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1 The Typology of Nominal Tense Rachel Nordlinger and Louisa Sadler University of Melbourne, Australia and University of Essex, UK August 6, 2002 1 Introduction In this paper we discuss the marking of tense/aspect/mood (henceforth TAM) on nouns, pronouns, determiners and other NP/DP constituents (henceforth ‘nominals’). 1 That nominals may be in- flected for TAM has been noted in the grammatical descriptions of individual languages for some time (e.g. Guasch (1956) and Gregores and Su´ arez (1967) on Guaran´ ı, Firestone (1965) on Sirion ´ o, among others), and, more recently, in various typological works (e.g. Mel’ˇ cuk 1994, Evans 2000, Lehmann and Moravcsik 2000, Raible 2001). Nevertheless, the categories of TAM remain gen- erally considered to be inflectional features of verbal classes only, with the possibility of TAM as an inflectional category of nominals largely omitted from general linguistic discussion. 2 Further- more, the extent of TAM-inflection of nominals and its properties in the world’s languages has, until now, remained largely unexplored. The purpose of this paper is to provide a detailed survey of the phenomenonand its implications for linguistic theory. In fact, as we show, there are a sur- prising number of languages which associate some type of TAM information with NP constituents, suggesting that the phenomenon is far less marginal than the general paucity of discussion in the literature might lead one to expect. 3 The encoding of TAM on nominals can have one of two broad functions. In one, it functions essentially like verbal TAM to provide TAM information for the whole proposition. Propositional TAM on nominals is found in Lardil (Australia), for example, in which language an extra level of case marking occurs on non-subject nominals encoding propositional 1 Some parts of this paper have appeared previously as Nordlinger and Sadler (2000) and Sadler and Nordlinger (2001). For comments, suggestions and many interesting leads we thank Alexandra (Sasha) Aikhenvald, D.N.S. Bhat, Joan Bresnan, Alec Coupe, Matthew Dryer, Nick Evans, Brent Galloway, John Hajek, Jacqueline Lecarme, Hitomi Ono, Bill Palmer, Tom Payne, Nick Piper, Joachim Sabel, Ruth Singer, Andy Spencer, Judith Tonhauser, audiences of LFG00 and LFG01, and members of the LINGTYP discussion list. We are especially grateful to Joan Bresnan, Nick Evans and Judith Tonhauser for extensive comments on an earlier version of this paper, and to Sasha Aikhenvald, Sebastiana Ertel (via Dagmar Jung), Nick Evans, Brent Galloway, P.J. Mistry, Hitomi Ono, Tom Payne andJoachim Sabel for providing access to unpublished data. Needless to say, none of these people are to be held responsible for any remaining inadequacies of this paper, and we apologise if we have not always been able to do justice to their comments. Nordlinger would like to acknowledge the financial support of the Australian Research Council (APD F9930026) and the University of Melbourne, and Sadler the University of Essex for a period of sabbatical leave during which this paper was prepared. 2 Opinions differ as to whether tense, aspect and mood should be considered properties of the clause itself, or of the clausal head (i.e. the verb). Foley and Van Valin (1984: 224) and Van Valin and LaPolla (1997:47) treat all three differently: for them, aspect is a property of heads (‘nuclear layer’), tense a property of the clause, and (root) modality a property of the ‘core’ (including the head and its core arguments). It is important, however, to distinguish between the semantic/syntactic scope of a category, and its morphological realisation. Tense, aspect and mood, when encoded morphologically in a language, are usually (inflectional) properties of verbs, despite the fact that their syntactic and semantic scope may be clausal (or otherwise). 3 Throughout this paper we use the terms ‘nominal’ and ‘nominal constituent’ to refer to either nouns or other constituents of NP/DPs (e.g. articles, pronouns, etc.). The term ‘nominal TAM’ thus refers to the inflectional encoding of tense, aspect or mood information on nouns or any other NP constituents.

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1

The Typology of Nominal TenseRachel Nordlinger

�and Louisa Sadler

�

University of Melbourne, Australia�

and University of Essex, UK�

August 6, 2002

1 Introduction

In this paperwe discussthemarkingof tense/aspect/mood(henceforthTAM) on nouns,pronouns,determinersandotherNP/DPconstituents (henceforth‘nominals’).1 That nominalsmay be in-flectedfor TAM hasbeennotedin thegrammaticaldescriptions of individual languagesfor sometime(e.g.Guasch(1956)andGregoresandSuarez(1967)onGuaranı, Firestone(1965)onSiriono,amongothers),and,morerecently, in varioustypological works(e.g.Mel’ cuk 1994,Evans2000,LehmannandMoravcsik 2000,Raible2001). Nevertheless,the categoriesof TAM remaingen-erally consideredto be inflectionalfeaturesof verbalclassesonly, with thepossibility of TAM asan inflectionalcategory of nominalslargely omittedfrom generallinguistic discussion.2 Further-more, the extent of TAM-inflection of nominals and its propertiesin the world’s languageshas,until now, remainedlargely unexplored.Thepurposeof this paperis to provide a detailedsurveyof thephenomenonandits implicationsfor linguistic theory. In fact,aswe show, therearea sur-prisingnumberof languageswhichassociatesometypeof TAM informationwith NPconstituents,suggestingthat thephenomenonis far lessmarginal thanthegeneralpaucityof discussion in theliteraturemight leadoneto expect.3 Theencodingof TAM onnominalscanhaveoneof two broadfunctions.In one,it functionsessentiallylikeverbalTAM toprovideTAM information for thewholeproposition. PropositionalTAM on nominalsis foundin Lardil (Australia),for example,in whichlanguagean extra level of casemarkingoccurson non-subjectnominalsencodingpropositional

1Somepartsof this paperhave appearedpreviously asNordlinger andSadler(2000) andSadlerandNordlinger(2001). For comments,suggestionsandmany interestingleadswethankAlexandra(Sasha)Aikhenvald,D.N.S.Bhat,JoanBresnan,Alec Coupe,Matthew Dryer, Nick Evans, Brent Galloway, JohnHajek,Jacqueline Lecarme, HitomiOno,Bill Palmer, Tom Payne, Nick Piper, JoachimSabel,RuthSinger, Andy Spencer, JudithTonhauser, audiencesof LFG00 andLFG01, andmembersof the LINGTYP discussionlist. We areespeciallygrateful to JoanBresnan,Nick EvansandJudithTonhauserfor extensivecommentsonanearlierversionof thispaper, andto SashaAikhenvald,SebastianaErtel (via Dagmar Jung), Nick Evans,BrentGalloway, P.J.Mistry, Hitomi Ono,Tom PayneandJoachimSabelfor providing accessto unpublisheddata.Needlessto say, none of thesepeopleareto beheldresponsibleforany remaininginadequaciesof this paper, andwe apologise if we have not alwaysbeenable to do justice to theircomments. Nordlinger would like to acknowledgethe financialsupport of the AustralianResearchCouncil (APDF9930026)andtheUniversity of Melbourne,andSadlertheUniversity of Essex for aperiod of sabbaticalleaveduringwhich this paper wasprepared.

