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Ivory Tower Kritik 1 Vande Kamp Samford Debate Institute 2009 Ivory Tower Kritik Ivory Tower Shell.................................................... 2 Ivory Tower Shell.................................................... 3 Ivory Tower Shell.................................................... 4 Ivory Tower Kritik Overview.......................................... 5 Links: Health Care.................................................. 6 Links: Human Rights................................................. 7 Links: Indigenous People (Natives)...................................8 Links: Academic Simulations.........................................9 Links: Poverty..................................................... 10 Links: International Relations.....................................11 Links: Social Science Research.....................................12 Links: Claiming War Scenarios From Poverty.........................13 Links: Academic Discourse.......................................... 14 Alternative Solvency: Must Link To Specific Activities.............15 Alternative Solvency................................................ 16 Answers To: Permute: Do Both.......................................17 Answers To: Permute: Do Both.......................................18 Answers to: Baudrillard Indicts.....................................19 **Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers**................................20 Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers....................................21 Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers....................................22 Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers....................................23 Ivory Tower AFF Answers............................................. 24 Ivory Tower AFF Answers: Paradox Perm..............................25

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Page 1: 164678232 Ivory Tower Kritik

Ivory Tower Kritik 1Vande Kamp Samford Debate Institute 2009

Ivory Tower KritikIvory Tower Shell..........................................................................................................................................2

Ivory Tower Shell..........................................................................................................................................3

Ivory Tower Shell..........................................................................................................................................4

Ivory Tower Kritik Overview........................................................................................................................5

Links: Health Care........................................................................................................................................6

Links: Human Rights....................................................................................................................................7

Links: Indigenous People (Natives)...............................................................................................................8

Links: Academic Simulations.......................................................................................................................9

Links: Poverty.............................................................................................................................................10

Links: International Relations.....................................................................................................................11

Links: Social Science Research..................................................................................................................12

Links: Claiming War Scenarios From Poverty...........................................................................................13

Links: Academic Discourse........................................................................................................................14

Alternative Solvency: Must Link To Specific Activities............................................................................15

Alternative Solvency....................................................................................................................................16

Answers To: Permute: Do Both..................................................................................................................17

Answers To: Permute: Do Both..................................................................................................................18

Answers to: Baudrillard Indicts...................................................................................................................19

**Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers**.......................................................................................................20

Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers...............................................................................................................21

Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers...............................................................................................................22

Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers...............................................................................................................23

Ivory Tower AFF Answers..........................................................................................................................24

Ivory Tower AFF Answers: Paradox Perm................................................................................................25

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Ivory Tower Shell

A) The Affirmative is located in the ivory tower: their abstract discussions of the world that could be deflects attention from actually making real-world changes:

Nayar 1999 [Jayan, Ph.D from the University of Cambridge, Fall, School of Law, University of Warwick Transnational Law & Contemporary Problems “Orders of Inhumanity”]

Located within a site of privilege , and charged to reflect upon the grand questions of world- order and the human condition as the third Christian Millennium dawns, we are tempted to turn the mind to the task of abstract imaginings of "what could be" of our "world, " and "how should we organize" our "humanity." Perhaps such contemplations are a necessary antidote to cynicism and skepticism regarding any possibility of human betterment, a necessary revitalization of critical and creative energies to check the complacencies of the state of things as they are. n1 However, imagining  [*601]  possibilities of

abstractions--"world-order," "international society," "the global village," "the family of humankind," etc.--does carry with it a risk. The "total" view that is the take-off point for discourses on preferred "world-order" futures risks deflection as the abstracted projections it provokes might entail little consequence for the faces and the names of the humanity on whose behalf we might speak. So, what do we do?

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Ivory Tower Shell

B) Link: the discussion of the plan in the ivory tower creates an illusion of reality that diverts attention from practical solutions to problems:

Baudrillard 1995 [Jean, April 19, "Radical Thought", http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=67]

All this defines the insoluble relationship between thought and the real. A certain type of thought is an accomplice of the real. It starts with the hypothesis that there is a real reference to an idea and that there is a possible "ideation" of reality. This is no doubt a comforting perspective, one which is based on meaning and deciphering. This is also a polarity, similar to that used by ready-made dialectical and philosophical solutions. The other thought, on the contrary, is ex-centric from the real. It is an "ex-centering"2 of the real world and, consequently, it is alien to a dialectic which always plays on adversarial poles. It is even alien to critical thought which always refers to an ideal of the real. To some extent, this thought is not even a denial of the

concept of reality. It is an illusion , that is to say a "game" 3 played with desire (which this thought puts "into play"), just like metaphor is a "game" played with truth. This radical thought comes neither from a philosophical doubt nor from a utopian transference4 (which always supposes an ideal transformation of the real). Nor does it stem from an ideal transcendence. It is the "putting into play"5 of this world, the material and immanent illusion of this so-called "real" world - it is a non-critical, non-dialectical thought.

