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7/27/2019 1919 League of Nations Covenant
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T H E
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
Old C olony Trust C om pany
17 Court Street
52 Tem ple Place 222Boylston Street
Boston , Massachuse t t s
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Coptes of our 52-page booklet
T H E
L O D G E L O W E L L D E B A T E
containing the addresses of
HENRY CABOTLoi>GE,Senatorfrom
Massachusetts,
and A. LAWRENCE
L OWE L L , President of Harvard
University, in Symphony Hall,Bos
ton,may be had on application
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T H E
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
Old Co lony Trus t Company
17 C o u r t S t r e e t
52 Te m ple Place 222 Boylston Str eet
B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s
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C O P Y R I G H T I 9 I 9
BY OLD COLONY TRUST COMPANY '
First Edition,'10 000
Second Edition, 10,000
Third Edition, 10,000
Fourth Edition, 10,000
T HE UNIVE RS IT Y P RE S S , CAM BRIDG E , U . 3 . A .
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F O R EWO R D
TT^VERY person in the world capable of rational
J thought wishes and hopes not only for immedi
ate peace, but that, so far as human agencies can make
it, war shall be made impossible in the future. It is
inevitable that thinking men, although inspired by the
same high motives, shall differ as to the means to
secure permanent peace and equity between nations.
Written instruments will not alter human na ture, nor
can the passions of men, in the last recourse, be con
trolled by signed pledges; bu t that treaties between
honorable nations, consistent with their normal life
and progress, are enduring has been proven.
We believe that President Wilson, Mr. Taft, Sena
tor Lodge, and Senator Knox , whose recent speeches
we have reprinted here, have one thought in common;
and that is, their wish to see the present nego tiations
in Paris result in a permanent equitable peace for all
peoples.
OLD COLONY TRUST COMPANY
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CONTENTS
P AGB
TE X T OF COVENANT ON THE LEAGU E 7
SPEECH OE HENRY CABOT LODGE,
Senator from Massa
chusetts, in the Senate, February 28th , 1919 . . . . 19
SPEECH OE PHILANDER C. K N O X , Senator from Pennsyl
vania, in the Senate, M arch 1st, 1919 35
SPEECH OE WILLIAM HOWARD TAET, former President,
in the Metropolitan Opera House, New York City,
M arch 4th, 1919 65
SPEECH OE PRESIDENT WILSON, in the Metropolitan
Opera Hou se, New Yo rk City, M arch 4th , 1919 . . 77
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R O O T A M E N D M E N T S M E E T
A P P R O V A L O F U S E N V O Y S
D E N V E R P O S T 'B ^ - j g ia te d Press.) A P R I L 1
Paris, April 1. Commenting on the six amendments to the
covenant of the League of Nations suggested by Elihu Root, vr
was stated Tuesday by one of the legal specialists associated with
the American peace conference delegation that he believed all the
amendments were acceptable to the American delegation.
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ELIH^ ROOT. 'S AMENDMENTS.
,
1 . I n f o wc Ar b i t r a t i o n a n d Ar m a n e n t - L im i t a t i o n s .
2 . Five-yf ta r l i i r . i t on t e r r i t o r i a l and p o l i t i c a l I n t e g r i t y ,
3 , Acknowledge th e Monroe .D o c tr in e .
4 , P r o v i d e f o r p e r i o d i c r e v i s i o n .
5 ,
P r o v i d e f o r w i t h d r a w a l .
\
6 . Pow er t o i n s p e c t a l l m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s ( L e o n B o u r^ e r^ p )
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T E X T
OP C O V E N A N T ON L E A G U E OF N A T I O N S
R E A D
BY P R E S I D E N T W I L S O N AT P L E N A R Y
S E S S I O N
OF THE
P E A C E
C O N F E R E N C E
AT
P A R I S , F E B R U A R Y
14, 19 19 .
COVENANT-
PR E A M B L E
I
N order to promote international cooperation and
to secure international peace and security by the
acceptance of obligations not to resort to war,
by the prescription of open, just and honorable re
lations between nations, by the firm establishment of
the understandings of international law as the actual
rule of conduct among Governments, and by the main
tenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all
treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples
with one another, the powers signatory to this cov
enant adopt this constitution of the League of
Nations.
A R T I C L E
ONE
The action of the high contracting parties under the
terms of this covenant shall be effected through the instru
mentality of meeting of a body of delegates representing the
high contracting parties, of meeting at more frequent inter
vals of an Executive Council, and of a permanent inter
national secretariat to be established at the seat of the
League.
A R T I C L E
TWO
Meetings of the body of delegates shall be held at stated
intervals and from time to time as occasion may require for
the purpose of dealing with matters within the sphere of
action of the League. Meetings of the body of delegates
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shall be held at the seat of the League or at such other place
as may be found convenient and shal l cons is t of representa
t ives of the high con trac t ing par t ies . Ea ch of the hig h con
t rac t ing par t ies shal l have one vote but may not have more
than three representa t ives .
A R T I C L E T H R E E
The Execut ive Counci l shal l cons is t of representa t ives of
the Uni ted S ta tes o f Amer ica , the Br i t i sh Empi re , F rance ,
I ta ly , and Japan, together wi th representa t ives of four other
Sta te s , m em bers of the Le ag ue . T h e se lec t ion of these four
States shall be made by the body of delegates on such prin
ciples an d in such m an ne r as the y thin k fit. P en d in g the
appointment of these representa t ives of the other S ta tes ,
represe nta t ives of shall be m em bers of the Ex ecu t ive
Council .
Meetings of the council shall be held from time to t ime as
occas ion may require and a t leas t once a year a t whatever
place may be decided upon, or fai l ing any such decis ion, at
the sea t of the League, and any mat ter wi thin the sphere
of action of the League or affecting the peace of the world
may be deal t wi th a t such meet ings .
Invi ta t ions shal l be sent to any power to a t tend a meet ing
of the council at which matters directly affecting i ts interests
are to be discussed and no decis ion taken at any meeting
will be binding on such powers unless so invited.
A R T I C L E F O U R
All mat ter of procedure a t meet ings of the body of de le
gates or the Execut ive Counci l , inc luding the appointment
of the commit tees to inves t iga te par t icular mat ters , sha l l be
regula ted by the body of de legates or the Execut ive Counci l ,
an d m ay be decided bj[_amajorj ty^of__the^States repr esen ted
at the meet ing.
The firs t meeting of the body of delegates and of the
Execut ive Counci l shal l be summoned by the Pres ident of
the Uni ted S ta tes of America .
A R T I C L E F I V E
The permanent secre tar ia t of the League shal l be es tab
l ished at , which shall con sti tute the seat of the L ea gu e.
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The secretariat shall comprise such secretaries and s taff as
may be required, under the genera l d i rec t ion and control of
a secre tary genera l of the League, who shal l be chosen by
.
the E xecu t ive Counc i l
;
the secre tar ia t shal l be appointed by
the secre tary genera l , subjec t to confi rmat ion by the Execu
tive Council .
The secretary general shall act in that capacity at al l
meet ings of the body of de legates or of the Execut ive
Council .
The expenses of the secre tar ia t shal l be borne by the
S ta tes members o f the League in accordance wi th appoin t
ment of the expenses of the Internat ional Bureau of the
Universa l Pos ta l Union .
A R T I C L E S I X
Representa t ives of the high contrac t ing par t ies and off i
c ia ls of the league when engaged on the bus iness of the
League shal l enjoy diplomat ic pr ivi leges and immuni t ies ,
and the buildings occupied by the League or i ts officials or by
representa t ives a t tending i t s meet ings shal l enjoy the bene
f i t s of extra terr i tor ia l i ty .
A R T I C L E S E V E N
Admiss ion to the League of S ta tes not s ignator ies to the
covenant and no t named in the p ro toco l he re to a s S ta tes to
be invi ted to adhere to the covenant requires the assent of
t h e n o t l e s j j t o ^ w o d t h i r d s . , o X i h e ^ S l a t es j e p j e a e n t e d j n t h e
body of delegates , and shall be l imited to fully self-govern
ing countr ies , inc luding dominions and colonies .
