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FRIDAY, JANUARY 17, 2014

12 THE HINDU FRIDAY, JANUARY 17, 2014

BANGALORE

EDITORIAL

The agreement between India and Sri Lanka to

empty their jails of each other’s fishermen is

an encouraging sign that both sides have the

will to resolve a long-standing irritant in bi-

lateral ties. At Wednesday’s meeting between Union

Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar and Sri Lankan

Fisheries and Aquatic Minister Rajitha Senaratne, both

sides agreed to release all fishermen in their custody

except those who face charges other than crossing the

International Maritime Boundary Line. With this con-

fidence building measure, both sides must now sit

down to the challenge of finding a long-term solution to

the problems of the fishing communities in the region.

Over the years, Tamil Nadu fishermen have with in-

creasing stridency made the demand for the right to

fish in the entire Palk Bay, describing it as their “tradi-

tional fishing grounds”. It is no longer just about fishing

rights around Kachchatheevu. The reason is that the

catch is better on the Sri Lankan side. This is no

accident. Bad practices such as the indiscriminate use

of trawlers that dredge right down to the sea bed have

depleted the resources along the Tamil Nadu coast. On

the other side, the long years of conflict during which

fishermen in Northeast Sri Lanka were barely allowed

by the Sri Lankan Navy to put their boats out a few

hundred metres into the sea has ensured that fish and

other marine resources are still plentiful. Now that

there are no military restrictions on fishing off North-

east Sri Lanka, Tamil fishermen there who are still

struggling to rebuild their lives find themselves in daily

competition with Tamil Nadu fishermen for what they

claim is rightfully theirs. Worse, the fishermen from

the Indian side, better organised and equipped with

bigger boats and better nets, use the same practices

that ravaged their side of the bay.

It is no surprise that an agreement — finalised in

2008 when the Sri Lankan military operations against

the LTTE were intensifying — that was favourable to

Indian fishermen is now seen by the Sri Lankan side as

requiring re-negotiation. The solution to the problem

may well come from the fishermen themselves. With

the backing of the two capitals, they are to hold a

meeting of their representatives on January 20 and

may explore options such as licensing and placing re-

strictions on the number of fishing days. Ultimately,

however, the real solution for both, especially on the

Indian side, lies in preserving what is left by moving

away from coastal to deep sea fishing. The State govern-

ment and the Centre must also encourage fishermen to

diversify into related activities such as deep-freezing,

preserving and canning. That could even pave the way

for collaboration between Indian and Sri Lankan fish-

ing communities. The way forward is to find ways to

complement each other’s livelihoods, instead of just

competing over scarce resources.

Easing tensions inthe Palk Bay

There is a tremendous new energy on thestreets of Delhi and, almost surreally, it isspreading to other parts of the country. Thephenomenon is a tribute to the Aam AadmiParty, a spunky political debutant already ingovernment in the national Capital and withplans to contest over 400 Lok Sabha seats.

In retrospect, it is clear that the ArvindKejriwal-led AAP tapped into popular re-sentments bubbling under the surface. Theemotions found release with Mr. Kejriwal’spromise of systemic overhaul and transfor-mative politics. The stampeding crowds atthe AAP’s offices, the rush of the who’s whoto join its rolls and the frightened responsesof its political rivals, all speak to the new-comer’s emergence as a harbinger of hope ina political environment sullied by greed,graft, waste and incompetence.

Great expectations

Yet the danger with excessive expectationis that it can quickly turn into disillusion-ment and despair. The AAP faces two poten-tial pitfalls. First is its near free-for-all styleof governance, evident in such hasty andbaffling decisions as turning the Delhi Secre-tariat into a Janata durbar (since dropped)and calling upon people to sting corrupt offi-cers. Without a proper structure and dis-cipline, these solutions can degenerate intotools of vigilantism, leading to a blurring oflines between liberty and licence.