2Opinionsdiffer asto whethertense,aspectandmood shouldbeconsideredpropertiesof theclauseitself, or oftheclausalhead(i.e. theverb). Foley andVanValin (1984: 224)andVanValin andLaPolla(1997:47)treatall threedifferently: for them,aspectis apropertyof heads(‘nuclearlayer’), tenseapropertyof theclause,and(root)modalitya property of the ‘core’ (including theheadandits corearguments).It is important,however, to distinguish betweenthesemantic/syntacticscopeof a category, andits morphological realisation.Tense,aspectandmood, whenencodedmorphologically in a language,areusually(inflectional) propertiesof verbs,despitethe fact that their syntacticandsemanticscopemaybeclausal(or otherwise).

3Throughout this paperwe usethe terms‘nominal’ and ‘nominal constituent’to refer to eithernouns or otherconstituents of NP/DPs(e.g. articles,pronouns,etc.).Theterm‘nominal TAM ’ thusrefersto theinflectionalencodingof tense,aspector moodinformationonnounsor any otherNPconstituents.

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tensein agreementwith theverb(seesection2.2for furtherdiscussion).4

(1) Ngada1SG.NOM

niwentharr3SG.NFOBJ

maarn-arrspear-NFOBJ

wu-tharr.give-NFUT

‘I gavehim aspear’(Klokeid1976:476,56b)

(2) Ngada1.SG.NOM

marndi-thurob-FUT

niwentha3SG.FOBJ

niwen-kur-u3SG.GEN-INSTR-FOBJ

kerndi-wur-u.wife-INSTR-FOBJ

‘I will stealhiswife for him.’ (Hale1997:201)

Alternatively, nominal TAM inflection may specify TAM information intrinsic to the NP itself,independentof any propositionaltense.Thisis whatis foundin languagessuchasTariana(Brazil),in whichnounsareinflectedwith tensemarkersto temporallylocatethenominalpredicateinternalto theNP, independentlyof theTAM of theclause(which in theexamplebelow is markedwith the‘remotepastreported’tense/evidentialityclitic attachedto theverb). Non-propositional nominalTAM is discussedfurtherin section3.

(3) thepito.water

di-ma� e=pidena3SG.NF-throw.CAUS=REM .P.REP

eta-miki-� i-nukueagle-NOM .PST-NF-TOP.NON.A /S

‘He threw theremainsof theeagle(lit. whatusedto betheeagle)into water.’ (Aikhenvald(to appear))

In this paperwe presenta typological survey of thephenomenonof nominal TAM inflection,ex-aminingits functions, propertiesandrealisationscross-linguistically. Thefocusof thisstudyis ontense/aspect/mood asan inflectional5 categoryof nominals.6 Therearea numberof otherwaysinwhich nominalscancombinewith elementsencodingTAM information which thereforefall out-sidethescopeof thepresentstudy. TheseincludeTAM clitics thatarephonologically attachedtonominalconstituents. Suchclitics are,by definition,syntactically andmorphologically indepen-dentof theirhosts.They cannot,therefore,beconsideredaninflectionalpropertyof thenominals;their attachmentto nominalconstituentsis apropertyof thephonologyinstead.LanguageswhichuseTAM clitics attached(optionally)to nominal constituentsto encodepropositional TAM includetheAustralianlanguageGarrwa (FurbyandFurby1977),andtheArawak languagesApurina (Fa-cundes2000)andTariana(Aikhenvald(to appear)).

Nor doweconsiderasexamplesof nominal TAM suchvestigesof verbaltense/aspect/mood mark-ing as may be retainedin deverbalnominalisations. In Polish, for example,the aspectualdis-tinction imperfective/perfective encodedwith verbsis retainedin derivedactionnominals. Thuscorrespondingto theverbalpair czytac (imperfective)/przeczytac (perfective) ‘to read’arethede-rivedactionnominalsczytanie/przeczytanie. While bothcouldbe translatedinto Englishas‘thereading’ (e.g. ‘The readingof the book gave me muchpleasure’),czytanierefersto the processof reading,while przeczytanierefersto the totality of theact of reading(ComrieandThompson

4NFOBJ = nonfutureobject,NFUT = nonfuture, FOBJ = future object5Thoughit is clearlyinflectional, we shallseethatnominal TAM is not alwaysobligatory in languagesin which it

occurs.6We do not, however, rule out thepossibility that TAM within NPscouldbeexpressedperiphrastically, involving

separateparticlesor function words in somelanguages. Exploring this periphrasticexpressionof nominal TAM isbeyond thescopeof thepresentpaper, although our researchefforts to datehavenot revealedany suchexamples.

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1985:363).This aspectualdistinction is clearly primarily an inflectionalcategory of the originalverb,ratherthanof thenominalwordclassto which thederived formsbelong.It canthereforebeheld in directcontrastwith truecasesof nominalTAM on deverbalnominalisationswherea TAM

distinction encodedon all typesof nominalsis extended(predictably)to deverbalnominals also(seethediscussion of Hixkaryanain section3).