No Sta te shal l be admit ted to the League unless i t i s able
to give effective guarantees of i ts s incere intention to ob
serve i t s in ternat ional obl iga t ions , and unless i t sha l l con
form to such pr inc iples as may be prescr ibed by the League
in regard to i t s naval and mil i ta ry forces and armaments .
A R T I C L E E I G H T
The high contrac t ing par t ies recognize the pr inc iple tha t
the maintenance of peace wi l l require the reduct ion of
na t iona l a rmaments to the lowes t po in t cons i s ten t wi th
nat ional safe ty and the enforcement by common act ion of
intern at ion al ob l iga t ions , hav ing .special rega rd to the geo-
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graphica l s i tua t ion and c i rcumstances of each S ta te ; and
the Executive Council shall formulate plans for effecting
such reduct ion. The Execut ive Counci l shal l a lso determine
for the cons idera t ion and ac t ion of the severa l Governments
wha t mi l i t a ry equ ipment and a rmament i s fa i r and reason
able in proportion to the scale of forces laid down in the
program of d i sa rmament , and these l imi t s , when adopted ,
shal l not be exceeded wi thout the permiss ion of the Execu
tive Council .
The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s agree tha t the manufac ture
by pr iva te enterpr ise of muni t ions and implements of war
lends i t se l f to grave objec t ions , and di rec t the Execut ive
Council to advise how the evil effects at tendant upon such
manufacture can be prevented, due regard being had to the
necessi t ies of these countries which are not able to manu
fac ture for themselves the muni t ions and implements of war
necessary for their safety.
The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s under take in no way to con
ceal from each other the condit ion of such of their indus
t r ies as are capable of be ing adapted to warl ike purposes or
the sca le of the i r a rmaments , and agree tha t there shal l be
ful l and frank interchange of informat ion as to the i r mi l i
t a ry and nava l p rograms .
A R T I C L E N I N E
A permanent commiss ion shal l be cons t i tu ted to advise
the League on the execut ion of the provis ions of Art ic le 8
on mil i ta ry and naval ques t ions genera l ly .
A R T I C L E T E N
The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s under take to re spec t and
preserve as agains t external aggress ion the te rr i tor ia l in teg
r i ty and exis t ing pol i t ica l independence of a l l S ta tes mem
bers of the Le agu e. In case of any such agg ress ion , or in
case of any threa t or danger of such aggress ion, the Execu
tive Council shall advise upon the means by which the
obligation shall be fulfilled.
A R T I C L E E L E V E N
Any war or threa t of war , whether immedia te ly affec t ing
any of the high contrac t ing par t ies or not , i s hereby de-
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clared a matter of concern to the League, and the high con
tracting parties reserve the right to take any action that
may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace
of nations.
It is hereby also declared and agreed to be the friendly
right of each of the high contracting parties to draw the
attention of the body of delegates or of the Executive Coun
cil to any circumstances affecting international intercourse
which threaten to disturb international peace or the good
understanding between nations upon which peace depends.
A R T I C L E T W E L V E
The high contracting parties agree that should disputes
arise between them which cannot be adjusted by the ordi
nary processes of diplomacy they will in no case resort to
war without previously submitting the question and matters
involved either to arbitration or to inquiry by the Executive
Council and until three months after the award by the arbi
trators or a recommendation by the Executive Council
;
and
that they will not even then resort to war as against a mem
ber of the League which complies with the award of the
arbitrators or the recommendation of the Executive Council.
In any case under this article, the award of the arbitra
tors shall be made within a reasonable time, and the recom
mendation of the Executive Council shall be made within six
months after the submission of the dispute.
A R T I C L E T H I R T E E N
The high contracting parties agree that whenever any
dispute or difficulty shall arise between them which they
recognize to be suitable for submission to arbitration and
which cannot be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they
will submit the whole m atter to arb itration . Fo r this pur
pose the court of arbitration to which the case is referred
shall be the court agreed upon by the parties or stipulated
in any convention exis ting between them. T he high con
tracting parties agree that they will carry out in full good
faith any award tha t m ay be rendered . In the event of any
failure to carry out the award, the Executive Council shall
propose what steps can best be taken to give effect thereto.
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ARTICLE F OURTEEN
The Executive Council shall formulate plans for the estab
lishment of a permanent court of international justice andthis court shall, when established, be competent to hear and
determine any matter which the parties recognize as suitable
for submission to it for arbitration under the foregoing
article.
A R T I C L E F I F T E E N
If there should arise between States, members of the
League, any dispute likely to lead to rupture, which is not
submitted to arbitration as above, the high contracting
parties agree that they will refer the matter to the Executive
Council
;
either party to the dispute may give notice of the
existence of the dispute to the secretary-general, who will
make all necessary arrangements for a full investigation
and consideration thereof. F o r this purpose the parties
agree to communicate to the secretary-general, as promptly
as possible, statements of their case with all the relevant
facts and papers, and the Executive Council may forthwith
direct the publication thereof.
Where the efforts of the council lead to the settlement of
the dispute, a statement shall be published indicating the
nature of the dispute and the terms of settlement, together
with such explanations as m ay be app ropriate. If the dis
patch has not been settled, a report by the council shall be
published, setting forth with all necessary facts and expla
nations the recommendation which the council thinks just
and proper for the settlement of the dispute. If the report
is unanimously agreed to by the members of the council
other than the parties to the dispute, the high contracting
parties agree that they will not go to war with any party
which complies with the recommendations and that if any
party shall refuse so to comply, the council shall propose
measu res necessary to give effect to the reaso n. If no such
unanimous report can be made, it shall be the duty of the
majority and the privilege of the minority to issue state
ments indicating what they believe to be the facts and con
taining the reasons which they consider to be just and
proper.
The Executive Council may in any case under this article
refer the dispute to the body of delegates. Th e dispute shall
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be so referred at the request of ei ther party to the dispute,
provided tha t such reques t must be made wi thin 14 days
af ter the subm iss ion of the dispute . In any case referre d
to the body of delegates al l the provisions of this art icle and
of Art ic le 12 re la t ing to the ac t ion of the Execut ive
Council shall apply to the action and powers of the body of
delegates .
A R T I C L E S I X T E E N
Should any of the high contrac t ing par t ies break or d is
regard i t s covenants under Art ic le 12 i t sha l l thereby
ipso facto be deemed to have committed an act of war
agains t a l l the other members of the League, which hereby
-undertake immediately to subject i t to the severance of al l
tra de o r f inancial r elat ion s, the pro hib it ion of .al l inter
course be tween the i r na t ionals and the nat ionals of the cove
na nt- br ea kin g Sta te, an d th e pre ve ntio n of al l f inancial,
commercia l , or personal in tercourse be tween the nat ionals
of the covenant-breaking Sta te and the nat ionals of any
othe r S ta te , whe the r a member o f the League or no t .
I t shall be the duty of the Executive Council in such cases
to recommend what effec t ive mil i ta ry or naval forces the
members of the League shal l severa l ly contr ibute to the
armed forces to be used to protec t the covenants of the
L e a gue .
The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s agree fu r the r tha t they wi l l
mutual ly support one another in the f inancia l and economic
measures which may be taken under th is a r t ic le , in order
to minimize the loss and inconvenience resul t ing f rom the
above measures , and tha t they wi l l mutual ly support one
another in res is t ing any specia l measures a imed a t one of
the i r number by the covenant -break ing S ta te , and tha t they
wil l a fford passage through the i r te rr i tory to the forces of
any of the high contrac t ing par t ies who are coopera t ing to
protec t the covenants of the League.
A R T I C L E S E V E N T E E N
In the event of d isputes be tween one S ta te member of the
League and another S ta te which is not a member of the
League , o r be tween S ta tes no t members o f the League , the
h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s agree tha t the S ta te o r S ta tes no t
members of the League shal l be invi ted to accept the obl iga-
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t ions of membership in the League for the purposes of such
dispute, upon such conditions as the Executive Council may-
deem just , and upon acceptance of any such invitation, the
above provisions shall be applied with such modif ications as
may be deemed necessary by the League.
Upon such invi ta t ion being g iven the Execut ive Counci l
shal l immediate ly ins t i tu te an inquiry in to the c i rcumstances
and mer i ts of the d ispute and recommend such act ion as
may seem best and most effectual in the circumstances.