So, this thought appears to be coming from somewhere else. In any case, t here is an incompatibility between thought and the real . Between thought and the real, there is no necessary or natural transition . Not an "alternation,"6 not an alternative either: only an "alterity"7 keeps them under pressure8. Only fracture, distance and alienation safeguard the singularity of this thought, the singularity of being a singular event, similar in a sense to the singularity of the world through which it is made into an event. Things probably did not always happen this way. One may dream of a happy conjunction of idea and reality, in the shadow of the Enlightenment and of modernity, in the heroic ages of critical thought. But that thought, which operated against a form of illusion - superstitious, religious, or ideological - is substantially over. And even if that thought had survived its catastrophic secularization in all the political systems of the 20th century, the ideal and almost necessary relationship between concept and reality would in any case have been destroyed today. That thought disappeared under the pressure of a gigantic simulation, a technical and mental one, under the pressure of a precession of models to the benefit of an autonomy of the virtual, from now on liberated from the real, and of a simultaneous autonomy of the real that today functions for and by itself - motu propio - in a delirious perspective, infinitely self-referential. Expelled, so to speak, from its own frame, from its own principle, pushed toward its extraneity, the real has become an extreme phenomenon. So, we no longer can think of it as real. But we can think of it as "ex-orbitated," as if it was seen from another world - as an illusion then. Let's ponder over what could be a stupefying experience: the discovery of another real world, different from ours. Ours, one day, was discovered. The objectivity of this world was discovered, just like America was discovered, more or less at the same period. But what was discovered can never be created again. That's how reality was discovered, and is still created (or the alternate version: this is how reality was created, which is still being discovered). Why wouldn't there be as many real

worlds as there are imaginary ones? Why would there be only one real world? Why such a mode of exception? In reality, the notion of a real world existing among all other possible worlds is unimaginable. It is unthinkable, except perhaps as a dangerous superstition. We must stay away from that, just as critical thought once stayed away (in the name of the real!) from religious superstition. Thinkers, give it another try!

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Ivory Tower Shell

C) The Alternative is to take pragmatic actions in the real world: only this solves the harms the affirmative identifies while ignoring their intellectual blinders:

Baudrillard 1994 (Jean, French Cultural Theorist, sociologist and philosopher, "No Reprieve For Sarejevo" September 28) The problem lies indeed in the nature of our reality. We have got only one, and it must be preserved. Even if it is by the use of the most heinous of all paroles: " One must do something. One cannot remain idle." Yet, to do something for the sole reason that one cannot do nothing never has been a valid principle for action, nor for liberty. At the most it is an excuse for one's own powerlessness and a token of self-pity. The people of Sarajevo are not bothered by such questions. Being where they are, they are in the absolute need to do what they do, to do the right thing. They harbour no illusion about the outcome and do not indulge in self-pity. This is what it means to be really existing, to exist within reality. And this reality has nothing to do with the so-called objective reality of their plight, which should not exist, and which we do so much deplore. This reality exits as such - it is the stark reality of action and destiny. This is why they are alive, while we are dead. This is why we feel the need to salvage the reality of war in our own eyes and to impose this reality (to be pitiable) upon those who suffer from it, but do not really believe in it, despite the fact they are in the midst of war and utter distress. Susan Sontag herself confesses in her diaries that the Bosnians do not really believe in the suffering which surrounds them. They end up finding the whole situation unreal, senseless, and unexplainable. It is hell, but hell of what may be termed a hyperreal kind, made even more hyperreal by the harassment of the media and the humanitarian agencies, because it renders the attitude of the world towards them even less unfathomable. Thus, they live in a kind of ghost-like war - which is fortunate, because otherwise, they would never have been able to stand up to it. These are not my words, by the way: they say it so. But then Susan Sontag, hailing herself from New York, must know better than them what reality is, since she has chosen them to incarnate it. Or maybe it is simply because reality is what she, and with

her all the Western world, is lacking the most. To reconstitute reality, one needs to head to where blood flows . All these "corridors", opened by us to funnel our foodstuffs and our "culture" are in fact our lifelines along which we suck their moral strength and the energy of their distress. Yet another unequal exchange. And to those who have found in a radical delusion of reality (and this includes the belief in political rationality, which supposedly rules us, and which very much constitutes the principle of European reality) a kind of alternative courage, that is to survive a senseless situation, to these people Susan Sontag comes to convince them of the "reality" of their suffering, by making something cultural and something theatrical out of it, so that it can be useful as a referent within the theatre of western values, including "solidarity". But Susan Sontag herself is not the issue. She is merely a societal instance of what has become

the general situation whereby toothless intellectuals swap their distress with the misery of the poor, both of them sustaining each other, both of them locked in a perverse agreement .

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Ivory Tower Kritik Overview

The Affirmative remains trapped in an illusion—extend our Nayar evidence: they identify problems in a round of debate instead of engaging them in the real world. Our two pieces of Baudrillard evidence says this deflects attention from real world solutions, causing us to remain trapped in the ivory tower. Our alternative engages in pragmatic solutions in the real world without remaining trapped by the blinders of the Affirmative advocacy. They are the “toothless intellectuals” that Baudrillard attacks: they discuss problems in the ivory tower but don’t take real world activity to solve them—meaning the harms they outline are perpetuated on a grand scale. Only shattering the illusion with the alternative has any chance of actually solving the harms they outline—that’s our second Baudrillard card.

