked the east coast port of Bari, sinking 17 Allied ships, including five American

merchantmen.

Supreme Invasion Command.

President Roosevelt, who had visited Sicily briefly during his return trip from the Cairo and

Teheran conferences, revealed in his Christmas broadcast that General Eisenhower had been

appointed to act as supreme commander of the Allied forces destined to open the long-awaited

Second Front on the Continent opposite England. Late in December a number of high American

and British officers, including General Montgomery, who had served on General Eisenhower's

staff in the Mediterranean, were chosen to accompany him to Britain to prepare for this gigantic

operation. By the end of the year it had become obvious that the Italian theatre of operations was

only of secondary importance, and that the curtain on the big show was about to go up in

northwestern Europe. Nevertheless, the Fifth and Eighth Armies continued to edge ahead in the

forbiddingly cold and wet mountains of central Italy.

The disintegration of the Italian armies after the announcement of the Badoglio-Eisenhower

armistice on September 8 created a highly confused situation in the Dodecanese and on other

Aegean islands. One of the objectives which General Wilson had in mind when he issued his

orders to the Italian occupation forces was to obtain their cooperation in an attempt to oust the

Nazis from the Aegean area. On some of the islands Italian troops went over to the Allies, and

the Middle East Command sent in planes and a handful of troops to assist them. This was the

case on Castelrosso, Samos, Kos, Leros and perhaps a few others. Leros was the site of an

important naval base, while on Kos there was an airfield used by Allied planes. On Rhodes,

however, the Germans soon gained the upper hand, thus preventing the Allies from gaining a

foothold. Nevertheless, during the latter part of September Rhodes was bombed repeatedly by

Allied planes.

Fearing that this infiltration by British and Greek troops might be the opening wedge for an

invasion into the Balkans, the Nazis brought up reinforcements. On October 3 they attacked Kos,

taking it a few days later, allegedly through betrayal by certain Italian officers. A month later the

Nazis attacked Leros, which, after a stout resistance, was captured on November 17. Other

islands such as Samos fell shortly thereafter, and thus ended the ill-starred Allied attempt to gain

a foothold in the Aegean.

Italy's Temporary Government.

The liberation of southern Italy, together with the escape of King Victor Emmanuel and Marshal

Badoglio, inevitably created serious political problems for the United Nations. Obviously it was

impossible to hold elections, call a constituent assembly, or in any way set up a régime on a

democratic, representative basis. Nevertheless the Allies were bound by their declarations of war

aims at least to insure the end of Fascism and the creation of a political milieu in which the

Italians could begin reviving free institutions. With this end in view they permitted Count Carlo

Sforza, who for many years had been in exile, to return to Italy. Before the March on Rome

Count Sforza had been Foreign Minister of Italy. He was recognized as one of the outstanding

leaders of the anti-Fascist movement abroad. He arrived in Italy on October 18.

Meanwhile, on October 1 Badoglio had announced a preliminary cabinet list including General

Ambrosio, Chief of the General Staff; General Roatta, Chief of the Army Staff; Admiral de

Courtin, Minister of Navy; and General Sandalli, Minister of Air. This government operated on a

shoestring, with almost no funds or staff and without enjoying any real authority except in parts

of Apulia. In announcing the personnel of his government, Badoglio promised that his ultimate

aim was the establishment of a truly democratic régime. On October 2 the King radioed an

appeal to the Italian people asking for their support on behalf of the Allies and condemning the

'illegitimate shadow government' of Mussolini.

Italy Declares War on Germany.

On the 13th the 'Free Italian Government,' as it was sometimes referred to, finally declared war

on Germany. This step did not make Italy an ally of the United Nations, merely a co-belligerent.

It of course raised numerous problems such as the fate of the Italian prisoners in Allied hands,

the role of the Italian army and navy, and the Badoglio régime's diplomatic status. As for the

prisoners, their position was unaltered. Indeed, many of those in the United States showed no

desire to return to Italy to fight. Marshal Badoglio did, however, seek to reconstruct an Italian

army that could take its place on the firing line. Attempts in this direction were none too

successful, though by mid-December a few units were fighting near Cassino. As for the fleet, it

was assumed that at least some of it would be employed against the Japanese in the Indian and

Pacific Oceans.

Political Upheaval.

While the royal government was trying to assert its authority in southeastern Italy, Naples

became the center of agitation by the six liberal and democratic parties. In political outlook and

ideology these stretched all the way from what might be described as the Catholic Center to the

Communist. Nevertheless in spite of their doctrinal differences, they presented a common front

in calling for a truly democratic régime and in demanding the abdication of both Victor

Emmanuel and his son Prince Humbert. Count Sforza, after conferring with the King and

Badoglio on October 20, declared that he would not accept office under Victor Emmanuel.

Another of the liberal leaders in Naples was Senator Benedetto Croce, Italy's leading philosopher

and elder statesman. There appeared to be little real support for the monarchy, though it is, of

course, always possible that appearances were deceptive.

Declaration on Italy Signed at Moscow.

In any event, the Badoglio government existed largely by grace of the Allied Military Mission

which was attached to it. In this connection should be mentioned the Declaration on Italy signed

at Moscow during the conference there between Secretary of State Hull, British Foreign Minister

Eden and Molotov late in October. In this declaration, which was announced on November 1, the

United States and Great Britain asserted that their purpose and action in Italy had been aimed at

abolishing Fascism and giving the Italian people 'every opportunity to establish governmental

and other institutions based upon democratic principles.' To further this end the three principal

Allied governments agreed on the following measures:

(1) It is essential that the Italian government should be made more democratic by inclusion of

representatives of those sections of the Italian people who have always opposed Fascism.