In the event of a power so invited refusing to accept the
obl igat ions of membership in the League for the purposes of
such d ispute , and tak ing any act ion agains t a Sta te member
of the League which in the case of a Sta te member of the
League would const i tu te a breach of Ar t ic le 12 , the pro
visions of Article 16 shall be applicable as against the State
tak ing such act ion .
If both parties to the dispute when so invited refuse to
accept the obl igat ions of membership in the League for the
purposes of such d ispute , the Execut ive Counci l may take
such act ion and make such recommendat ions as wil l p revent
hosti l i t ies and will result in the sett lement of the dispute.
A R T I C L E E I G H T E E N
The h igh contract ing par t ies agree that the League shal l
be in trus ted with general supervis ion of the t rade in arms
and ammunit ions with the countr ies in which the contro l of
this traff ic is necessary in the common interest .
A R T I C L E N I N E T E E N
To those colonies and ter r i tor ies which as a consequence
of the war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the
States which former ly governed them and which are in
habited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under
the s t renuous condi t ions of the modern wor ld , there should
be applied the principle that the well-being and development
of such peoples form a sacred trust of civil ization and that
securit ies for the performance of this trust should be em
bodied in the const i tu t ion of the League.
The best method of giving practical effect of this pr in
ciple is that the tutelage of such people should be intrusted
to advanced nat ions who by reason of their resources , their
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experience or their geographical position, can best under
take this responsibility and that this tutelage should be
exercised by them as mandatories on behalf of the League.
The character of the mandate must differ according to
the stage of the development of the people, the geographical
situation of the territory, its economic conditions, and other
similar circumstances.
Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish
Empire have reached a stage of development where their
existence as independent nations can be provisionally recog
nized, subject to the rendering of administrative advice and
assistance by a mandatory power, until such time as they
are able to stand alone. Th e wishes of these comm unities
must be a principal consideration in the selection of the
mandatory power.
Other peoples, especially those of central Africa, are at
such a stage that th mandatory must be responsible for the
administration of the territory, subject to conditions which
will guarantee freedom of conscience or religion, subject
only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the pro
hibition of abuses, such as the slave trade, the arms traffic,
and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establish
ment of fortifications or military and naval bases, and of
military training of the natives for other than police pur
poses and the defense of territory, and will also secure
equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other
members of the League.
There are territories, such as southwest Africa and cer
tain of the South Pacific isles, which, owing to the sparse-
ness of their population, or their small size, or their
remoteness from the centers of civilization, or their geo
graphical continuity to the mandatory state, and other cir
cumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the
mandatory state as integral portions thereof, subject to the
safeguards above mentioned in the interests of indigenous
population.
In every case of mandate, the mandatory state shall ren
der to the League an annual report in reference to the
territory committed to its charge.
The degree of authority, control, or administration to be
exercised by the mandatory state shall, if not previously
agreed upon by the high contracting parties in each case, be
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explici t ly defined by the Executive Council in a special act
or char ter .
The high contrac t ing par t ies fur ther agree to es tabl ish a t
the sea t of the League a mandatory commiss ion to rece ive
and examine the annua l repor t s o f the manda tory powers ,
and to ass is t the League in insur ing the observance of the
terms of a l l mandates .
A R T I C L E T W E N T Y
The high contrac t ing par t ies wi l l endeavor to secure and
mainta in fa i r and humane condi t ions of labor for men,
women, and chi ldren, both in the i r own countr ies and in
a l l countr ies to which the i r commercia l and indus t r ia l re la
t ions extended ;and to that end ag ree to establish as pa rt of
the o rgan iza t ion of the League a pe rmanent Bureau of
Labor .
A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - O N E
The h igh con t rac t ing pa r t i e s agree tha t p rov is ion sha l l
be made th rough the ins t rumenta l i ty o f the League to secure
and mainta in f reedom of t rans i t and equi table t rea tment for
the commerce of a l l s ta tes members of the League, having
in mind , among o the r th ings , spec ia l a r rangements wi th
regard to the necess i t ies of the regions devas ta ted dur ing
the war of 1914-18.
A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - T W O
The high contrac t ing par t ies agree to place under the
control of the League a l l in ternat ional bureaus a l ready es tab
l ished by general treaties if the part ies to such treaties con
sent . Fur thermore , they agree tha t a l l such in ternat ional
bureaus to be consti tuted in future shall be placed under
the control of the League.
A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - T H R E E
The high contrac t ing par t ies agree tha t every t rea ty or
in te rna t iona l engagement en te red in to he rea f te r by any
Sta te member of the League, shal l be for thwith regis tered
with the secre tary-genera l and as soon as poss ible publ ished
by him, and tha t no such t rea ty or in ternat ional engage
ment shal l be binding unt i l so regis tered.
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A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - F O U R
I t shall be the r ight of the body of delegates from time
to t ime to advise the reconsiderat ion by State members of
the League of t reat ies which have become inappl icable , and
of in ternat ional condi t ions , of which the cont inuance may
endanger the peace
of
the wor ld .
A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - F I V E
The h igh con t rac t ing par t ies severa l ly ag ree tha t the
present covenant is accepted as abrogat ing a l l ob l igat ions
inter se which are inconsis ten t with the terms thereof, and
solemnly engage that they wil l no t hereaf ter en ter in to any
engagements incons is ten t wi th the te rms
thereof.
In case
any of the powers s ignator ies hereto or subsequent ly ad
mi t ted to the League sha l l befo re becoming a par ty to th i s
covenan t , have under taken any ob l iga t ions wh ich a re in
consis ten t with the terms of th is covenant , i t shal l be the
duty of such power to take immediate s teps to procure i ts
re lease f rom such obl igat ions .
A R T I C L E T W E N T Y - S I X
Amendments to th is covenant wil l take ef fect when ra t i
f ied by the States whose representat ives compose the Execu
t ive Counci l and by three- four ths of the States whose rep
rese ntat ives com pose th e bo dy ofv dele gate s.
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SPEECH
OF
HENRY CABOT LODGE
S E N A T O R F R O M M A S S A C H U S E T T S
I N
T H E
S E N A T E , F E B R U A R Y
28, 1919
-
y \ ^ PEOPLE,
m e n a n
d
wom en alike, who
are
cap-
L\ able of connected thought, abhor war anddesire
X
J L
noth ing so much as to make secure the future peace
of theworld. Everybody hates wa r. Everyone longsto
makeitimpossible. W e ough t to lay aside once and for all
the unfounded and really evil suggestion that because men
may differ as to the best method of assuring thew orld's
peacein the future, anyone is against permanent peace,if
it can be obtained among allthe nations of mankind. Be
cause one man goes
to
theCapitol inW ashington by one
street and another man bya different street it does not fol
low that they are not both going to theCapitol. We all
earnestly desire
to
advance tow ard the preservation
of the
world's peace
and
difference
in
method makes
no
distinc
tion inpurpose. It is almost needlessto say that the ques
tion now before us is so momentous that it transcendsall
party lines. P ar ty considerations
and
party interests dis
appear indealing with suchaquestion as this. I will follow
any man andvote for anyme asure which in myhonest
opinion will makeforthe maintenanceof the world's peace.
I will follow no man and votefor no measures which, how
ever well intended, seem in my best judgment to lead to dis
sensions rather than to harmony among thenations or to
injury, peril,or injustice to my country.
No question has ever confronted the United States Sen
ate which equals in importance tha t which is involved in
the LeagueofN ations intended to secure the futu re peace of
the wo rld. Th ere should be no undue haste in considering
it . My onedesire is that notonly the Senate, which is
charged with responsibility, but that the press and the people
of thecountry should investigate every proposal w iththe
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utmost thoroughness and weigh them all carefully before
they make up their minds. If th ere is any proposition or
any plan which will not bear, which will not court, the most
thorough and most public discussion, that makes it an ob
ject of suspicion at the very outset. Bew are of it ; be on
your gu ard against it. D emand that those who oppose the
plan now offered present arguments and reasons, based on
facts and history, and that those who favor it meet objec
tions with something more relative than rhetoric, personal
denunciation, and shrill shrieks that virtue is to be preferred
to vice and that peace is better than w ar. Glittering and
enticing gene ralities will no t serve. W e must have facts,
details, and sharp, clear-cut definitions. The Am erican
people cannot give too much thought to this subject, and
that they shall look into it with considerate eyes is all that
I desire.