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Health Care Links

The affirmative acts as an Ivory Tower intellectual, reducing us to a seminar-room warrior instead of engaging in actual solutions to health care.Farmer and Gastineau 2002 (Paul and Nicole, “LEGAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS INTERVENTION FOR HEALTH: Rethinking Health and Human Rights: Time for a Paradigm Shift” Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics Winter ln)

A few years ago, the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and his colleagues pulled together a compendium of testimonies from those the French term "the excluded" in order to bring into relief la misere du monde. Bourdieu and colleagues qualified their claims for the role of scholarship in addressing this misery: "To subject to scrutiny the mechanisms which render life painful, even untenable, is not to neutralize them; to bring to light contradictions is not to resolve them." n23 It is precisely such humility that is needed, and rarely exhibited, in academic commentary on human rights. It is difficult merely to study human rights abuses. We know with certainty that rights are being abused at this very moment. And the fact that we can study, rather than endure, these abuses is a reminder that we too are implicated in and benefit from the increasingly global structures that determine, to an important extent, the nature and distribution of assaults on dignity. Ivory-tower engagement with health and human rights can, often enough, reduce us to seminar-room warriors. At worst, we stand revealed as the hypocrites that our critics in many parts of the world have not hesitated to call us. Anthropologists have long been familiar with these critiques; specialists in international health, including AIDS researchers, have recently had a crash course. It is possible, usually, to drown out the voices of those demanding that we stop studying them, even when they go to great lengths to make sure we get the message. But social scientists with more acute hearing have documented a rich trove of graffiti, songs, demonstrations, tracts, and broadsides on the subject. A hit record album in Haiti was called International Organizations. The title cut includes the following lines: "International organizations  [*659]  are not on our side. They're there to help the thieves rob and devour... International health stays on the sidelines of our struggle."

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Human Rights Links

The affirmative acts as an Ivory Tower intellectual, reducing us to a seminar-room warrior instead of engaging in actual solutions to poverty.Farmer and Gastineau 2002 (Paul and Nicole, “LEGAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS INTERVENTION FOR HEALTH: Rethinking Health and Human Rights: Time for a Paradigm Shift” Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics Winter ln)

A few years ago, the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and his colleagues pulled together a compendium of testimonies from those the French term "the excluded" in order to bring into relief la misere du monde. Bourdieu and colleagues qualified their claims for the role of scholarship in addressing this misery: "To subject to scrutiny the mechanisms which render life painful, even untenable, is not to neutralize them; to bring to light contradictions is not to resolve them." n23 It is precisely such humility that is needed, and rarely exhibited, in academic commentary on human rights. It is difficult merely to study human rights abuses. We know with certainty that rights are being abused at this very moment. And the fact that we can study, rather than endure, these abuses is a reminder that we too are implicated in and benefit from the increasingly global structures that determine, to an important extent, the nature and distribution of assaults on dignity. Ivory-tower engagement with health and human rights can, often enough, reduce us to seminar-room warriors. At worst, we stand revealed as the hypocrites that our critics in many parts of the world have not hesitated to call us. Anthropologists have long been familiar with these critiques; specialists in international health, including AIDS researchers, have recently had a crash course. It is possible, usually, to drown out the voices of those demanding that we stop studying them, even when they go to great lengths to make sure we get the message. But social scientists with more acute hearing have documented a rich trove of graffiti, songs, demonstrations, tracts, and broadsides on the subject. A hit record album in Haiti was called International Organizations. The title cut includes the following lines: "International organizations  [*659]  are not on our side. They're there to help the thieves rob and devour... International health stays on the sidelines of our struggle."

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Links: Indigenous People (Natives)

Indigenous people don’t want academic institutions to help themBattiste 2000 (Marie, professor at the College of Education and Coordinator of the Indian and Northern Education Program within Educational Foundations at the University of Saskatchewan . Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision pg. 213)

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Links: Academic Simulations

Academic simulations in debate distract from political action to solve problemsMitchell 1998 [Gordon R., Associate Professor, University of Pittsburgh, “PEDAGOGICAL POSSIBILITIES FOR ARGUMENTATIVE AGENCY IN ACADEMIC DEBATE” Argumentation & Advocacy, Vol. 35 Issue 2, p41-60]

While an isolated academic space that affords students an opportunity to learn in a protected environment has significant pedagogical value (see e.g. Coverstone 1995, p. 8-9), the notion of the academic debate tournament as a sterile laboratory carries with it some disturbing implications, when the metaphor is extended to its limit. To the extent that the academic space begins to take on characteristics of a laboratory, the barriers demarcating such a space from other spheres of deliberation beyond the school grow taller and less permeable. When such barriers reach insurmountable dimensions, argumentation in the academic setting unfolds on a purely simulated plane, with students practicing critical thinking and advocacy skills in strictly hypothetical thought-spaces. Although they may research and track public argument as it unfolds outside the confines of the laboratory for research purposes, in this approach, students witness argumentation beyond the walls of the academy as spectators, with little or no apparent recourse to directly participate or alter the course of events (see Mitchell 1995; 1998).The sense of detachment associated with the spectator posture is highlighted during episodes of alienation in which debaters cheer news of human suffering or misfortune. Instead of focusing on the visceral negative responses to news accounts of human death and misery, debaters overcome with the competitive zeal of contest round competition show a tendency to concentrate on the meanings that such evidence might hold for the strength of their academic debate arguments. For example, news reports of mass starvation might tidy up the "uniqueness of a disadvantage" or bolster the "inherency of an affirmative case" (in the technical parlance of debate-speak). Murchland categorizes cultivation of this "spectator" mentality as one of the most politically debilitating failures of contemporary education : "Educational institutions have failed even more grievously to provide the kind of civic forums we need. In fact, one could easily conclude that the principle purposes of our schools is to deprive successor generations of their civic voice, to turn them into mute and uncomprehending spectators in the drama of political life" (1991, p. 8).