NominalTAM inflectionhasimplicationsfor many aspectsof linguistic theory. Thefact thatbothnounsandverbscanbe inflectedfor thesamemorphosyntactic featureshasinterestingramifica-tions for the categorizationof word classesand for the propertiesassociatedwith nounscross-linguistically. It alsoraisesinterestingquestionsfor formal theoriesof grammar. In particular,examplessuchas(1), in which a dependentnominalis inflectedfor a clausalproperty, challengethe commonassumption that clause-level propertiesare contributedonly by clausalheads(i.e.verbs).Suchimplicationsareexploredin furtherdetailin section5.

This paperis organisedas follows. We begin by surveying the scopeof the phenomenonandits variouspropertiesacrossthe world’s languages.In this empirical survey we have endeav-ouredto bring togetherdatafrom many lesserknown languages,anddiscussthe propertiesforeachlanguagein sufficient detail to illustratethe interactionof nominalTAM inflection with therestof thegrammaticalsystem. As notedabove, the functionsof nominalTAM inflectioncanbecategorisedaccordingto whetherthe TAM inflection servesto encodepropositional or indepen-dentTAM information. Section2 discussesnominalTAM inflectionwhich functionsto encodethepropositional TAM . Then in section3 we discussthe useof nominal TAM inflection to encodenon-propositional TAM , thatis, to temporallylocatethenominal(or otherNPconstituent)itself in-dependentof any clausalTAM specification(seeexample3 above). Having presentedtheprimarydata,we turn in section4 to amoredetaileddiscussionof thevarioustypesof nominalTAM foundcross-linguistically andtherelationshipsbetweenthem. Then,in thefinal sectionwe discussthebroaderimplicationsof thenominalTAM datafor variousaspectsof linguistic theory, andidentifysomeavenuesfor furtherresearch.

2 Propositional TAM on Nominals

In thissectionwediscussTAM inflectiononnominalswhich functionsto encodeTAM informationfor the proposition asa whole. The moststraightforwardexamplesof this typeof nominalTAM

inflection involve nominal predicatesin verblessclauseswhich, in somelanguages,maycarry (asubsetof) TAM inflectionslike their verbalcounterparts.We discussthesecasesin section2.1. Insomelanguages,however, wefind non-predicatenominals– nominalsfunctioningasargumentsoradjuncts– encodingpropositional TAM. Thus,in theselanguages,(TAM) propertiesof thewholepropositionmaybeencodedonclausaldependents. Wediscussthistypeof nominal TAM inflectionin section2.2.

2.1 Propositional TAM on Nominal Predicates

In somelanguagesnominalsthat function asclausalpredicatesaremorphologically marked forcategoriesof tense,aspectand/ormood. In many waysthis is the nominalequivalent of regular

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verbal TAM on verbalheads:the nominal is the clausalpredicateand thereforeis encodedforpropositionalTAM.

Onelanguagewith only this type of nominalTAM is Bininj Gun-wok (non-Pama-Nyungan, for-mally known asMayali), adialectchainof ArnhemLandin NorthernAustralia.7

In Bininj Gun-wok (Evans(to appear))predicatenominalsandadjectivesareinflectedfor asubsetof theregularverbalTAM markers: thepastimperfective -ni (which in this context simply markspast),andtheirrealismoodmarker. Examplesinclude(4)-(6)with thepasttenseand(7) with boththepasttenseandtheirrealismoodmarkerniwirrinj:8

(4) Mayhbird

na-mekkeMASC-DEM

nakkaMASC.DEM

bininj-ni.human-PAST

‘Thosebirds,they werehumanthen,’ (Evansto appear:680,13.27b)

(5) Na-mak-ni.MASC-good-PAST

‘He wasagoodman.’ (ibid:682,13.37c)

(6) . . .. . .

nga-wurdurd-ni1.SG-child-PAST

. . .

‘. . . (when)I wasachild . . . ’ (ibid:437, 8.95)

(7) Yawkyawkyoung.girl

bokenhtwo

na-wuMASC-REL

bene-berd-djenj-ni3.DU-tail-fish-PAST

yimankekCTRFAC

kun-dad-niwirrinj.NEUT-leg-IRR

‘Thereweretwo younggirls whohadtails likefish, they didn’t havelegs.’ [lit. ‘therewereno legs’] (ibid:437,8.96)

Notethatsomepredicatenounsalsotakeverbalpronominal prefixes(e.g.nga-‘1.SG’ in (6), bene-‘3.DU’ in (7)). However, this is nota requirementfor theadditionof TAM suffixes.In (4) weseeatense-inflectednominal with noprefixes(bininj- ‘human’),while (5) showstheuseof a tenseaffixwith a nominal retainingregularnominalgendermarking(na-mak‘ MASC-good’). The retentionof regular gendermorphology in suchnounsis just oneindicationthat they retaintheir nominalpropertiesandhavenotundergonemorphologicalderivation to verbs.

A particularlycommonsourceof nominal predicatesmarkedwith TAM informationis theuseofnominalisationsaspredicatesin subordinateclauses,asin thefollowing from Turkish:

(8) Cocuk-lar-achild-PL-to

asag� yadownwards

iniphaving.descended

kendisi-niher-DO

sokak-tastreet-in

bekle-dik-leri-niawait-VN:NF-their-DO

soyle-di.say-3SG.PAST

‘She told the childrenthat they went (hadgone)down andwaitedfor her in the street.’(ComrieandThompson1985:362,ex 50)

7Otherlanguageswith this typeof nominal TAM inflection includeTundra Nenets(Salminen1997) andTurkish(LehmannandMoravcsik 2000:742).

8IRR = irrealis,CTRFAC = counterfactual,MASC-REL = masculinerelativepronoun.

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(9) Cocuk-lar-achild-PL-to

asag� yadownwards

iniphaving.descended

kendisi-niher-DO

sokak-tastreet-in

bekle-yecek-leri-niawait-VN:FUT-their-DO

soyle-di.say-3SG.PAST

‘Shetold thechildrenthatthey wouldgodown andwait for herin thestreet.’ (ibid, ex 51)

In eachof theabove examplesthe subordinateclauseis headedby a deverbalnoun,the form ofwhichdiffersonthebasisof tense:deverbalnounsin -dik (8) encodenon-futuretense,while thosein ecek(9) mark future tense. This is quite distinct from the tensemarking found on verbsinTurkishwhichmarkapast/nonpastdistinction.