In the first place, the term s of the league the agree
ments which we m ake m ust be so plain and so explicit
that no ma n can misund erstand them. W e m ust, so far as
it can be done by human ingenuity, have every agreement
which we make so stated that it will not give rise to differ
ent interpretations and to consequent argu m ent. M isunder
standings as to terms are not a good foundation for a treaty
to prom ote peace. W e now have before us the draft of a
constitution for a Leag ue of N ations, prepared by a comm is
sion or committee, which is to be submitted to the repre
sentatives of the nations. Th e nations, thro ug h their dele
gates,
have not agreed to it. It has not passed beyond the
stage of a com mittee repo rt. It is open to amendm ent and
change in the peace conference. Th e Senate can take no
action upon it, but it lies open before us for criticism and
discussion. W hat is said in the Senate ough t to be placed
before the peace conference and published in Paris, so that
the foreign Governments may be informed as to the various
views expressed here.
In this draft prepared for a constitution of a League of
Nations, which is now before the world, there is hardly a
clause about the interpretation of which men do not already
differ. As it stands there is serious danger tha t the very
nations which sign the constitution of the league will quar
rel about the meaning of the various articles before a twelvem onth has passed. It seems to have been very hastily
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drafted, and theresult iscrudeness andloosenessof expres
sion, unintentional,Ihope. Th erearecertainly many doubt
ful passagesandopen questions obviousin thearticles which
cannot
be
settled
by
individual inference,
but
which mustbe made
so
clear
and so
distinct that
we may all
understand
the exact meaning of the instrument to whichwe are to be
askedto set ourhands. Thelanguage of these articles does
not appear to me to have the precision and unmistakable
character which a constitution, a treaty, or a law ought to
present. The language only too frequently is not the lan
guage of laws or statutes. The article concerning manda
tories,
for
example, contains
an
argument
and a
statement
of existing conditions. Arg um entsand historical facts have
no place
in a
statute
or a
treaty. Statutory
and
legal lan
guage m ust assert
and
command,
not
argue
and
describe.
I
press this point because thereisnothingsovitalto thepeace
of theworldas thesanc tityof treaties. Thesuggestion tha t
wecan safely sign because we can always violate or abro
gateisfatal notonlyto anyleaguebut topeaceitself. You
cannot found world peace uponthecynical scrapof paper
doctrine sodear to Germany. To whatever instrument the
United States sets itshand it must carryout the provisions
of that instrument
to the
last
jot and
tittle, fulfil
it
abso
lutely bothin letterand in spirit. If thisis not donethe in
strument will become a source of controversy instead of
agreement, of dissension instead of harmony. Th is is all
the more essential because it is evident, although not ex
pressly stated, that this leagueis intendedto beindissoluble,
for thereis noprovision for its terminationor for thewith
drawal of anysignatory. We are left to infer thatany na
tion, withdrawing from the league exposes itself to penal
ties
and
probably
to war.
Th erefore, before
we
ratify,
the
termsand the language inwhich the terms are stated must
be as exact and as precise, as free from any possibilityof
conflicting interpretations, as it is possible to make them.
The explanation or interpretation of any of these doubtful
passagesis not sufficient if madeby one man, whether that
manbe the President of the United States,or a senator, or
anyone else. Th ese questionsand doubts mustbe answered
and removedby the instrument itself.
W h a t
I
have just said indicates
the
vast importance
of the
formand themannerinwhichtheagreements whichwe are
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to sign shall be stated . I now com e to que stion s of sub
s tance, which seem to me to demand the most carefu l
thought of the en t i re Amer ican people , and par t icu lar ly of
those cha rge d w ith the responsib i l ity of ra t i ficat ion . W e
abandon ent i re ly by the proposed const i tu t ion the pol icy
la id down by Wash ing ton in h i s Farewel l Address and the
M on roe D octr in e . I t is w orse tha n id le , i t i s not ho nest ,
to evade or deny th is fact , and every fa i r -minded suppor ter
of this dr af t plan for a leagu e ad m its i t . I kn ow tha t some
of the ardent advocates of the p lan submit ted to us regard
any sugges t ion o f the impor tance o f the Wash ing ton po l icy
as foolish and i r re levan t . Pe rha ps i t i s. Pe rha ps the t ime
has come when the pol ic ies of Washington should be aban
doned
;
but if we are to cast the m aside I think t ha t at lea st
i t should be done respectfully and with a sense of grati tude
to the g rea t m an who fo rmu la ted them . F or near ly a cen
tury and a quar ter the pol ic ies la id down in the Farewell
Address have been fo l lowed and adhered to by the Govern
m ent of the U nite d State s and by the Am er ica n people . I
doubt if any purely polit ical declaration has ever been ob
served by an y people for so lon g a t im e. T he principles of
the Farewell Address in regard to our foreign re la t ions have
been sus ta ined and acted upon by the Amer ican people down
to the p resen t mo m ent . W ash ing ton dec la red aga ins t per
m an en t a l l iances . H e d id not c lose the doo r on tem po rar y
al l iances for par t ic u lar purpos es . O ur en tr y in to the grea t
war jus t c losed was ent i re ly in accord with and v io la ted in
no respec t the po licy la id down by W ash ing ton . W he n we
wen t to war wi th Germany we made no t r ea t ies wi th the
na t ions engaged in the war aga ins t the German Govern
m ent . T h e Pre s ide nt wa s so carefu l in th is d irect ion th at
he did not permit himself ever to refer to the nations by
wh ose s ide we fou ght as " a l l ies ," but a lwa ys a s " nat io ns
assoc ia ted wi th us in the w ar . " T he a t t i tude r ecom me nded
by Wash ing ton was sc rupu lous ly main ta ined even under
the pre ssu re of the gr ea t conflict . N ow , in the twi nk ling
of an eye, while pass ion and emotion re ign , the Washington
policy is to be entirely laid aside and we are to enter upon
a perm ane nt and indisso luble a l l iance. T h a t which we re
fuse to do in war we are to do in peace deliberately, coolly,
and with no w ar ex igency. L et us not over look the pro
found gravity of this s tep.
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Washing ton was no t on ly a very g rea t man bu t he was
also a very wise m an . H e looked far in to the fu ture an d he
never om i t ted hu m an na tu re f rom h is' ca lcu la tions . H e
knew wel l tha t hu m an na tu re had no t changed fundam en
ta l ly s ince m an kin d had a h is to ry . M ore ove r , he w as des t i
tu te of any personal ambit ions to a degree never equaled by
an y o th er very gre at m an kn ow n to ' us . In a ll the v i ta l
quest ions with which he deal t i t was not merely that he
tho ug ht of h is cou ntry f ir st and of h imself second. H e
thought of h is country f i r s t and never thought of h imself
a t a l l . H e w as so gre at a m an tha t the fact th at th is coun
try had prod uce d h im was eno ugh of itse lf to jus t i f y the '
Revo lu t ion and our ex is tence as a N at io n . D o no t th ink
that I overs ta te th is in the fondness of patr io t ism and with
the par t ia l i ty of one of h is cou ntry m en. T h e opin ion I
ha ve exp ressed is the opin ion of the w or ld . Fif te en yea rs
a f t e r Was h in g to n ' s d ea th B y r o n w r o te t h e f amo u s an d
familiar l ines
Where may the wearied eye repose
When gazing on the Great ,
Where neither guilty glory glows,
Nor despicable state?