The second is the AAP’s refusal to defineitself ideologically. In an interview to CNN-IBN, the AAP’s national executive member,Yogendra Yadav, denied that the party wassocialist and said that the “binaries of the20th century, either Left or Right, do notmake sense”. An entry in the AAP website,now removed, had ridiculed the demand forideological clarity, saying ideology was forpundits whereas the AAP saw itself as solu-tion-based, open to using solutions from theLeft and the Right.

The attractions of a solution-based, com-monsensical approach are undoubtedlyenormous, especially to audiences fatiguedby the opportunistic aspects of politics. It is

also true that there is a jaded, outmoded feelto politics compartmentalised as Right orLeft; secular or communal. More so whenparties and politicians themselves feel nodiscomfort in crossing the divide, often forthe flimsiest of reasons.

But can a party function without a sense ofhistory, without an understanding of its ownroots and why and how it has evolved to itspresent? The Anna movement had a stronglyregressive streak. The AAP has moved awayto saner positions without frontally con-fronting and interrogating that past. TheAAP’s army of supporters may want to treatideology as baggage and see the party as agrand standalone phenomenon, but thatwould be delusional because history has les-sons to offer to forget which is to risk repeat-ing it with tragic consequences.

Previous movements

Consider the fate of India’s previous anti-corruption movements. Two kinds of pop-ular movements have led to party formationin India — those based on self-respect andidentity and the more pan-national ones fo-cussed on political corruption and misrule.The former category is made up of largelyregional parties such as the Dravida Mun-netra Kazhagam (DMK), the Telugu DesamParty (TDP), the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP)and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).

In the second category fall a series of anti-corruption mobilisations of which two areregarded as milestones in Indian politicalhistory — the Total Revolution call of 1974-1975 and the anti-Bofors movement of1988-1989.

Led by Jaya Prakash Narayan and V.P.Singh respectively, both movements target-ed the Congress, and the end result of eachformed a political alliance — the 1977 um-

brella Janata Party and the 1989 Janata Dalcoalition — that eventually disintegrated be-cause the leadership mistakenly believedthat ideology could be brushed under thecarpet. Both accommodated the RSS, believ-ing its involvement to be necessary to fightthe ‘corrupt’ congress. But there is a curiousback story to this story.

The rightward tilt of the two movementscan be traced back to 1971 when the Opposi-tion banded together into a Grand Allianceto fight Indira Gandhi’s ‘destructive’ politics.That alliance was routed.

However, JP’s 1974 Total Revolution calland the then ongoing student protests inGujarat provided the perfect backdrop forthe Grand Alliance constituents to regroup.JP gave the constituents credibility and theygave his movement political muscle. Thismutual support resulted in the formation, in1974 itself, of the Janata Morcha, a loosecoalition that went on to defeat the congressin the 1975 Gujarat assembly election. Thissetback, coupled with her unseating fromthe Rae Bareli Lok Sabha seat, led IndiraGandhi to impose the Emergency.

The 1971 Grand Alliance was formed bythe Congress (Organisation), the SwatantraParty, the Jan Sangh and the Praja and Sa-myukta Socialist Parties. The Congress (O)was backed by big business, the princelyclass and the media. The Swatantra Partydrew its membership from the princes,wealthy industrialists and extreme right-wing elements. Driven by the RSS, the JanSangh had a clearly spelt-out Hindu nation-alist goal. The Socialist parties joined thisgrouping because like the rest they abhorredIndira Gandhi and saw her policies as de-structively leftist. The 1974-1975 JanataMorcha, which began as a coordination frontfor JP, consisted of the Congress (O), the Jan

Sangh, the Socialist Party (formed by themerger of the two socialist parties) and theBharatiya Lok Dal (BLD). The BLD in turnwas a coalition of seven parties, among themthe Charan Singh-led Bharatiya Kranti Daland the Swatantra Party. The 1977 JanataParty was a product of the merger of theCongress (O), the Jan Sangh, the BharatiyaLok Dal and the Socialist Party.