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Links: PovertyDebates on Poverty are meaningless and don’t affect their needs Knitzer 2005 (Jane, executive director of the National Center for Children in Poverty at Columbia University. “All the pretty words, after Katrina” The New York Times October 15 edition, written on October 11. ln)

It is time to move beyond the ''liberal'' versus ''conservative'' framing of the debate on poverty. In the real world, the one beyond intellectual debates, too many American families live in dire poverty, and a much larger number do not have the resources to adequately meet their basic needs for housing, food, health care, child care and transportation. Many parents who work still can't support their families.

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Links: International Relations

The real world doesn’t care about international relations theoriesNye 2009 (Joseph, professor at Harvard University and expert in International Relations and Soft Power. “Scholars on the sidelines” The Washington Post, Regional Edition. April 13 ln)

Obama has appointed some distinguished academic economists and lawyers to his administration, but few high-ranking political scientists have been named. In fact, the editors of a recent poll of more than 2,700 international relations experts declared that "the walls surrounding the ivory tower have never seemed so high."

While important American scholars such as Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski took high-level foreign policy positions in the past, that path has tended to be a one-way street. Not many top-ranked scholars of international relations are going into government, and even fewer return to contribute to academic theory. The 2008 Teaching, Research and International Policy (TRIP) poll, by the Institute for Theory and Practice in International Relations, showed that of the 25 scholars rated as producing the most interesting scholarship during the past five years, only three had ever held policy positions (two in the U.S. government and one in the United Nations). The fault for this growing gap lies not with the government but with the academics.

Scholars are paying less attention to questions about how their work relates to the policy world, and in many departments a focus on policy can hurt one's career. Advancement comes faster for those who develop mathematical models, new methodologies or theories expressed in jargon that is unintelligible to policymakers. A survey of articles published over the lifetime of the American Political Science Review found that about one in five dealt with policy prescription or criticism in the first half of the century, while only a handful did so after 1967. Editor Lee Sigelman observed in the journal's centennial issue that "if 'speaking truth to power' and contributing directly to public dialogue about the merits and demerits of various courses of action were still numbered among the functions of the profession, one would not have known it from leafing through its leading journal."

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Links: Social Science Research

Social science research doesn’t bolster international relations theory:Lepgold and Nincic 2001 (Joseph and Miroslac, Assistant Professor of International Affairs and Government at Georgetown University and Professor of Political Science at the University of California. Beyond the Ivory Tower: International Relations Theory and the Issue of Policy Relevance pg. 3)

According to much conventional wisdom, this situation is unsurprising. International relations scholars and practitioners have different professional priorities and reflect different cultures. Not only is it often assumed that good theory must sacrifice policy relevance; but also those seeking guidance in diagnosing policy situations and making policy choices, it is often thought, must look for help in places other than contemporary social science research.

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Links: Claiming War Scenarios From Poverty

Securitizing poverty policy empirically prevents solvency:Shulman 2008 (Mark, Assistant Dean for Graduate Programs and International Affairs and Adjunct Professor of Law at Pace Law School. “THE APPLICATION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW TO THE TREATMENT OF DETAINEES IN THE PRESIDENT'S "WAR ON TERROR": THE FOUR FREEDOMS: GOOD NEIGHBORS MAKE GOOD LAW AND GOOD POLICY IN A TIME OF INSECURITY” Fordham Law Review November ln)

Through this and parallel efforts throughout the war, scholars and statesmen acknowledged the Four Freedoms as offering the most sound basis for security in the postwar world. While scholars were heavily involved in formulating the security policies during the war, the process of establishing the United Nations organization based on the promotion of the Four Freedoms was anything but the product of ivory-tower philosophizing. The freedoms of expression and religion were forged through centuries of  [*569]  political, legal, and military contests. The freedom from want encapsulated FDR's practical programs to combat unemployment, homelessness, hunger, and the lack of hope that characterized America's experience during the Great Depression. Likewise, the freedom from fear articulated a realist's prescription for overcoming the deadly instability posed by a chaotic international order.

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Links: Academic Discourse

Academic discourse blinds us from understanding the world we live inChenitz 2006 (Zoey, NYU graduate and social services advocate. “Women venturing afar” The New York Times March 25 ln)

Nicholas D. Kristof (''On the Road, You and Me,'' column, March 21) describes his aspirations for an American education system that encourages university students to venture into the developing world and to experience firsthand the vast, multicultural world in which we live. Having graduated a semester early from New York University to work at a women's shelter in Calca, Peru, and having done a semester abroad in Ghana during my time in university, I couldn't agree more. Our academic discourse is so often abstracted to a level of theory that the real world remains unknown. We are being educated to be the leaders of a world we do not adequately know or understand.