SuchTAM encodingon nominalised verbsis differentfrom the othertypesof nominalTAM dis-cussedin this paperin a numberof respects.Firstly, in somelanguagesdeverbalnominalsaretheonly type of nominal which cancarry tense(or other TAM) information. The encodingof TAM

informationcannotbeconsidereda propertyof nominalsin generalin theselanguages,but onlya propertyof nominalised forms derived from verbs. Secondly, TAM in this context usuallyen-codesrelative ratherthanabsoluteTAM . Thirdly, aswith theTurkish exampleabove, this typeofnominalTAM is often associatedwith the nominalisationmorphology itself, andis thereforenotalwaysclearlyaseparateinflectionalcategory. However, despitethesedifferencesit canbeclearlydistinguishedfrom thevestigesof verbalTAM retainedin deverbalnominalsin languageslikePol-ish (seesection1 for discussion)– oftenencodingdifferentTAM distinctionsthanverbs,asin theTurkishcase– andthereforeconstitutesaparticulartypeof nominalTAM marking.

An interesting twist is common in Australianlanguages,wherecasemarkingmorphologyis usedwith subordinatenominalisedpredicatesto encoderelativetenseinformation(this is referredto byDenchandEvans(1988)as‘t-complementizing case’).9 Thefollowing examplesfrom Wambaya(non-Pama-Nyungan)aretypical:

(10) Bungmajiold.man

gi-n3.SG.S-PROG

mirrasit

yanduji-nimind-LOC

barrawu.house

‘The old man’sstaying(here)lookingafterthehouse.’ (Nordlinger1998:213,8-2)

(11) Yarrugo

ng-amany1SG.S-PST.TWD

ngaji-nkasee-DAT

ngaya.her.DAT

‘I cameto seeher.’ (ibid:214,8-9)

(12) Gumarracalf

g-u3SG.S-FUT

nyagaj-babe.tired-FUT

yarru-nnga.go-ABL

‘His calveswill betired from walking.’ (ibid, 8-8)

Theuseof the locative casein (10) indicatesthat thesubordinateclauseis simultaneouswith themainclause;thedativecasein (11)marksthesubordinateclauseasfollowing(andbeingapurposeof) the main clauseevent, while in (12) the ablative caseis usedto mark the subordinateclauseeventasprecedingthatof the mainclause.In Kayardild, the proprietive andconsequentialcasesuffixescanbeusedwith derivednominalsto markpresentroleor responsibility andprior action,respectively (Evans1995:464):

9Theuseof casemarkersassubordinators is alsoreportedin theliteraturefor theKartvelian language Laz(HarrisandCampbell1995) andtheTibeto-Burmanlanguage Newari (Genetti1991).

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(13) dara-n-kurubreak-NMLZR-PROP

dangkaaperson

‘manwhohasto do thecircumcising’

(14) dara-n-ngarrbabreak-NMLZR-CONS

dangkaaperson

‘manwhohascircumcised(someone)before’

TheserestrictedTAM systemsondeverbalnominalscanbecontrastedwith themorerobustsystemsof languagessuchasHixkaryana,discussed in section3, which mark TAM on all nominaltypes,notsimplydeverbalnominalisations.

2.2 Propositional TAM on Dependent Nominals

Abovewe discussedtheencodingof propositional TAM on nominals which functionasthepredi-cateof theclause.Therearea surprisingnumberof typologically, geneticallyandgeographicallydiverselanguages,however, which encodepropositional TAM on nominalswhich arenot clausalpredicates,but which functionasargumentsandadjunctsof theverbalpredicate.We referto thisfunction of nominal TAM inflection aspropositional TAM on dependentnominals. This type ofnominalTAM inflectionis particularlyproblematicfor many formal theoriesof languagestructurewhich assumethatsuchclause-level information (i.e. that which pertainsto the wholeclauseorproposition) mustnecessarilybe associatedwith clausalheads,not dependents(seeNordlingerandSadler2000,andsection5 for discussion).

This sectionpresentsanempiricaloverview of this typeof nominalTAM cross-linguistically. Thebasicorganisation of thesectionis functional in thatwe have attemptedto systematizethedataintermsof theroleof thenominalTAM marking,especiallyvis-a-visany verbalTAM inflection.In themajority of caseswe have encountered,thepropositional TAM on nominaldependentsessentiallysupplementsthatexpressedmorphologically in theverbalsystem,althoughthe two systems maynotalwaysencodeidenticalcategories(seefor examplethediscussionof Kayardild). In aminorityof cases,however, a TAM distinction is onlyor primarily expressedwithin thenominalsystem.

In Lardil, a Tangkic (non-Pama-Nyungan) languageof northernAustralia, the casemarkersonnon-subjectcomplementsaredependenton thetensepropertiesof theclause,asexpressedon theverb. Objects(andothernon-subjectdependents,seebelow) areinflectedwith oneof threepossibleobjective casemarkerscorrespondingto thetenseinflectionof theverb: -(i)n ‘objective (OBJ)’ isusedwith the plain, unmarked verbal inflection - � /-tha (GNF)); -(w)ur ‘future object (FOBJ)’ isusedwith the future tenseverbalinflection -thur (FUT)); and-(ng)arr ‘markednon-futureobject(NFOBJ)’ is usedwith themarkednon-futuretenseverbalinflection-tharr (NFUT)) (Klokeid1976,Hale 1997).10 In addition, objectsof imperative clausestake the nominative (unmarked) case.Considerthe following examples illustrating the useof plain, future,non-futureandnominativeobjectmarkingrespectively:

10Richards (2001) discussesthe many grammatical differencesthat exist betweenpresent-day Lardil (his ‘NewLardil’) andtheLardil of the1960swhenKenHaledidhisearlyfieldwork (his‘Old Lardil’). Thecase/tensepropertiesdiscussedherearefeatures of Old Lardil.