Confusing? Far from it, what the narrativeestablishes is a rightwing continuum. The1971 Grand Alliance, the 1974-1975 JanataMorcha and the 1977 Janata Party all hadroughly the same constituents. The RSS pro-vided the logistical support for each of theseformations as it would do more than a dec-ade later for the Janata Dal. Indeed, by 1989,the leading lights of the Janata movementhad faded away. But, as before, the RSS andits political offshoot, now the Bharatiya Ja-nata Party, would drive the anti-corruptionmovement.

JP believed that the RSS had changed. Hesaid in March 1975: “I have to admit that theRSS has undergone a change and is stillchanging… By including these organisationsin the movement for Total Revolution, I havemade an attempt to decommunalise themand now they are not communal..” IndiraGandhi’s response to this was typically caus-tic: “Anybody who has read the speeches ofRSS leaders can judge for himself … Many ofthem are positively against certain commu-nities in India… Such forces have been givenrespectability. They have been given an op-portunity to reach out to areas where theyhad no foothold before. This is extremelydangerous to the future of the country..”(Source: Ajit Bhattacharjee; UnfinishedRevolution).

JP’s blinkered view of the fight againstcorruption led to the inevitable. The social-ists opposed the Jan Sangh’s continuing alle-giance to the RSS, resulting in the collapse ofthe Janata Government. The fall of the V.P.Singh Government in 1989 was almost anaction replay, with VP realising too late thathis accommodation of the RSS and the BJPgave the latter credibility and a chance torevive itself post its 1984 debacle. The clashof ideologies was written into the script.

Three interesting facts emerge from this.All pan-national anti-corruption move-ments so far have been against the Congress.All of them have had a strong right-wingcontent which led them to self-destruct. TheJan Sangh/BJP gained in respect and influ-ence by associating with these movements.

The Anna movement was uncannily simi-lar to the earlier anti-corruption move-ments. The JP and Anna movements soughtto overthrow the system and were set againstthe same background of corruption, run-away inflation and an explosion of publicanger against those in power. V.P. Singh’santi-Bofors campaign struck a powerfulchord with the people in much the same wayas did today’s 2G and other scandals. Andlike his predecessors, Anna chose to be ideol-ogy-neutral, associating himself with BabaRamdev and holding up Narendra Modi asthe ideal Chief Minister. His protégé KiranBedi has since come out in open support ofMr. Modi.

Baba Ramdev was Mr. Kejriwal’s first portof call on his anti-corruption journey. It waslater that he turned to Anna. But, since form-ing the AAP, Mr. Kejriwal has evolved in amore progressive direction, which is surelythe reason why someone like Mallika Sarab-hai has joined the party. But the AAP alsoharbours the very regressive and gender-insensitive Kumar Vishwas, the video re-cordings of whose comic shows make forcringe-inducing viewing.

The fight against corruption is criticallyimportant. But the neglect of ideology canprove ruinous for this cause. The AAP has ahistoric responsibility to make a clean breakfrom the past and emerge as a party that cancombine systemic overhaul with a progres-sive, clearly-articulated vision.

vidya.s@thehindu.co.in

Too scared to turn left or rightThe Aam Aadmi Party is in favour of asolution-based, commonsensical approachto problems and seeks to escape thetrappings of the Left or the Right

Vidya Subrahmaniam

Justice in the dockWhile no one can sit in judgmentover cases involving sexualharassment by judges andwhatever may have transpiredwithin a room, it is anybody’s guesswhether a woman would make afalse allegation involving hermodesty and against the higherjudiciary (“The judges’ dilemma”,Jan. 16). I would like to narrate anincident. I once got a call from ahigher official in the organisationwhere I worked. There was a ladyemployee present in his cabin,much junior to him and reportingto him indirectly. He discussedsome details which did not concernme. Once she left, I asked himabout the reason for calling me. Ina very matter-of-fact manner, hereplied that he had called me as awitness to guard himself againstfrivolous charges that could beraised in the future. He added thathe had been following thisprocedure for long. This came fromsomeone who was on the verge ofretirement. It is imperative thatthose in power and in sensitiveposts take sufficient safeguards as apreventive measure against falsecharges being levelled.