Yes, O ne the f irst the last the best
The Cincinnatus of the West
W hom Envy dared not hate
Bequeathed the name of Washington,
To make man b lush there was but one
That was the opin ion of mankind then , and i t i s the
opin ion of mankind today, when h is s ta tue has been erected
in P ar is and is abou t to be erected in L on do n. I f we th ro w
aside the pol i t ical tes tament of such a man, which has been
of l iv ing force down to the present ins tan t , because a l tered
circumstances demand i t , i t i s a subject for deep regret and
no t fo r r e jo ic ing . W he n W ash ing ton p repared the f a rewel l
address he consu l ted Hami l ton , perhaps the g rea tes t con
s t ruc t ive mind among modern s ta tesmen , who p repared a
large pa r t of the d ra f t ; Ma diso n , one of the ch ief f ram ers
o f the Cons t i tu t ion and Pres iden t o f the Un i ted S ta tes ; John
Jay , ch ief jus t ice and one of the great lawyers in our h is
to r y . F o l lo w in g th em came Th o m as J e ff e rs o n, J am es M o n
roe,
an d J o h n Q u in cy A d ams , b r in g in g th e M o n r o e D o c -
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trine to completion and rounding out the principles of
W ash ingto n to which they were all alike devoted. If w e
are to be driven by modern exigencies to dismiss Washing
ton and his counselors and the men who declared the Mon
roe Doctrine from our consideration, we ought, at least, as
these stately figures pass off the stage of guiding influence,
to pay homage to them and not relegate them to the shades
of the past with jeers and laughter directed against their
teachings.
But if we put aside forever the Washington policy in
regard to our foreign relations, we must always remember
that it carries with it the corollary known as the Monroe
D octrine. U nd er the term s of this league dra ft rep orted
by the committee to the peace conference the Monroe Doc
trine disappears. It has been our cherished guide and
gua rd for nearly a century. The M onroe D octrine is based
on the principle of self-preservation. It involves but one
essential prop osition tha t the Am ericas should be sepa
rated from the interference of Europe and that American
questions in all parts of this hemisphere should be settled
by Am ericans alone. I have seen it said that the M onroe
Doctrine is preserved under Article 10; that we do not
abandon the Monroe Doctrine, we merely extend it to all
the world. H ow anyone can say this passes my com prehen
sion. The M onroe D octrine exists solely for the protection
of the American Hemisphere, and to that hemisphere it was
limited. If you extend it to all the world, it ceases to exist,
because it rests on nothing but the differentiation of the
Am erican Hem isphere from the rest of the world. U nde r
this draft of the statutes of the League of Nations American
questions and European questions and Asian and African
questions are all alike put within the control and jurisdic
tion of the league. Eu rope will have the right to take part
in the settlement of all American questions, and we, of
course, shall have the right to take part in the settlement
of all questions in Eu rope and Asia and Africa. Eu rope
and Asia are to take part in policing the American continent
and the Panama Canal, and in return we are to have, by
way of compensation, the right to police the Balkans and
Asia M inor when we are asked to do so. Pe rhap s the time
has come when it is necessary to do this, but it is a very
grave step, and I wish now merely to point out that the
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American people ought never to abandon the Washington
policy and the- M onro e D octrine w ithout being perfectly
certain that they earnestly wish to do so. Sta nd ing always
firmly by these great policies, we have thriven and prospered and have done more to preserve the world's peace
than any nation, league, or alliance tha t ever existed. Fo r
this reason I ask the press and the public and, of course, the
Senate to consider well the gravity of this proposition be
fore it takes the heavy responsibility of finally casting aside
these policies which we have adhered to for a century and
more and under which we have greatly served the cause of
peace both at home and abroad.
Very complete proof must be offered of the superiorityof any new system before we reject the policies of Wash
ington and Monroe, which have been in all foreign relations
the Palladium of the Republic. W ithin the mem ory of
those to whom I now speak the Monroe Doctrine stopped
the incursions of England'upon the territory of Venezuela
and settled the boundary question finally by arbitration.
Under the Monroe Doctrine we arrested the attempt of
Germany to take Venezuelan territory on another occasion.
In these two instances the doctrine was enforced by a Demo
cratic President and by a Republican President, and they
were supported in so doing by all the people of the United
States w ithou t reg ard to pa rty. I mention these cases
merely to show that we are not cutting away from the body
politic dead limbs, but that we are abandoning two cardinal
principles of American, government, which, until the presen
tation of this draft for the constitution of the League of
Nations, were as vital as on the day when Washington ad
dressed the people of the United States for the last time or
when President Monroe announced his policy to the world.
W ha t has happened since Nov. n , 1918, to make them so
suddenly valueless, to cause them to be regarded as injuri
ous obstacles to be cast out upon the dust heaps of history?
Two other general propositions, and I shall proceed to
exam ine these league articles in detail. In article 10 we, in
common, of course, with the other signatories and members
of the projected league, guarantee the territorial integrity
and the political independence of every member of the
league. T ha t means tha t we ultimately gua rantee the in
dependence and the boundaries, as now settled or as they
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may be settled by the treaty with Germany, of every nation
on earth. If the United States agrees to gua ranties of tha t
sort we must maintain them. Th e word of the Un ited
States, her promise to guarantee the independence and the
boundaries of any country, is just as sacred as her honor
far more important than the maintenance of every financial
pledge which the people of this country would never consent
to break.
I do not now say the time has not come when, in the
interest of future peace, the American people may not decide
that we ought to guarantee the territorial integrity of the
far-flung British Empire, including her self-governing do
minions and colonies, of the Balkan States, of China, or
Japan, or of the French, Italian, and Portuguese colonies in
Africa; but I do suggest that it is a very grave, a very
perilous promise to make, because there is but one way by
which such guaranties, if ever invoked, can be maintained,
and tha t way is the w ay of force whether military or
economic force, it m atters not. If we gua rantee any country
on the earth, no matter how small or how large in its in
dependence or its boundaries, that guarantee we must main
tain at any cost when our word is once given, and we must
be in constant possession of fleets and armies capable of
enforcing these gua ranties at a mo men t's notice. Th ere is
no need of arguing whether there is to be compulsive force
behind this league. It is the re in article 10 absolutely and
entirely by the m ere fact of these gu aran ties. Th e ranks of
the armies and the fleets of the navy made necessary by such
pledges are to be filled and manned by the sons, husbands,
and brothe rs of the people of Am erica. I wish them care
fully to consider, therefore whether they are willing to have
the youth of America ordered to war by other nations with
out reg ard to what they or their representatives desire. I
would have them determine after much reflection whether
they are willing to have the United States forced into war
by othe r nations ag ainst her own will. I hope they will
take time to consider this promise b efore they m ake it
because when it is once mad e it cannot be broken and
ask themselves whether that is the best way of assuring
perfect peace thro ug ho ut the future years. A wo rld's peace
which requires at the outset preparations for war for war,either economic or m ilitary in ord er to m aintain that
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peace presents questions and awakens thoughts which cer
tainly ought to be soberly and discreetly considered.
The second general proposition to which I would call at
tention is this
:
We now in this draft bind ourselves to sub
mit every possible international dispute or difference either
to the league court or to the control of the executive council
of the league. T hat includes imm igration , a very live ques
tion. A re we ready to give to other nations the power to
say who shall come into the United States and become
citizens of the Republic? If w e are ready to do this, we
are prepared to part with the most precious of sovereign
rights,
that which guards our existence and our character
as a N ation . A re we ready to leave it to other nations to
determine whether we shall admit to the United States a
flood of Japan ese, Chinese, and Hin du labo r? If we accept
this plan for a league, this is precisely what we promise to
do.
A re we prepared to have a League of N ations, in which
the United States has only one vote, open our doors if they
see fit to any and all immigration from all parts of the
wo rld? M r. Ta ft has announced that the question of im
migration will go before the international tribunal, and says
now that all organized labor is for the league. If A merican
labor favors putting the restriction of immigration in the
control of other nations, they must have radically changed
their minds and abandoned their most cherished policy.
Certainly the gravity of such promises as are involved
in the points I have suggested is sufficient to forbid haste.
If such promises are to be given,
#
they must be given in cold
blood, with a full realization of what they mean, and after
the American people and those who represent them here
have considered all that is involved with a serious care such
as we have never been called upon to exercise before. W e
are asked to abandon the policies which we have adhered to
during all our life as a Na tion. W e are asked to gua rantee
the political independence and the territorial integrity of
every na tion which chooses to join the league and tha t
means all nations, as the President stated in his speech at
M anchester. W e are asked to leave to the decision of o ther
nations what immigrants shall come to the United States.