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(15) Ngada1SG.NOM

niween3SG.OBJ

maarn-inspear-OBJ

wu-tha.give-GNF

‘I gavehim aspear’(Klokeid1976:476,56a)

(16) Ngada1SG.NOM

bilaatomorrow

wu-thurgive-FUT

ngimbenthar2SG.FOBJ

diin-kurthis-FOBJ

wangalk-ur.boomerang-FOBJ

‘I’ ll giveyou thisboomerangtomorrow.’ (ibid:493)

(17) Ngada1SG.NOM

niwentharr3SG.NFOBJ

maarn-arrspear-NFOBJ

wu-tharr.give-NFUT

‘I gavehim aspear’(ibid:476,56b)

(18) (Nyingki)(2SG.NOM)

ne-thahit-GNF

kiinda.that.person(NOM)

‘(You)hit thatperson.’ (Hale1997:21)

Thesecasemarkersalsoappearon othernon-subjectcomplements,following andoutside of theregularsemanticcaseinflection (so that theseexamplesinvolve a form of thecasestackingwellknown in Australianlanguages(Denchand Evans1988, Dench1995, Nordlinger 1998b)). In(19) theinstrumental NP ‘his wife’ is inflectedwith two casemarkers: first the instrumentalcasemarker encodingits grammaticalfunctionwithin theclause,andthenby thefutureobjective casein agreementwith thefuturetenseof theverb.

(19) Ngada1.SG.NOM

marndi-thurob-FUT

niwentha3SG.FOBJ

niwen-kur-u3SG.GEN-INSTR-FOBJ

kerndi-wur-u.wife-INSTR-FOBJ

‘I will stealhiswife for him.’ (Hale1997:201)

Note that the casemarkers are not limited to appearingat the peripheryor on the headof thenominalconstituents they mark. (20) exemplifies future markingparticipatingin caseconcordwithin a NP and(21) illustratespenetrationinto a nominalcompound(following Hale(1998)thecompoundis markedwith #).

(20) Ngada1.SG.NOM

were-thurthrow-FUT

kiin-kurthat-FOBJ

karnan-kurlong-FOBJ

maarn-kurspear-FOBJ

‘I will throw thatlongspear’(Hale1998:200,8)

(21) Ngada1.SG.NOM

kurri-thursee-FUT

mang-kur#dangka-rchild-FOBJ#person-FOBJ

‘I will seethechild’ (ibid:201, 9b)

NominalTAM in Lardil, then,is effectedthroughtheuseof a particularsetof casemarkerswhichinteractwith theTAM inflectionsof theverb. Thesecasemarkerscombineexpressionof temporalinformationwith regular relationalcasefor direct objects,andareplacedoutsidesemanticcaseinflectionsfor othernon-subjectcomplements. Although,for themostpart,the TAM-relatedcasemarkersappeartosimply agreewith theTAM inflectionof theverb,thetwocanbeshown tooperateindependentlyof eachother. Firstly, theverbalTAM markershavedistinct formsmarkingnegativepolarity, while thecorrespondingnominalTAM /casesuffixesappearin thesameform irrespectiveof modality, indicating thatthey cannotsimply beacopy of theverbalforms.Thus:

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(22) NgadaI

bule-thurcatch-FUT

yak-ur.fish-FOBJ

‘I will catchafish.’

(23) NgadaI

bule-nengkurcatch-NEG.FUT

yak-ur.fish-FOBJ

‘I will notcatchafish.’ (Hale1997:36)

Secondly, thesameverbform(glossedGNF for ‘generalnon-future’)isusedwith bothgeneralnon-future tenseandimperative mood. Thetwo aredifferentiatedhowever, throughthecasemarkingof the objectwhich is nominative for the imperative use(see(18) above) and (plain) objectiveotherwise(see(15) above). Suchexamplesshow clearlytheinteractionbetweenthenominalandverbalmorphology in fully specifyingthepropositional TAM in Lardil.

Theexistenceof TAM asan inflectionalcategory of nominals is shown evenmoreclearlyby therelatedlanguageKayardildwhich displaysanevenmoreelaboratesystemof TAM-sensitive casemarking. Thereare five such ‘modal’ casesin Kayardild (Evans1995), which co-occurwithdifferentverbalinflectionsto encodethetense/mood valuefor theclause.As in Lardil, themodalcaseis attacheddirectly to objects,but otherwiseappearsoutsidetheregularcasemarker for theNP. Considerthefollowing examples(all takenfrom Evans(1995)):11

(24) NgadaI(NOM)

yalawu-jarrcatch-PST

yakuri-nafish-M .ABL

mijil -nguni-na.net-INST-M .ABL

‘I caughtfish with thenet.’ (Evans1995:108,3-30)

(25) NgadaI(NOM)

yalawu-jucatch-POT

yakuri-wufish-M .PROP

mijil -nguni-wu.net-INST-M .PROP

‘I will catchfish with thenet.’ (ibid:109, 3-31)

In (24)and(25)boththedirectobjectyakuri ‘fish’ andtheinstrumentaladjunctmijil-nguni- ‘net-INST-’ areinflectedwith casemarkersencodinginformationaboutclausaltenseandmood.In (9),themodalablativecasesignalsclausalpasttense,while in (10) themodalproprietivecaseis usedwith the‘potential’ verbalsuffix to encodefuturity. On thebasisof theseexamplesit mayappearthatthis modalcaseis simply concordialagreementwith theverbalinflection. However thereareseveralreasonsfor thinking thatthis is not thecase.

Firstly, notethatmodalcasemarkingis not limitedto non-subjectcomplements,but is alsofoundon sententialadjunctssuchas‘tomorrow’ and‘yesterday’. This indicatesthat it is not simply aVP-basedphenomenonandmoreover wouldbeveryunusualin aconcordphenomenon.

(26) Ngada1.SG(NOM)

kurri-nangkusee-NEG.POT

mala-wusea-M .PROP

(balmbi-wu).morrow-M .PROP

‘I won’t beableto seethesea(tomorrow).’ (Evans1995:404,10-12)

(27) Ngada1.SG(NOM)

kurri-nangkusee-NEG.POT

mala-ysea-M .LOC

(barruntha-y).yesterday-M .LOC

‘I couldnotseethesea(yesterday).’ (Evans1995:404,10-13)11Themodalcasesuffix is markedwith anM . in its gloss:M .ABL ‘ablative casein modalfunction’.