A.V. Narayanan,Tiruchirapalli

The din over the allegations madeby an intern against formerSupreme Court judge Justice A.K.Ganguly had barely died downwhen a fresh scandal involvinganother retired judge, JusticeSwatanter Kumar, surfaced. Theapex court, which had decreed thatit was washing its hands of suchmatters after setting up a panel toprobe Justice Ganguly’s alleged

misconduct, has now had to takecognizance of this alleged offenceas the intern has sought apermanent mechanism to probesuch cases. Such a mechanismwould be desirable as the accused,who suddenly find themselvescaught in the eye of a storm, aremade to face the brunt of the mediaonslaught. Justice (retd.)Swatanter Kumar’s plea for aninjunction to restrain the mediaseems appropriate.

C.V. Aravind,Bangalore

Had there been an institutionalmechanism to deal withunwelcome behaviour by judgestoward interns, any grievances onthe part of interns concerningpowerful judges would have beenredressed in a better manner. Theresolution of a full court that nomore representations againstjudges would be entertained goesagainst the rule of law.

V. Kumar,Thekkurichy, Tamil Nadu

The facts need to be ascertainedgiven the potential damage thatcould be caused to persons whohave occupied high office. Thelikelihood of false allegationscannot be entirely ruled out. Sothere should be a propermechanism to ensure a levelplaying field to both parties. Whena complaint is abnormally delayed,the benefit of the doubt can begiven to the alleged perpetrator tillit is proved otherwise. Peopleoccupying/who have occupied highoffice with a credible track recordcertainly deserve such immunity.

Dr. D.V.G. Sankararao,Vizianagaram

Our Supreme Court, in trying toseek a mechanism to probe chargesagainst its judge, should considerthe position of both parties. Itneeds to come up with strictpunishment for both sexualharassment and attempts totarnish the judiciary.

Avrinder GrewalNoorwala, Punjab

Rape of tourist

The term Atithi devo bhava seemsto have lost its meaning. It is moreshocking that less than 13 monthsafter the brutal Delhi gang rape,precious little seems to havechanged in the capital (“Danishtourist gang-raped in Delhi”, Jan.16). It is wrong to blame the AAP onthis. Though the prevailingmindset in a male-dominated Indiacannot be changed overnight, moreand more people are lookingforward to any steps that the AAPgovernment would come up with toprevent such incidents.

Bidyut Kumar Chatterjee,Faridabad

Operation Bluestar

The news item headlined “RAWchief consulted MI6 in build-up toOperation Bluestar” (Jan. 16) didnot come as a surprise. Countriesaround the world have similararrangements. In one suchincident, the GSG9 of Germanyhelped Israelis during the raid onEntebbe airport. In 1979, the U.S.helped train Saudi forces to breakthe Makkah siege. The King ofMorocco was protected by Jews,and Israelis shared theirintelligence inputs (TheSpymasters of Israel by Steward

Steven). After signing the peaceaccord with the Palestinians,Israeli Prime Minister YitzhakRabin first visited Morocco on hisway back from the U.S. The currentcontroversy is just another one forthe media to report on.

Sunil Pradhan,Nuapada, Odisha

Sharon’s legacy

The Sabra and Shatila massacre,mostly of Palestinians andLebanese Shias, was perpetratedby a Lebanese militia with ties toSyria in retaliation for theassassination of LebanesePresident Bachir Gemayel. ArielSharon, then the Defence Ministerof Israel, merely bore personalresponsibility for ignoring thedanger of bloodshed and revenge,forcing him to resign (“Troubledlegacy of a bulldozer”, Jan. 16).When Time magazine published anarticle implying that Sharon wasdirectly responsible for themassacre, Sharon sued it for libel inAmerican courts. The juryconcluded that the Time articleincluded false allegations. Thewriter here is further resorting tohalf-truths to vilify Sharon, whowas merely fighting for the survivalof his country against terroristattacks by groups which werecommitted to the destruction ofthe state of Israel.