We are asked also to give up in part our sovereignty and
our independence and to subject our own will to the will of
other nations, if there is a m ajority against our desires. W e
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are asked, therefore , in a la rge and important degree
to subst i tu te in terna t ional i sm for na t ional i sm and an
interna t ional s ta te for pure A m ericanism . Cer ta in ly such
things as these deserve reflect ion, discussion, and earnest
thought .
The f i rst and most pract ical quest ion for us to consider
and decide is whether the terms of this committee draft of
a const i tut ion for the league of nat ions real ly makes for
harmony among the na t ions or wi l l tend to produce dissen
sion an d con trov ersy . W e al l desire peace, bu t in ou r zeal
for peace we must be careful not to create new obligat ions
and new and unt r ied condi t ions, which may lead to foster ing
war ra ther than peace .
I have s ta ted some of the doubts and quest ionings which
have arisen in my own mind, and I could print in the Record
le t te rs which I have rece ived showing other points and ques
t ions wh ich have occurred to oth er m inds . Th is dem on
st ra tes the unc er ta int ies wh ich c loud th is inst ru m ent f rom
beg inning to end. W he n the U ni t ed Sta tes enters in to an
indissoluble permanent al l iance there ought to be, as I have
sa id , no unc er ta int ies in the te rm s of the agre em ent . I
earnest ly desi re to do everything tha t can be done to secure
the peace of the world, but these art ic les as they stand in
this proposed const i tut ion seem to give a r ich promise of
be ing fe r t i l e in p roduc ing con t rove rs i e s and misunders t and
ings . T he y a lso m ak e some dema nd s wh ich I do not be lieve
an y na t io n w ould subm it to in a t ime of s t ress . T he ref or e
this machinery would not promote the peace of the world ,
bu t wo uld have a direct ly opp osi te effect. I t w ou ld tend
to increase the subjec ts of misunderstanding and dispute
am on g the na t ion s. Is i t not possible to dra f t a be t te r , mo re
expl ic i t , l ess dangerous scheme than the one here and now
pres ented ? Su re ly we are no t to be shu t up to th is as the
last and only word to take or leave.
To those who object that the cri t ic ism of this tentat ive
draf t p lan of the commit tee of the peace conference must
be not only destruct ive but construct ive i t might be said
tha t the burden of proof l ies upon those who propose , in
order to establ ish the future peace -of the world, that the
Uni ted Sta tes must cur ta i l i t s independence , par t wi th a
port ion of i ts sovereignty, and abandon al l the pol icies which
have been so successful for more than a hundred years.
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Those who support the present draft of the Constitution for
the league must demonstrate that it is an improvement be
fore they can expect its general acceptance. Bu t the Sena te
cannot at this time undertake to make plans for a league,
because we are in the process of negotiation, and the Senate
does not begin to act until the stage of ratification is reached.
At the same time there are certain constructive propositions
which it would be well, I think, for the peace conference
to consider. If it is said that you can preserve the M onroe
Doctrine by extending it, which appears to me clearly to
mean its destruction and to be a contradiction in terms, then
let us put three lines into the draft for the league which
will preserve the Monroe Doctrine beyond any possibility of
doubt or question. It is easily done. Let us also have , if
we enter the league, a complete exclusion from th.e league's
jurisdiction of such questions as are involved in immigra
tion and the right of each country to say who shall come
within its bord ers and become citizens. Th is and ce rtain
other questions vital to national existence ought to be ex
empted from any control by the league or its officials by a
very few words, such as can be found in the arbitration
treaties of 1907. The re should be some definite provisionfor peaceful withdrawal from the league of any nation de
siring to w ithdraw . Lastly, let us have a definite statem ent
in the constitution of the league as to whether the league is
to have an international force of its own or is to have the
power to summon the armed forces of the different members
of the league. Le t it be stated in plain languag e wh ethe r
the " m easures," the " recom me ndations," or the suggestions
of the executive council are to be binding upon the members
of the league and are to compel them to do what the league
delegates and the executive council determine to be neces
sary.
On the question of the use of force we should not proceed
in the dark. If those who suppo rt the league decline to
make such simple statements as these, it is impossible to
avoid the conclusion that they are seeking to do by indi
rection and the use of nebulous phrases what they are not
willing to do directly, and nothing could be more fatal to the
preservation of the world's peace than this, for every ex
ercise of power by the executive council which the signa
tories to the league might fairly consider to be doubtful
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would lead to very per i lous controvers ies and to menacing
dissens ions .
Unless some bet ter cons t i tu t ion for a league than th is can
be drawn, i t seems to me, af ter such examinat ion as I have
been able to give , tha t the world ' s peace would be much
be t te r , much more sure ly p romoted , by a l lowing the Uni ted
Sta tes to go on under the Monroe Doctr ine , respons ible for
the peace of th is hemisphere , wi thout any danger of col
l i s ion wi th Europe as to ques t ions among the va r ious Amer
ican States , and if a league is desired i t might be made up
by the European nat ions whose in teres ts a re chief ly con
cerned, and wi th which the Uni ted S ta tes could coopera te
ful ly and a t any t ime, whenever coopera t ion was needed.
I suppose I shall make myself the subject of deris ion for
quot ing f rom the Fa rewel l Address , bu t i t s t a te s a moment
ous t ru th so admirab ly tha t I cannot re f ra in f rom quot ing
i t, for I th ink i t oug ht to be bor ne in m ind. W ash ing ton '
sa y s :
Europe has a se t of pr imary in teres ts which to us have
non e or a very remo te re la t ion. H en ce she m ust be enga ged
in frequent controversies the causes of which are essential ly
fore ign to ou r concerns . H enc e , there fore , i t m ust be un
wise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the
ordinary vic iss i tudes of her pol i t ics or the ordinary com
binations and coll is ions of her friendships or enmities .
I t must a lso be remembered tha t i f the Uni ted S ta tes
enters any league of nations i t does so for the benefi t of the
w or ld at lar ge , and not for i ts ow n benefi t. T h e people of
the U ni te d S ta tes are a peace- loving people . W e hav e no
boundaries to rec t i fy , no schemes , and no des i res for the
acquis i t ion or conques t of te rr i to ry . W e have in the m ain
kept the peace in the A m eric an hemisp here . T h e S ta tes of
South Amer ica have grown cons tan t ly more s tab le , and
revolut ions have wel l -nigh disappeared in the S ta tes south
of those bo rd er in g on the Carib bean . N o one ques t ion s
that the United States is able to prevent any confl icts in the
Amer ican hemisphere which would invo lve the wor ld in
any way or be more than passing difficult ies , which in most
cases could be sett led by arb itra t io n. If w e joi n a leagu e,
therefore , i t must be wi th a view to mainta ining peace in
Europe , where a l l the g rea tes t wars have or ig ina ted , and
where there is a lways danger of war , and in Asia , where
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serious conflicts may arise at any mom ent. If we join a
league, of course, we have in mind the danger of European
conflicts springing up in such a way as to involve us in the
defence of civilization, as has just happened in the war with
Germany. But such wars as that are, fortunately, ra re ; so
rare that one has never before occurred, and when the time
came we took our part; but in the main our share in any
league must be almost wholly for the benefit of oth ers. W e
have the right, therefore, to demand that there shall be
noth ing in any agreem ent for the ma intenance of the
world's peace which is likely to produce new causes of dif
ference and dissension, or which is calculated to injure the
United States, or compel from us undue sacrifice, or put
us in a position where we may be forced to serve the ambi
tions of othe rs. Th ere is no gain for peace in the Am ericas
to be found by annexing the Americas to the European
system. W hate ver we do there we do from almost purely
altruistic motives, and therefore we are entitled to consider
every proposition made with the utmost care in order to
make sure that it does not do us injustice or render future
conditions worse instead of better than they are at present.
To me the whole subject is one of enormous difficulties.
We are all striving for a similar result; but to make any
real advances toward the future preservation of the world's
peace will take time, care, and long consideration. W e can
not reach our objects by something hastily constructed in
a few weeks in Paris, in the midst of the excitement of a
w ar not yet ended. T he one thin g to do, as I said in the
Senate sometime ago, and that which I now wish above all
- others, is to m ake the peace with Germ any to make a
peace which by its terms will prevent her from breaking out
again upon the world; to exclude Turkey from Europe,
strengthen Greece, and give freedom and independence to
the Armenians and to the Jewish and Christian populations
of Asia Minor; to erect the barrier States for the Poles,
Czecho-Slovaks and Jugo-Slavs; to take possession of the
Kiel Canal; to establish the Baltic States and free them
from Russia and restore Danish Schleswig to Denmark.