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Alternative Solvency: Must Link To Specific Activities

University settings play a special role in solving poverty – linkage to specific activities is critical

Vincent 2003 (Gregory, Assistant professor at the Paul M. Hebert Law center at LSU. “REVIVING THE LAND-GRANT IDEA THROUGH COMMUNITY-UNIVERSITY PARTNERSHIPS” Southern Union Law Review Fall ln)

Our nation's cities are in crisis. Central cities saw a decrease in population of 5 percent or more in the years from 1980 to 1996 as compared to a nationwide increase of 17 percent. The unemployment rates in central cities were 50 percent or more above the national rate. Additionally, the overall living conditions were much poorer in central cities with the poverty rates in many central cities exceeding 20 percent in 1995, a figure that was 50 percent higher than the national average. Millions of urban residents live in hyper-segregated conditions and pockets of concentrated poverty due to a powerful combination of governmental and private action. Inner-city children attend schools that are separate and unequal, despite the promise of Brown v. Board of Education. High rates of crime and health hazards continue to plague our nation's poorest neighborhoods. While the rest of the country saw an upswing in the economy, central cities were beset with serious socioeconomic problems. Adding to the problems of urban areas is the trend of "worldwide deindustrialization which has seen the hemorrhaging of traditional blue-collar employment, the greater feminization and casualization of labor, the accelerated suburbanization of jobs and investment, and a tendency in the new knowledge of economy for a bifurcation of the labor market into low-tech and high-tech activity." These variations in the economy compound a problem of inequality and disparity in income distribution that had previously existed in the U.S.: In the United States in 1979, the income of someone at the 95th percentile of the income distribution was three times the median income and 13 times that of someone at the 5th percentile. By 1996, the corresponding figures were four times and twenty-three times. The alteration in job availability has burdened already

economically-depressed urban areas. In particular, housing was specially affected. With the emphasis on technology-based jobs and the trend for investment capital to be introduced in suburban areas, the jobs that urban populations must seek are often not located near their homes. There is a "spatial mismatch between where they are housed and where the new jobs are located." These problems call for the same attention that agriculture and industrial sectors needed in the 19th century and the defense and health industries needed during and after World War II. Fortunately, there is a growing body of evidence that American higher education is undergoing a third revolution to squarely address the pressing problems of the urban core. These institutions are recreating themselves as "engaged," democratic universities with major intellectual and societal promise. For example, in his seminal work "Beyond the Ivory Tower," Derek Bok states that universities have an obligation to use their academic resources to respond to public needs. Bok suggests several ways a university could meet its social responsibilities, including: developing health clinics in poor neighborhoods, establishing extension programs for local residents to learn new skills, and investing funds and expertise to work with community groups on urban-renewal projects or constructing housing compatible with local needs. Ernest Boyer called for the creation of the "New American College." These colleges would connect teaching, research, and service into a mission of community outreach. This connection is best described as: The corporate activities of a university beyond its immediate civic responsibilities that involves conscious commitment by academic units of the university to some role in the problem-solving efforts of society and which is focused on the developing of human, national, and community resources. It involves a purposive extension or linkage of the university's special competence and resources to organizations and individuals outside the university.

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Alternative Solvency

Individuals who debate issues have a special responsibility to engage in actual activities to solve poverty

Mogill 2001 (Michael, Professor of Law at Pennsylvania State University. “Professing Pro Bono: To Walk The Talk” Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy ln)

The law professor who does not provide pro bono service has missed the opportunity to perform work that is a "memorable and fulfilling ... part of the joy of our profession." n168 He [He/she] has lost the chance to play a greater role in society and to gain a greater respect from his students. He has further ignored the chance to remind future attorneys of their professional duties by having  [*35]  shared necessary lawyering skills with his students via his pro bono work, showing "the way things are actually done." n169 Students will see the law as less impersonal and abstract through their professor's experiences in the justice system, thus enriching the dialogue in the classroom as teacher is elevated to practitioner and not merely viewed as an ivory tower ideologue. The professor through his own "good deeds" will have helped to shape his students towards a commitment to assisting those in need, through taking a step in the direction of improving the public perception of the legal profession and raising its integrity in the eyes of the public. n170 The rewards will be shared by both the clients and the students thus served by the professor-practitioner.

University led projects bolster the community and the university:Bok 1982 (Derek, former professor at and president of Harvard University. Beyond the Ivory Tower pg. 236)

Apart from cash payments, universities can also provide a variety of useful services to the surrounding community. A wise administration will find several reasons to pursue these opportunities. Some services will give pleasure to others at so little cost to the university that they are well worth doing for their own sake. Efforts to help the community can also create a measure of good will to soften the inevitable discontents over student behavior, university expansion, or the tax-exempt status of the institution. Finally, many neighborhood projects can serve the interests of the university and simultaneously benefit the community. Thus student instructors may improve the quality of the public schools while helping to prepare the participants for teaching careers, just as cooperative efforts to design a nearby park further the common interest of the university and local residents in enhancing the surrounding neighborhood.

Academic institutions have an obligation to meet the community’s needsBok 1982 (Derek, former professor at and president of Harvard University. Beyond the Ivory Tower pg. 301-302)

There is no reason for universities to feel uncomfortable in taking account of society’s needs; in fact, they have a clear obligation to do so. After all, institutions of higher learning have a near monopoly of vital intellectual resources in the society. They give credentials that are essential for access to many desirable careers; they reform the bulk of basic research in the country; they command a large portion of the supply of certain forms of valued expertise. Moreover, much of the funding they require for their very existence comes directly or indirectly from the taxpaying public. In these circumstances, it is only fair that universities seek to use their resources in a manner that is reasonably responsive to social needs. The problem is to decide what kind of response is appropriate.

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Answers To: Permute: Do Both

The perm puts them in a double-bind: either they sever out of the discourse of the 1AC or they still link to the Kritik.