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Secondly, as the above examplesalsoillustrate,Kayardild shows even moreclearly thanLardilthat thereis not alwaysa one-to-onerelationshipbetweenthemodalcasecategory andtheverbaltense/moodinflectionthatit co-occurswith. Rather, thetwoareindependentsystemswith differentsemanticvalueswhichwork togetherto provide in combinationacomposite tense/mood valueforthewholeclause(seeEvans(1995:Chapter10) for a full discussion). Thus,in examples(26)and(27) the verbalinflection remainsconstant,andit is throughthe differentmodalcaseinflectionsthattheclausaltense/mooddistinctionis encoded.The‘negativepotential’verbalinflectionisusedherewith its meaningof ‘inability’: combining with the“future” meaningof themodalproprietivecasemarker in (26) placesthis inability in the future, while combining with the “instantiated”meaningof the modallocative in (27) expressesthat therewasa real occasion,yesterday, whenthe inability existed (Evans1995:404). The following examples,with the apprehensive verbalinflection,exemplify thispointevenfurtherwith threepossiblealternativesdependingontheformof modalcase:

(28) Warrjawarrislowly(NOM)

ngada1.SG(NOM)

barrbiru-thalift- ACT

manarr-iy,torch-M .LOC

kurri-nyarrasee-APPR

ngijin-inj,1.SGPOSS-M .OBL

kala-nyarr,fly-APPR

rabi-nyarr.arise-APPR

‘Unhurriedly I lifted the bark torch, in case(the diver birds) shouldseeme andfly off.’(Evans1995:404,10-14)

(29) Nying-ka2.SG-NOM

ngudi-nathrow-NEG.IMP

wangalk,boomerang(NOM)

ngada1.SG(NOM)

ngumban-ju2SG-M .PROP

burldi-nyarr.throw-APPR

‘Don’t you throw theboomerang,or I’ ll throw oneat you.’ (ibid:405,10-15)

(30) Thararraember-NOM

kali-nyarrajump-APPR

wambal-iya,bush-M .LOC

naa-nyarr.burn-APPR

‘(Look out), theembersarejumpinginto thebush,it mightburn.’ (ibid:405,10-16)

Thebasicuseof theapprehensive verbalinflectionAPPR is to expressthat theevent is (or wouldbe)unpleasant,andfor this theobliquemodalcaseis used,aswith ngijin-inj (1.SGPOSS-M .OBL),the objectof kurri-nyarra (see-APPR) in (28). In (29) on the otherhand,the modalproprietive(whichexpresses“future” meanings)is usedto stressthespeaker’scertaintyof beingableto effectanunpleasantretaliation.Finally, in (30), theunpleasanteventis actuallytakingplace,andsothemodallocative is usedto indicatetherealityof theoccurrence(Evans1995:405).

Furtherevidenceof the distinction betweenthe verbal TAM systemand that of the modalcasemarkersis thefactthatmodalcasecanappearin clauseswhichhavenoverbatall, yetstill encodingthesameTAM information:12

(31) Ngada1.SG(NOM)

dathin-kiring-kuthat-ALL-M .PROP

kamarr-iri ng-ku.stone-ALL-MPROP

‘I will (go) to thatstone.’ (Evans1995:403, 10-7)12It is not clearwhat thebestanalysisof theseclausetypesis. For present purposeswe assumethat in a sentence

suchas(31) theallativecasemarkerhaspredicativesemanticsandservesasthemainpredicateof theclause.Anotherpossibleanalysisis thatthemainverb(e.g.‘go’) hasbeenellipsed.

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(32) Jina-nawhere-M .ABL

darr-inatime-M .ABL

nying-ka2.SG(NOM)

jirrka-an-kina?north-FROM-M .ABL

‘Whendid you(comeback)from thenorth?’ (ibid:403, 10-8)

Thefactthatthemodalcasesystemin Kayardildis distinctfrom thesystemof verbalTAM inflec-tion shows clearly that TAM (asencodedby modalcase)is a meaningfulinflectionalcategory ofnominalsin this language.

A well-known instanceof TAM /caseinteractionis foundin many SouthAsianlanguages,includingfor exampleUrdu/Hindi, PunjabiandGujarati,all of which exhibit anaspectually-basedergativesystem.13 Theselanguagesdiffer from Lardil andKayardildin thatit is thecaseof thesubjectthatis sensitive to TAM contrasts,asis clearfrom thefollowingdiscussionof Gujarati.14

Gujaratihas6 nominalcases:nominative (unmarked),ergative/locative (-e), accusative/dative (-ne), genitive (-n-), instrumental/ablative (-thi) andlocative (-maa). Thecaseof thesubjectvariesaccordingto clausalTAM properties. When the verb is in the past tense(33), the subjecthasnominativecaseandwhenit is in theperfectiveaspectthesubjectis markedwith theergativecase(34). Thereis alsoa dependency betweensubjectcasemarkingandothersemanticdistinctionsatthe clausallevel: in (35) the subjectis ergative in a recommendative clause;in (36) it is a formhomophonouswith the accusative/dative in the desiderative mood;15 andin the abilitative moodthesubjectis markedwith theinstrumentalcase(37) (Mistry 2001).16 � 17

13In Urdu/Hindi andPunjabicaseis not expressedstrictly morphologically, sincethereis goodevidencethatsomecasemarkers areclitic particlesandso independentelementswithin the syntaxof NP. In contrast, Mistry (2001)is explicit in treatingtheGujaraticasemarkersasinflectional andin thefollowing we discusstheGujaratidata.Fordiscussionof theUrdu/Hindi datathereaderis referred to Mohanan(1994)andButt andKing (to appear). ThePunjabifactsarediscussedin Bhatia(1993).

14A similarbut simplersystemis foundin Guaymi (Chibchan,CostaRicaandPanama), in which theergativecaseis found only in thepasttense(wearegrateful to TomPaynefor providing this data):

(1) TomT.

DoriD.

dema-egreet-NPST

‘Tomgreets Doris.’

(2) Toma-gweT.-ERG

DoriD.

dema-inigreet-PST

‘TomgreetedDoris.’

15Mistry (2001) himselfdoesn’t glossthecasesuffix in theseexamples,but arguesthatit is differentfrom boththeaccusativeanddative forms with which it is homophonous.Evidencefor its distinctnessincludesthefactthatthefirstpersonpronounusuallyusedin accusativeanddativecasescannot beusedin thesecontextswheretheunglossedformappears (p. 342).