Provision must be made for indemnities or reparation, or
by whatever name we choose to call the damages to be ex
acted from Germany. W e ought, in my judgm ent, to re
ceive indemnities which would enable us to provide for the
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Lusitania claims and for the destruction of our ships by
subm arines to go no further. But the enormous losses
of England and Italy in shipping should be made good,
either in money or in kind. Belgium m ust be restored
and fully compensated for her terrible injuries.
Finally there is France and the indemnities to France
oug ht to be ample and complete. Th e mach inery taken
from h er factories should be restored. Th e cattle driven
from her fields should be bro ug ht back. T he debt of the
free and civilized world to France is inestimable. O ur own
debt to her is very large. Fra nce ha s been our outpost and
our bulw ark. She has bared her breast to the storm and
stood between us and the advancing hordes of Germany in
the darke st days. It was Franc e, aided by the small but
gallant army of England, which checked the onrush of the
Germ ans at the first battle of the M arn e. It is he r land
which has been desolated and her villages and cities which
have been destroyed. She should have compensation to the
utmo st limit in every way. Ete rnal justice demands it. But
it is also to our immediate and selfish interest as a nation
tha t Franc e should be ma de as stron g as possible. Alsace
and Lorraine she must have without question and without
reduction, and other barriers if necessary to make her im
pregnable to German assault, for on the strength of France
more than anything else, because she is the neighbor of
Germ any, rests the future peace of the wo rld. W e ought,
then, to make this peace with Germany and make it at once.
M uch time has been wasted. Th e delays have bred restless
ness and confusion everywh ere. Germ any is lifting h er
head again. T he whining after defeat is chan ging to
thre ats . She is seeking to annex nine millions of Germ ans
in German Austria. She is reaching out in Russia and re
viving her financial and commercial penetration everywhere.
Her fields have not been desolated nor her factories de
stroyed. Germ any is again threate nin g and the only source
of a great war is to be found for the future as for the past
in Germ any. She should be chained and fettered now and
this menace to the world's peace should be removed at once.
Whatever else we fought for certainly our first and para
m ount purpose was to defeat Germany. T he victory over
Germ any is not yet complete. Let it be m ade so witho ut
delay.
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That which I desi re above everything e lse , tha t which i s
neare st to m y hea r t , is to br ing our soldiers hom e. T h e
m ak ing of a Le ag ue of Nat io ns wi l l not do tha t . W e can
only br ing our soldiers home, ent i re ly and comple te ly , when
the peace w i th G erm any is m ad e and procla im ed. L et th a t
peace be made and I can assure the world tha t when the
t rea ty of peace wi th Germany comes to th is chamber there
wil l be no delay in the Senate of the U ni ted S tate s. W e
m ust b r ing o ur m en back f rom Fra nce the men wh o
fought the war , the men who made the personal sacr i f ice .
Let us ge t them back a t once , and to tha t end le t us have
the peace made wi th Germany, made now, and not de lay i t
unt i l the compl ica ted quest ions of the League of Nat ions can
be se t t led wi th the care and considera t ion which they de
m and . W h at is i t tha t de lays the peace w i th G erm an y?
D iscussions over the Le ag ue of N at io ns ; no thin g e lse . Le t
us ha ve peace now , in this ye ar of grace , 1919. T h a t is the
first step to the future peace of the w orld . T h e ne xt step
will be to make sure, if we can, that the world shall have
peace in the ye ar 1950 or 20 00 . L et us hav e the peace with
Germany and br ing our boys home .
This i s the immedia te th ing to do toward the es tabl i sh
ment of the world 's peace, but there is an issue involved in
the league const i tu t ion presented to us which far over
shad ow s a ll o th ers . W e are asked to dep ar t now for the
f irst t ime f rom the fore ign pol ic ies of W as hin gto n. W e are
i nv i t e d t o m ove a wa y f r om Ge or ge Wa sh i ng t on t owa r d
the other end of the l ine at w hich sta nd s the sinister f igure
of Trotzky, the champion of in terna t ional i sm.
W e have in th is cou nt ry a Gov ernm ent of the people , for
the people, and by the people, the freest and best Govern
ment in the world , and we are the grea t rampar t today
aga ins t the ana rchy and d i sorde r which have t aken posses
s ion of Russia and are t ry ing to invade every peaceful coun
t ry in the w orld . F o r Lin coln 's Gov ernm ent of the people ,
for the people, and by the people we are asked to subst i tute
in the Uni ted Sta tes on many vi ta l points government of ,
for , and by oth er people. P au se and consider well before
you take th is fa teful s tep . I do no t say tha t agre em ents m ay
not be m ade am on g the na t ions which s t and fo r o rde red
freedom and civi l izat ion, which wil l do much to secure and
preserve the peace of the world; but no such agreement has
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yet been presented to us. W e mu st beware of the dangers
which beset our path. We"m ust n ot lose by an improv ident
attempt to reach eternal peace all that we have won by war
and sacrifice. W e m ust build no bridges across the chasm
which now separates American freedom and order from
Russian anarchy and destruction. W e must see to it tha t
the democracy of the United States, which has prospered so
mightily in the past, is not dra wn by any h asty erro r or by
any glittering delusions, through specious devices of super-
national government, within the toils of international so
cialism and ana rchy. I wish nothing but good to all the
races of men. I hope and pray that peace, unbroken peace,
may reign everywhere on earth . But Am erica and the
Am erican people are first in my heart now and always. I
can never assent to any scheme no matter how fair its out
ward seeming which is not for the welfare and for the
highest and best interest of my own beloved people of whom
I am one the A merican people the people of the United
States.
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SPEECH OF
PHILANDER C. KNOX
SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
I N T H E S E N A T E , M A R C H I , 1 91 9
F
1 "AHE
Official Bulletin
(p r in te d da i ly under the o rder
I o f the Pres id en t o f the U n i te d S t a te s ) has pub-
J L l ished , un de r dat e of Fr ida y , F eb ru ar y 14 , 1919,
and und er the t i tl e " T ex t of C ovenan t on L eag ue o f N a
t io n s , "
the repor t of the Peace Conference Commiss ion on
the L eag ue o f N at ion s . T he docum ent was r ead to the
plenary sess ion by the Pres ident , chairman of th is par t icu lar
commiss ion , who accompan ied h is r ead ing wi th comments .
This document and the league p lan which i t ou t l ines , in so
far as they can be unders tood, may include so much that is
s t range to our t rad i t ional foreign pol icy , contrary to our
fundamental pr incip les of in ternat ional in tercourse and con
duct , des truct ive of t reaty r ights indispensable to the safety
of ourselves and o ther nat ions of th is hemisphere , and so
much that would require (before and in order that i t could
become operat ive) such bas ic changes in our Const i tu t ion
to enable us to make the necessary sur render of h igh sover
eign r ights on which our great l iber t ies res t that not only
the Senate , which in due t ime may be cal led upon to advise
and consent to the ratif ication of the plan, but the entire
Congress and the who le peop le o f the Un i ted S ta tes mus t
g ive thereto the fu l les t and most mature , carefu l and calm
consid erat ion . T he subm iss ion of th is p lan for ado pt ion
wil l const i tu te , for our people , far and away the greates t
and mos t impor tan t mat te r p laced befo re them s ince the
nat io n wa s founde d. A re we now invi ted to ass is t in for m
ing an d become a pa r t of the Un ited Sta tes of the w or ld ?