A. If they get out of their Ivory Tower representations of the 1AC then that is severance, which is bad because it allows them to be a moving target, spiking out of all of our DA and K links.

B. If they aren’t severance than they still are hiding in the ivory tower and still deflects attention from getting things done. That is our Nayar in 1999 evidence.

Their permutation gets corrupted by the links: unless pragmatic services are provided in the right spirit can they solve for equality for the poor:

Farmer and Gastineau 2002 (Paul and Nicole, “LEGAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS INTERVENTION FOR HEALTH: Rethinking Health and Human Rights: Time for a Paradigm Shift” Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics Winter ln)

What, then, should be the role of the First World university, of researchers and health-care professionals? What should be the role of students and others lucky enough to be among the "winners" in the global era? We can agree, perhaps, that these centers are fine places from which to conduct research, to document, and to teach. A university does not have the same entanglements or constraints as an international institution such as the United Nations, or as organizations such as Amnesty International or

Physicians for Human Rights. Universities could, in theory , provide a unique and privileged space for conducting research and engaging in critical assessment. In human rights work, however, research and critical assessment are insufficient-- analysis alone cannot curb human rights violations . No more adequate, for all their virtues, are denunciation and exhortation, whether in the form of press conferences or reports or harangues directed at students. To confront, as an observer, ongoing abuses of human rights is to be faced with a moral dilemma: Does one's action help the sufferers or the system? The increasingly baroque codes of research ethics generated by institutional review boards will not help us out of this dilemma, nor will medical ethics, which are so often restricted to the quandary ethics of the individual. But certain models of engagement are not irrelevant. If the university-based human rights worker is in a peculiar position, it is not entirely unlike that of the clinician researcher. Both study suffering; both are bound to relieve it; neither is in possession of a tried-and-true remedy. Both the human rights specialist and the clinician researcher have blind spots, too. To push the analogy further, it could be argued that there are, in both lines of work, obligations regarding the standard of care. Once a reasonably effective intervention has been identified, it--and not a placebo--is considered the standard against which a new remedy must be tested. In the global era, is it wise to set, as policy goals, double standards for the rich world and the poor world, when we know that these are not different worlds but in fact the same one? Can we treat the rich with the "gold standard," while offering the poor an essential "placebo"? Are the acrid complaints of the vulnerable necessary to remind us that they invariably see the world as one world, riven by terrible inequality and injustice? A placebo is a placebo is a placebo. That we have failed to meet high goals does not imply that the next step is to lower our sights, although this has been the default logic in many instances. The next step is to try new approaches and to hedge our bets with indisputably effective interventions. Providing pragmatic services to the afflicted is one obvious form of intervention. But the spirit in which these services are delivered makes all the difference . Service delivery can be just that, or it can be pragmatic solidarity, linked to the broader goals of equality and justice for the poor. Again, my own experience in Haiti, which began in 1983, made this clear. The Duvalier dictatorship was then in power, seemingly immovable. Its chief source of external financial aid was the United States and various international institutions, many of them ostensibly charitable in nature. The local director of USAID at the time had often expressed the view that if Haiti was underdeveloped, the ME LIKEY BOUNCY…ME LIKEY BOUNCY causes were to be sought in Haitian culture. (30) The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund seemed to be part of the same giant blur of international aid organizations that Haitians associated, accurately enough, with U.S. foreign policy.

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Answers To: Permute: Do both

And, Scholarly research disconnects us further from policy makers and causes scholars to withdraw from society: only the alternative avoids thisLepgold and Nincic 2001 (Joseph and Miroslac, Assistant Professor of International Affairs and Government at Georgetown University and Professor of Political Science at the University of California. Beyond the Ivory Tower: International Relations Theory and the Issue of Policy Relevance pg. 2-3)

For many reasons, connections between scholarly ideas and policymakers’ thinking in international relations are less common today, and the gap may grow unless we rethink carefully our approach to policy relevance. Deep, often ritualized rivalry among theoretical schools makes it unlikely that future officials will leave their university training in this subject with a clear, well-formed worldview. Such intellectual competition, of course, could be stimulating and useful, especially if it led officials to question their basic causal assumptions or consider rival explanations of the cases they face. More commonly, officials seem to remember the repetitive, often strident theoretical debates as unproductive and tiresome. Not only is much international relations scholarship tedious, in their view; it is often technically quite difficult. Partly for this reason, much of it is so substantively arid that even many scholarly specialists avoid trying to penetrate it. From a practitioner’s perspective, it often seems as if university scholars are increasingly “withdrawing . . . behind a curtain of theory and models” that only insiders can penetrate.