Vineeth Kumar,Bangalore

Ariel Sharon was a war criminalwho escaped justice by dyingbefore he could be foundaccountable for his crimes. Heproved himself to be a reckless,insubordinate commander who

carried out many mass murdersand attacks on civilian targets inPalestine, Syria and Egypt.Remarkably, despite Sharon’scontroversial reputation, there wasa pretty impressive list of peoplecoming to his funeral.

Nishita Aggarwal,Delhi

Sanctity of Sanctum

When I visited a temple nearBurma colony in Thiruvanaikoil inTamil Nadu, I was waiting for theperson in charge to show karpuraaaradhana to the deity. But he toldme that I to can go directly to thesanctum sanctorum to pray asthere was no need for anybody tocome between me and God. Hindureligion is that simple! Forprogressive Hindus like me, theChidambaram temple verdictsurely does come as a setback.Though the Lord never intended todo injustice based on caste, it wasadded later by vested interests tojustify discrimination by birth. Inthe case of the ChidambaramTemple, the battle might be lostbut the war will be won eventually.

S. Rajan Mahesh,Tiruchirapalli

Sahara Pariwar

The Sahara episode has indeedturned out to be a test of patience(“Testing the limits,” Jan. 16). It issurprising that the group findsnovel ways to flout the rules andcontinue its operations. It is ratherunfortunate that the group has notbeen moved against even afterSupreme Court orders.

Madhusree Guha,Kolkata

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to letters@thehindu.co.in must carry the fullpostal address and the full name or the name with initials.

The report of an RBI-appointed committee on

financial inclusion and financial deepening

has stimulated a wide-ranging debate on

these crucial areas. However, policy measures

initiated by the government and the RBI while adding

to the numbers of new bank branches, new accounts

and so on did not really enhance the quality of such

inclusive practices. In September last year, the RBI

asked the committee chaired by Nachiket Mor to pre-

pare “a clear and detailed vision document” to lay down

a set of “design principles” to guide national frame-

works and regulation and to review existing strategies

and institutions with a view to removing barriers to

inclusion and to the deepening of the financial sector.

The report, submitted in just over four months, is rich

in detail, but its core agenda is to be seen in a few

specific action points. Every Indian above 18 will have

to be provided with a universal electronic bank account

by January 2016, less than two years from now. Aad-

haar will be the basis to open bank accounts. A vertical-

ly differentiated banking system with payments banks

for deposits and payments and wholesale banks for

credit outreach will come up, with few entry barriers.

No one can fault the committee for the lack of ambi-

tion or a sense of urgency. It has underlined the urgen-

cy by stipulating a distance rule — no one need walk for

more than 15 minutes to reach a point of contact to

avail a financial service. That has been one of the major

areas of dissent within the committee, with two of its

members seeking a more realistic timeframe. The com-

mittee might have glossed over the huge costs that will

have to be incurred in terms of physical infrastructure

and human resources. No matter how important tech-

nology will be in the emerging financial scene, the role

of human resources cannot be discounted. The idea of

setting up differentiated banks is not new. Regional

rural banks and local area banks which fall in this

category did not measure up despite being theoretical-

ly sound. Their cost structure moved up in line with

those of commercial banks, making them unviable.

Despite a much lower capital requirement being stip-

ulated for these banks, there may not be many takers

for them. The assumption that Aadhaar will roll out

across the country by the end of next year might be an

optimistic one. Despite such doubts, the Nachiket Mor

report is a truly visionary document that should help

the Reserve Bank and the government to initiate spe-

cific moves towards complete financial inclusion.

A new paradigm for inclusion

CARTOONSCAPE