16F = feminine, INF = infinitive,III = third person.17Similar pairscanbegiven for Urdu/Hindi also,in which themodalityappearsto comefrom thecaseclitic. The

choiceof ergativeor dativecasedeterminessententialfeatures— theergativeintroducesacleardesiderativemodality,the dative casefunctions moreasa default marker which could be interpretedeither in termsof obligational forceor with thedesiderative modality, dependingon theparticularcontext of theutterance. Theverbal complex itself isinvariant acrossthis pairof sentences).

(1) nadya=neNadya.F=ERG

zuzoo.M .LOC

ja-n-ago-INF-M .SG

h� ibe.PRES.3.SG

‘Nadya wantsto go to thezoo.’

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(33) silaaSheela(F).NOM

kaaga�letter(M)

lakh-t-i.write-PST-F

‘Sheelausedto write a letter.’ (Past)(Mistry 2001:335, 6)

(34) silaa-eSheela(F)-ERG

cop� ibook(F)

kharid-y-i.buy-PERF-F

‘Sheelaboughtabook.’ (Perfective) (ibid:338,15a)

(35) silaa-eSheela(F)-ERG

cop� ibook(F)

kharid-w-i.buy-INF-F

‘Sheelashouldbuy thebook.’ (Recommendative) (ibid:339,15b)

(36) silaa-(n)eSheela(F)-ACC/DAT?

cop� ibook(F)

kharid-w-ibuy-INF-F

che.is

‘Sheelawishesto buy thebook.’ (Desiderative) (ibid:339,15c)

(37) silaa-thiSheela(F)-INST

cop� ibook(F)

kharid-aa-s-e.buy-ABIL-F-I I I

‘Sheelacouldbuy thebook.’ (Abilit ative) (ibid:338,15e)

A particularlyinterestingsystemis found in Pitta Pitta (Pama-Nyungan,Australia)in which thecasemarkersfor subjects,objectsandinstrumentsall encodeadistinctionbetweenfutureandnon-future tense(Blake1979). Furthermore,the casemarkingsystemitself differs accordingto thetenseof theclause:futuretenseinvolvesa nominative/accusative casedistinction,andnon-futurea three-way distinctionbetweenintransitivesubject(S), transitive subject(A) andobject(O). Theformsareshown in Table1 ( afterBlake1987:59).18

Table1: PittaPittacase/tensesuffixes

S A O InstNon-Future - � -lu -nha -luFuture -ngu -ngu -ku -ngu

Tenseinformationis alsoexpressedon the verb in Pitta Pitta, but the systemis different to thefuture/non-futurecontrastencodedby nominals. Verbsdistinguish the threecoretenses:present(-ya), past(-ka) andfuturetense,which is unmarked(Blake1979:201-2).Thecasealternationsonsubjects(38-39)andobjects(40-41)andtheir interactionswith thetenseof theverbareillustratedby thefollowing examples.

(38) Ngamarimother(NOM)

karnta-yago-PRES

ngartu-nganardoo-PURP

kankari-marru.knife-having(NOM)

‘Mother’sgoingfor (to get)nardoo(edibleplantsp.)with aknife.’ (Blake 1987:59,4.11)

(2) nadya=koNadya.F=DAT

zuzoo.M .LOC

ja-n-ago-INF-M .SG

h� ibe.PRES.3.SG

‘Nadya has/wantsto go to thezoo.’

18Blake(1979) doeshowevernotethatthenon-futureobjectform -nhais usedby someof his languageconsultantsfor future tensealso,alongsidethespecificallyfuturetenseform -ku.

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(39) Ngamari-ngumother-NOM .FUT

karntago

ngartu-nganardoo-PURP

kankari-marru-ngu.knife-having-NOM .FUT

‘Mother will go for (to get)nardoowith aknife.’ (ibid:60,4.13)

(40) Ngamari-lumother-ERG

ngunytyi-kagive-PAST

ngali-nhawe.DU-ACC

mangarni-marru-nga-nhabone-having-GEN-ACC

kathi-nha.meat-ACC.

‘Mother gaveusthedoctor’smeat.’ (ibid, 4.12)

(41) Ngamari-ngumother-NOM .FUT

ngunytyigive

ngali-kuwe.DU-ACC.FUT

mangarni-marru-nga-kubone-having-GEN-ACC.FUT

kathi-ku.meat-ACC.FUT.‘Mother will giveusthedoctor’smeat.’ (ibid, 4.14)

In all of theexamplesof nominalTAM thathave beendicussedsofar, theTAM information asso-ciatedwith thenominalmorphology works in conjunction (perhapseven in agreement)with theverbalTAM to encodethe TAM for theclauseasa whole. Therearesomelanguages,however, inwhichtheTAM informationencodedonanNPconstituentcanbethesoleexponentof aclause-levelTAM category. Sincetheverbdoesnot encodetherelevantdistinctionat all, in theseexamples,itis quiteclearthatthepropositionalTAM informationis introducedsolelyby thedependentNP.

In Siriono (Firestone1965) (Tupı-Guaranı, Bolivia) it seemsthat propositional temporaldistinc-tions canbe expressedby usingthe sameTAM markerson nounsasareusedon verbs. Nounsinflectedfor suchfeaturescanserveasnominalpredicates,thatis, astheheadsof completepropo-sitionsasin (42)—- thequitewidespreadphenomenon of nominalTAM onnominalsin predicativefunctionhasalreadybeendiscussedin section2.1above.