(2) Freedom of speech, of religious worship, of political belief, of press and of public meetings

shall be restored in full measure to the Italian people, who shall also be entitled to form anti-

Fascist political groups.

(3) All institutions and organizations created by the Fascist régime shall be suppressed.

(4) All Fascist or pro-Fascist elements shall be removed from the administration and from

institutions and organizations of a public character.

(5) All political prisoners of the Fascist régime shall be released and accorded full amnesty.

(6) Democratic organs of local government shall be created.

(7) Fascist chiefs and army generals known or suspected to be war criminals shall be arrested and

handed over to justice.

Advisory Council for Italian Affairs.

At the same time it was decided that the Mediterranean Commission, recently set up by the

Allies, should be changed to an Advisory Council for Italian Affairs on which those of the

United Nations with Mediterranean interests should sit. This Council started its sessions towards

the end of the year. In addition to representatives of the United States, Great Britain and Russia,

there was a delegate from the French Committee of National Liberation. It was also announced

that Greek and Yugoslav delegates were soon to be added to the Council's personnel.

Neapolitan Reaction to the Monarchy.

On November 3 King Victor Emmanuel visited Naples. According to the correspondent of The

New York Times, his reception by the Neapolitans was very cool. But the report published in the

New York Herald Tribune stated that the monarch had received an enthusiastic ovation. The real

fact of the matter seems to have been that the mass of the Neapolitan population was not

interested in politics, but only in obtaining food, clothing and having their dwellings repaired

sufficiently to withstand the approaching winter. If the monarchy had few influential friends, the

liberals themselves seem to have consisted largely of small groups of intelligentsia. Early in

November the Badoglio government ordered the disbanding of the volunteer army which had

been organized around Naples by the liberal groups. General Basso, who had commanded in

Sicily, was sent to the Naples region as militia commander. Basso did not disguise his intention

of dealing firmly with liberal agitators, especially those who desired to overthrow the monarchy.

New Allied Control Commission.

On Nov. 9 General Eisenhower announced that a new Allied Control Commission was to take

the place of the Allied Military Mission. One of the principal objects of the new body was to

make the best use of Italy's economic resources. The Commission was expected to facilitate the

transfer of local administration from the AMG to Italian authorities. On December 17 the Allied

Advisory Council recommended that the southern provinces of the mainland (excluding those in

the battle area) as well as Sicily and Sardinia be turned back to Italian administration in accord

with the principles laid down in the Moscow Declaration. That the AMG still had heavy

responsibilities to discharge is indicated by the fact that early in December a typhus epidemic

broke out in Naples serious enough to cause General Clark to close the city to all members of the

Fifth Army. There also remained the task of feeding the liberated portions of Italy. Late in

December economic advisers of the AMG estimated that during the first part of 1944 liberated

Italy would require each month somewhere between 85,000 and 100,000 tons of foodstuffs from

abroad. This estimate was based on the fact that the Italian harvest for 1943 had been from 25 to

40 per cent below expectations. In December the American Government sent a special mission to

Italy under Adlai Stevenson to survey that country's economic situation for the Foreign

Economic Administration.

'Fascist Republic.'

As the year ended it was all too plain that 1944 would be for Italy the most disastrous in many

generations. After the announcement of the Badoglio government's defection from the Axis

alliance, the Nazis showed no consideration for Italian rights and property. The richest and most

populous parts of the country were under Nazi control, and within this German-occupied Italy

the inhabitants were treated as a conquered people. There was, to be sure, a puppet government

— Mussolini's 'Fascist Republic.' But this proved itself to be merely a tool for fastening Nazi

rule even more firmly on the people of unliberated Italy.

On October 8 the remnants of the Fascist régime were transferred north from Rome, the latter

being 'too close to the sea'! The constant sabotage carried on by anti-Fascist elements led to

drastic decrees extending the death penalty to cover practically every form of resistance. On

October 13 Marshal Graziani, Minister of War in Mussolini's puppet government, was quoted as

saying in an address to officers being enrolled in the new Republican Army that the foes of

Fascism could expect a massacre that would put St. Bartholomew's in the shade. The attempt to

recruit a Fascist army to fight alongside the Germans on the southern front made very little

headway. A report from a Nazi source stated, late in December, that 14,000 Italians had been

enlisted in the 'Republican Army.' This figure — which was very likely exaggerated — gives the

measure of Mussolini's success in attempting to stage a comeback.

Hitler soon showed that he placed no reliance on Il Duce's shadow government. To cope with

growing sabotage and guerrilla resistance in northern Italy, the Nazis ousted the Fascist police in

favor of the Gestapo. On all sides reports indicated that the Wehrmacht was paying little or no

attention to Mussolini's régime. In the Alto Adige — or southern Tyrol — the Nazis behaved as

if that old-time German region had been 'reannexed' to the Reich.

Wanton Destruction.

The Nazis clearly manifested their intention of leaving Italy a desert. Libraries, art galleries,

scientific equipment and the like were being hauled off to Germany in large quantities. Railroads

were pulled up and the movable items taken across the Brenner Pass. Orchards were wantonly

cut down, and factories were said to be mined so that, when they had finished serving Axis

purposes, they could be blown to pieces. There was being left to the postwar government of Italy

— whatever might be its political and ideological complexion — a country in ruins and a people

divided against itself.