The technocratic nature of their scholarly discourse corrupts policymaking—preventing the disruptive potential of their permutationKulynych 1997 (Jessica, Asst. Professor of Political Science at Winthrop University. Polity, Winter p.315)

When we look at the success of citizen initiatives from a performative perspective, we look precisely at those moments of defiance and disruption that bring the invisible and unimaginable into view. Although citizens were minimally successful in influencing or controlling the outcome of the policy debate and experienced a considerable lack of autonomy in their coercion into the technical debate, the goal-oriented debate within the energy commissions could be seen as a defiant moment of performative politics. The existence of a goal-oriented debate within a technically dominated arena defied the normalizing separation between expert policymakers and consuming citizens. Citizens momentarily recreated themselves as policymakers in a system that defined citizens out of the policy process, thereby refusing their construction as passive clients. The disruptive potential of the energy commissions continues to defy technical bureaucracy even while their decisions are non-binding. SHE CONTINUES… Consider, for example, a public hearing. When seen from a discursive legitimation perspective, deliberation and debate are about the sincere, controlled attempt to discern the best, most rational, least biased arguments that most precisely express an interlocutor’s ideas and interests. In practice, however, deliberation is a much less deliberative and much more performative activity. The literary aspects of debate – irony, satire, sarcasm, and wit – work precisely on the slippage between what is said and what is meant, or what can be said and what can be conceived. Strategies such as humor are not merely rational, but visceral and often uncontrollable, as is the laughter that is evoked from such strategies. Performative actions are not alternative ways of deliberating; rather they are agonistic expressions of what cannot be captured by deliberative rationality. As such, they resist the confines of that rationality and gesture toward places where words, arguments, and claims are not enough. Without an understanding of the performative aspects of political action, Hager cannot explain how citizens are able to introduce genuinely new and different “ways of perceiving and naming the world” into a realm where such epistemic standards are unimaginable. It is in the process of acting as citizens in a technical bureaucratic setting, where citizen

action is by definition precluded, that alternative, epistemic standards of evaluation become possible. Only when scholars recognize the performative will they be able to grasp the intricacies of contemporary political actions and the possibilities for an actually diverse and participatory democracy.

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Answers to: Baudrillard Indicts

Baudrillard is one of the most important philosophers of the present ageKellner 2007 (Douglas, Professor of Philosophy at Columbia University. “Jean Baudrillard” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy March 7 http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/baudrillard)

French theorist Jean Baudrillard (1929–2007) was one of the foremost intellectual figures of the present age whose work combines philosophy, social theory, and an idiosyncratic cultural metaphysics that reflects on key events of phenomena of the epoch. A sharp critic of contemporary society, culture, and thought, Baudrillard is often seen as a major guru of French postmodern theory, although he can also be read as a thinker who combines social theory and philosophy in original and provocative ways and a writer who has developed his own style and forms of writing. He was an extremely prolific author who has published over thirty books and commented on some of the most salient cultural and sociological phenomena of the contemporary era, including the erasure of the distinctions of gender, race, and class that structured modern societies in a new postmodern consumer, media, and high tech society; the mutating roles of art and aesthetics; fundamental changes in politics, culture, and human beings; and the impact of new media, information, and cybernetic technologies in the creation of a qualitatively different social order, providing fundamental mutations of human and social life.

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**Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers**

Turn: Role playing as public actors is vital to hold the government accountable and to create widespread moral responsibilityRawls 1999 (John, imminent philosopher. The Law of Peoples p.56-7)

How is the ideal of public reason realized by citizens who are not government officials ? In a representative

government, citizens vote for representatives*chief executives, legislators, and the like*not for particular laws (except at a state or local level

where they may vote directly on referenda questions, which are not usually fundamental questions). To answer this question, we say that, ideally, citizens are to think of themselves as if they were legislators and ask themselves what statutes , supported by what reasons satisfying the criterion of reciprocity, they would think it most reasonable to enact. When firm and widespread, the disposition of citizens to view themselves as ideal legislators, and to repudiate government officials and candidates for public office who violate public reason, forms part of the political and social basis of liberal democracy and is vital for its enduring strength and vigor. Thus is domestic society citizens fulfill their duty of civility and support the idea of public reason, while doing what they can to hold governement officals to it. This duty, like other political rights and duties is an intrinsically moral duty. I emphasize that it is not a legal duty, for in that case it would be incompatible

with freedom of speech. Similarly, the ideal of the public reason of free and equal peoples is realized, or satisfied, whenever chief executives and legislators, and other government officials, as well as candidates for public office, act from and follow the principles of the Law of Peoples and explain to other peoples their reasons for pursuing or revising a people s foreign policy and affairs of state that involve other societies. As for

private citizens, we say, as before, that ideally citizens are to think of themselves as if they were executives and legislators and ask themselves what foreign policy supported by what considerations they would think it most reasonable to advance. Once again, when firm and widespread, the disposition of citizens to view themselves as ideal executives and legislators, and to repudiate government officials and candidates for public office who violate the public reason of free and equal peoples, is part of the public reason of free and equal peoples, is part of the political and social basis of peace and understanding among peoples.

Even if their K is right- giving up policy making is the worst possible optionKleinman and Kleinman 1996 (Arthur and Joan, Prof Harvard Medical School and Prof U Middlesex, The Appeal of Experience, Daedalus, Winter, 125: 1, p 17-8)

Our critique of appropriations of suffering that do no harm does not mean that no appropriations are valid. To conclude that would be to undermine any attempt to respond to human misery. It would be more destructive than the problem we have identified; to would paralyze social action. We must draw upon the images of human suffering in order to identify human needs and to craft humane response.

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Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers

The affirmative provides a political vision that unites groups around the cause of solving poverty.Jacoby 2002 (Sanford, Howard Noble Professor of Management, History, and Policy Studies, UCLA. “Mean and Variance” Industrial & Labor Relations Review July ln)

What is missing from the present situation, however, is a political vision that would unite groups around a sense of common fate. When that vision takes shape, a consensus can be forged to strengthen our distinctively American "mixed" system for ensuring security, equity, and participation at work. Articulating that vision is a challenge--for political leaders and for researchers like ourselves, who, despite our ivory-tower proclivities, nevertheless are capable of bringing facts and analysis to bear on political discourse. In this regard, Working in America is a model of engaged scholarship. The book was written before present possibilities emerged, but it remains a reliable and incisive guide to the shape of things to come.