" As I have a lready s ta ted , the document which we have
before us is in i ts present form merely the repor t of a com
miss ion; i t has been laid on the conference table at plenary
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sess ion , f rom which , as Mr . Clemenceau has assured the
members , i t may be removed for debate , amendment and
ado ption or rejectio n. In view of these facts , we m ig ht
well forego i ts discussion until the conference in plenary
session has adopted i t , except that the report i tself has ac
quired for this nation a peculiar s ignif icance by reason of
the fact that the Pres ident pres ided over the body which
draf ted i t ; that he par t ic ipated in the proceedings incident
to the draf t ing ;tha t as pres iden t of the com missio n he re ad
the repor t submit t ing i t to the p lenary sess ion of the con
ference
;
tha t he indorse d the docum ent and thereby com
mit ted h imself as nat ional execut ive to i t ; and that he has
officially assured, in his cable to the members of the Foreign
Relat ions commit tees of the two houses of Congress , that
there are good reasons even for the verbiage of the docu
ment, crude as that is .
" By way of c lear ing the ground, and that no doubt may
exist as to my own personal att i tude on war and the pacif ic
sett lement of international disputes, I crave indulgence, at
this point for a few words of explanation in order that such
negative conclusions as I may reach shall not be charged to
unfr ie ndlin ess or bias. I m ay in the f irst place observ e tha t
I am and always have been agains t war and al l i t s a t tendant
woe, misery , ho rro rs and cr ime. In com mo n with a l l Ch r is
t ians I cannot and would not do o therwise than condemn
it in terms as ex travagant as language can f rame.
" Feeling thus, I shall at any and all t imes do my utmost
to bring into the world a reign of law, of order , and of
universal peace. N o m an dream s lof t ier or feels m ore in
tensely tha n I on these m at te rs . I real ize m oreo ver t ha t
with nat ions as with indiv idual* sacr i f ice br ings growth ,
moral and sp ir i tual , and fur ther that when al l i s sa id and
done the moral and the sp ir i tual th ings are a l l that are wor th
wh ile in l ife, na tion al and individ ual. I am will ing, the re
fore, personally, to sacrifice, and to see my country sacrifice,
the u tmost poss ib le to the es tab l ishment of peace and r ight
eousn ess in the wo rld. B ut m y co un try 's sacrifice cou nts
for so much in the world that, s ince mere sacrif ice i tself
avai le th l i t t le , I wish to make sure before p lacing our na
tional offer ing on the altar that when the f ire is kindled and
the of fer ing is burned we shal l have measurably and pro
por t ionately advanced the cause of human l iber ty and happi-
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ness . I t is in this spir i t tha t I app roac h the discussion of the
present pro ject .
" Af ter the most mature del iberat ion i t i s poss ib le for me
to give, I am convinced that you may place the case as high
as you will , yet you cannot in the present state of society
spel l out an a t ta inable end which would jus t i fy the des truc
t ion o f ou r g rea t coun t ry and Governmen t -the g rea tes t
dem ocra cy of all rec ord ed t im e. O u r l iberties, ou r free
insti tutions, our civil ization, tradit ions and ideals are all
worth all we have ever given to get them and all we could
possibly give, even to the point of extermination, to preserve
them.
" Conjure in your mind, i f you can , a wor ld without the
Declarat ion of Independence, without our Const i tu t ion and
free ins t i tu t ions , without our proclamations of emancipa
tion of races and of nations, without this nation itself, which
al l these th ings have bui lded and made mighty , and then te l l
m e, I chal lenge you, what is in that now put before us which
wo uld f ill in ter m s of bless ing not to ourselve s, but to the
wor ld the gap caused by their b lo t t ing out .
" Th e wor ld has no th ing mo re p rec ious fo r m an toda y
and for the myr iad generat ions yet unborn than our own
gre at Go vernm ent , in s t i tu t ions and people a people which
without the obl igat ion of t reaty or a l l iance, without thought
of gain , and with only the thought of pro tect ing e ternal
r ight, put on the full accoutrement of war and went to
batt le that the inalienable human r ights of l ife, l iberty and
the pursuit of happiness might st i l l have a dwelling place
am on g men , ' tha t gov ern m ent of the people , by the people
and for the people might not perish from the earth. '
"Ho ld ing our Governmen t and i t s in s t i tu t ions in th i s
fervent reverence, and profoundly averse to war for i ts own
sake ,
I must for myself demand that any p lan proposed
shall , to secure my support , meet these simple and reasonable
test s :
" Do i ts provis ions abol ish war and make i t hereaf ter im
possible, for I would be will ing we should go far and r isk
much to accomplish this
?
D o i ts provis ions s t rike dow n ou r
Const i tu t ion , or des troy our sovereignty , or threaten our
natio nal indep ende nce and l ife? F or if the plan propose d
does these th ings then i t must receive the condemnat ion of
every loyal citizen.
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"And I tell you here in all soberness that these matters
must be approached by all of us in a spirit of candid fair
ness, without cavil, bias, or partisanship, for our fate and
the fate of the world, if this matter go certainly forward,
waits upon our decision. And one word further let me say,
if we are to go forward with this plan it must be whole
heartedly and with absolute good faith. N either we, nor
those who represent us in the league bodies, must trifle with
our sacred plighted word. Fo r weal or woe we m ust stand
by our covenant. W e m ust never leave in our histo ry the
tain t of the ' Scrap of Pa pe r.'
" H av ing thus m ade my explanation, I proceed to the
plan
itself,
which I shall discuss without heat or color, and
with such judicial calm and fairness as I am able to bring
to my command.
"Any definite and precise examination or criticism of
the Covenant is made immeasurably difficult because of the
looseness of expression which characterizes the document
throughout; and while I shall not take your time to discover
mere matters of verbiage, there are two such matters to
which I invite your attention because they relate to matters
more or less basic. The first is the language of Article i,
which provides that ' Th e action of the H igh Co ntracting
Parties . . . shall be effected through the instrumentality of
meeting of a body of delegates.' Th is as a m atter either of
language or of logic is sheer nonsense, and yet this article
purports to lay down one of the fundamental precepts of
the plan. One is tempted to believe on casual read ing tha t
this is mere infelicity of expression and that after all the
meaning may be plain; but further study raises a serious
doubt, because it is not at all clear whether the document
sets up one or two operating entities for its enforcement,
as the following extract will show :
" Article i prescribes tha t ' The action of the high con
tracting parties under the terms of this covenant shall be
effected through the instrumentality of meeting of a body of
delegates representing the high contracting parties ' and not
of the league.
"Article 2 declares that any war or threat of war is a
matter of concern to the league, and that the high con
tracting parties reserve the right to take any action that
may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of
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nations. Assuming the language is carefully chosen, it is
obvious thatit isquite im possiblefor theleagueitself, which
is thecreature of the high contracting parties, to reserve a
right against
the
parties creating
it, and yet it is
quite
in
telligibleandaccurateto saythatthehigh co ntracting parties
who create the league reserve a right as against the league
itself.
" Again
in the
last parag raph
of
Article
19 the
Hig h Con
tracting Parties
'
agree
to
establish
' a
Mandatory Commis
sion which shall, inter alia, assist
the
League
in
insuring
the
observance of theterms of allm andates.
"Art ic le
15
provides that
in
case
a
dispute 'between
the
States, members
of the
League, '
has not
been submitted
to
arbitration under Article
13 (and
possibly
12)
then
'the
High Contracting Parties agree that they will refer
the
mat
ter
to the
Executive Council, '
but
'ei ther party
to the
dis
pute
may
give notice
of the
existence
of the
dispute
to the
secretary-general ' of theLeague.
"Under Art ic le
18 'the
high contracting parties'agree
that
the
League shall
be
intrusted with general supervision
of
the
trade
in
arms
and
ammunitions,
etc., etc' It
would
be absurd here
to
sub stitute
'
League
' for '
high contracting
parties
' so
that
the
sentence would read
' The
League agrees
that
the
League shall
be
intrusted,
etc'
" A g a i n inArticle21 'the high contracting parties agree
that provision shallbemade throug h the instrumentalityof
the League to secure and maintain freedom of transit and
equitable treatment for the commerce of all states members
of theLe agu e.' Obviously herethehigh contracting parties
and the League can scarcely refer to the same operating
entity."
How
important this matter
of a
possible double inter
national entity is, becomes at once apparent when it is ob
served thattheprovisionsof thesupercovenantofArticle10
reads,
' thehigh contracting parties undertaketo respectand
preserve as against external aggression the territorial in
tegrity and existing political independence of all states
members of the League.'
"I shall later co