Permute – Do Both the plan and non-competitive parts of the alternative: Combining Academic Analysis with Activism is the best way to create social progress.Bender 2007 (Steven, The James and Ilene Hershner Professor of Law at the University of Oregon School of Law “SYMPOSIUM: LatCrit XI Working and Living in the Global Playground: Frontstage and Backstage: ARTICLE: LANGUAGE: Introduction: Old Hate in New Bottles: Privatizing, Localizing, and Bundling Anti-Spanish and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment in the 21st Century” Nevada Law Journal. Summer ln)

What is missing from LatCrit language discourse, and much of LatCrit discourse, is the blueprint for such a mass movement that targets the many interrelated facets of subordination today. Perhaps that blueprint is best conceived organically, on the streets, and then mapped by academics. But I think that the necessary social and racial movement must gather strength from the combined effort and thinking of all sources - with a blurring of the roles of academic and activist. That is asking a great deal from today's scholars, who are rewarded by their home institutions for their scholarly achievements as measured by the caliber of the placement of their writings, and ignored for their achievements in the community and for their influence on the streets, especially the unpaved ones far from the ivory tower. But those streets often hold the key to our progress as a nation, in the battle over whether we will continue to scapegoat the least powerful - the immigrants, documented or not - or whether we will recognize the strength to be gained as a nation by embracing their contributions and their place in the "American" dream.

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Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers

Even those who oppose radical university goals in society agree that universities should still serve society

Bok 1982 (Derek, former professor at and president of Harvard University. Beyond the Ivory Tower pg. 65-66)

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Ivory Tower Kritik: Aff Answers

Turn: Tying Academic Institutions to outside problem-solving risks co-option by neo-conservative forces, like the military.

Bok 1982 (Derek, former professor at and president of Harvard University. Beyond the Ivory Tower pg. 65-66)

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Ivory Tower AFF AnswersEducation is not affected by going out and serving the community

Bok 1982 (Derek, former professor at and president of Harvard University. Beyond the Ivory Tower pg. 74-75)

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Ivory Tower AFF Answers: Paradox Perm

Permute: do both: paradoxes allow us to re-envision society:Baudrillard, a French sociologist and philosopher, 1981 (Jean, French Cultural Theorist, sociologist and philosopher. Simulacra and Simulation p. 18-19)

Conjunction of the system and of its extreme alternative like the two sides of a curved mirror, a "vicious" curvature of a political space that is henceforth magnetized, circularized, reversibilized from the right to the left, a torsion that is like that of the evil spirit of commutation, the whole system, the infinity of capital folded back on its own surface: transfinite? And is it not the same for desire and the libidinal space? Conjunction of desire and value, of desire and capital. Conjunction of desire and the law, the final pleasure as the metamorphosis of the law (which is why it is so widely the order of the day): only capital takes pleasure, said Lyotard, before thinking that we now take pleasure in capital. Overwhelming versatility of desire in Deleuze, an enigmatic reversal that brings desire "revolutionary in itself, and as if involuntarily, wanting what it wants," to desire its own repression and to invest in paranoid and fascist systems? A malign torsion that returns this revolution of desire to the same fundamental ambiguity as the other, the historical revolution. All the referentials combine their discourses in a circular, Mobian compulsion. Not so long ago, sex and work were fiercely opposed terms; today both are dissolved in the same type of demand. Formerly the discourse on history derived its power from violently opposing itself to that of nature, the discourse of desire to that of power-today they exchange their signifiers and their scenarios.It would take too long to traverse the entire range of the operational negativity of all those scenarios of deterrence, which, like Watergate, try to regenerate a moribund principle through

simulated scandal, phantasm, and murder-a sort of hormonal treatment through negativity and crisis. It is always a question of moving the real through the imaginary , proving truth through scandal, proving the law through transgression, proving work through striking, proving the system through crisis, and capital through revolution, as it is elsewhere (the Tasaday) of proving ethnology through the dispossession of its object-without taking into account: the proof of theater through antitheater; the proof of art through antiart; the proof of pedagogy through antipedagogy; the proof of psychiatry through

antipsychiatry, etc. Everything is metamorphosed into its opposite to perpetuate itself in its expurgated form. All the powers, all the institutions speak of themselves through denial, in order to attempt, by simulating death , to escape their real death throes. Power can stage its own murder to rediscover a glimmer of existence and legitimacy Such was the case with some American presidents: the Kennedys were murdered because they still had a political dimension. The others, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, only had the right to phantom attempts, to simulated murders. But this aura of an artificial menace was still necessary to conceal that they were no longer anything but the mannequins of power. Formerly, the king (also the god) had to die, therein lay his power. Today, he is miserably forced to feign

death, in order to preserve the blessing of power. But it is lost. To seek new blood in its own death, to renew the cycle through the mirror of crisis, negativity; and antipower: this is the only solution-alibi of every power , of every institution attempting to break the vicious circle of its irresponsibility and of its fundamental nonexistence, of its already seen and of its already dead .