(42) Neda-he-rae.road-REFL-FUT

‘It will bea road.’ (Firestone1965:24)

Firestone(1965) establishesthat suchTAM inflectedwordsareindeednominal. On the basisofthedistinctive inflectionalaffixeswhich stemstake hedistinguishesa classof ‘nominals’, whichtake tenseand aspectbut nothingelse(e.g. j vku ‘turkey’, ae jvku-ke-rv (he turkey-PST-PERF)‘He wasa turkey’) aswell asa classof ‘nouns’,which take tenseandaspectandalsosomeotherinflections,suchasapossessiveprefix. Whatis crucialhere,of course,is thatboththeseclassesaredistinguishedfrom ‘verbs’which, aswell astakingtenseandaspectinflectionsalsotake subjectagreement.19

In (42) above we illustratedthe ability of nominalelementsto serve as (sentential)predicates,takingtenseandaspectaffixes. It is clearthatdependentnominalsin Siriono mayalsotake tenseandaspectmarkersin thepresenceof averbalpredicate.In (43) thetensemarkingappearson thesubjectnominal andnot on theverb; in (44) bothtenseandaspectappearon theverb; in (45) theaspectmarkingappearsbothontheverbandtheindirectargument‘water’20 andfinally in (46) the

19Verbs alsodiffer in permitting two alternative orderings of affixes,differing in whetherTenseandAspectaresuffixesor prefixes,with noconsequencesfor interpretation— seeFirestone(1965:27)for details.

20There is an interestingsyntacticrestrictionat work here. Firestoneremarks that indirectobjectseitherprecedeor follow the V. Whenthey precede, the aspectmarker appearsonly on the verb (asin (44)); whenthey follow theaspectualsuffix is attachedto theindirect objectasin (45).

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aspectappearsonly on the subjectnominal. Theseintriguing examplesillustratesthat tenseandaspectaretruly optional inflectionalcategoriesof bothverbsandnouns.

(43) Esi-kewoman-PST

osogo

nanear

i ı-ra.water-to(LOC)

‘The womanwentnearthewater.’ (Firestone1965:37-8)

(44) Aehe

i ıwater

oso-ke-rv.go-PAST-PERF

‘He wentto thewater.’ (ibid:35)

(45) Aehe

oso-ke-rvgo-PAST-PERF

i ı-rv.water-PERF

‘He wentto thewater.’ (ibid:35)

(46) Evgvtui-rvtapir-PERF

baething

bukiacaa.steal.not

‘The tapirdid not stealfrom others.’ (ibid:33)

Finally, thereis interestingfurther evidencethat the tenseandaspectmarkersdistributed acrosstheverbandnominalelementsareactingasa singlesystem.

(47) j vkv-ketiger-PST

uke-rv.sleep-PERF

‘The tigerslept.’

Thusin Siriono we appearto have anexampleof a languagein which thesameTAM markerscanappeareitheron theverb,or onadependentNP, or onboth.

In Chamicuro,a moribundArawak languageof Peru,propositional tenseinformationis encodedon thedefinitearticlewhich mustusuallyaccompany (definite)nominalsubjectandobjectargu-ments(Parker 1999). Therearetwo forms of the definitearticle: na, usedin presentandfuturetenses,andka which markspasttense. In contrastthereis no obligatory tensemorphologyonverbs: thereis no presenttensemarker, andthepastandfuture tensemarkers(-kati and-ye re-spectively) areoptional. Thus,in mostexamples,it is thedefinitemarker alonewhich signalsthetenseinformation for theclause:21

(48) a. I-nis-kana3-see-PL

naTHE(NPST)

camalo.bat

‘They seethebat.’ (Parker 1999:552,2)

b. Y-alıyo3-fall

kaTHE(PAST)

ke:ni.rain

‘It rained’(therain fell). (ibid:552,3)21Thefactsarecomplicatedby the fact that thesearticlesdo not bearstress,andsinceall lexical wordsin Cham-

icuro mustcontaintwo syllables,they arenot completely independentphonological items(seeParker 1999:556andfollowing). Parker (1999) shows that they encliticizephonologically to C final, but not to V final, preceding words.This behaviour is completely predictableon purelyphonologicalgroundsandheestablishesthat thedefinitearticlesarestructurallypartof theNP, even whenencliticizedto a preceding V.

Parkernotates encliticization by useof amorphemeboundary- we haveused= instead.

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c. U- -ye =na1-go-FUT=THE(NPST)

PampaPampa

Hermosa-sana.Hermosa-LOC

‘I will go to PampaHermosa.’ (ibid:554,9)

Thatthetensedistinctionfor thewholeproposition is determinedby theformof thedefinitemarkeraloneis mostevidentin thefollowing pair of examplesin which thepresent/pasttensedistinctionis reflectedonly in theform of thearticle.

(49) a. P-askala t-ıs=na2-kill-2.PL=THE(NPST)

camalo.bat

‘You (plural) arekilling thebat.’

b. P-askala t-ıs=ka2-kill-2.PL=THE(PAST)

camalo.bat

‘You (plural) killed thebat.’ (Parker1999:553,7,8)

While thereareoptionalverbaltensemarkersin thelanguage,Parkernotesthathehasnoexamplesin which thepasttensedefinitearticleco-occurswith a verbovertly markedfor pasttense(Parker1999:553,fn. 5). Consequently, in all examplesin which it occurs,thepasttensedefinitearticleis theonly exponentof pasttensefor theclause.Co-occurrenceof thenon-pastarticleis possible(althoughoptional)with the future tenseverbalmarker, asshown in (48c)) above (of coursethenon-pastdefinitearticledoesnotdistinguishpresentandfuture).

Thatthesetense-markedelementsareindeeddefinitearticlesandnotpartof theverbalcomplex isshown by thefactthatthey appearwithin NPs:22

(50) ana =nathis=THE(NPST)

cmes onaman

‘this man’ (ibid:554,13)

(51) Y-ahkasamusta-wa3-scare-1.OBJ

kaTHE(PAST)

ma pohtatwo

kaTHE(PAST)

ma nali.jaguar

‘The two jaguarsscaredme.’ (ibid, 14)

Finally, it shouldbenotedthatdefinitearticlesencodingtemporalcontrastsoccurwith all nominalsin thefull rangeof syntacticfunctions.Theexamplesbelow show pasttensemarkingby meansofadefinitearticleassociatedwith a nominal in adverbialfunction.

(52) i-s ak-kana3-dance-PL

‘They aredancing.’ (ibid:555, 19)

(53) i-s ak-kana3-dance-PL

kaTHE(PAST)

likahpe tayesterday

‘They dancedyesterday.’ (ibid:555,20)22In (51), thedefinitearticleappears twice within theNP: oncebefore thenumeralandoncebefore theheadnoun,

asis typical for Chamicuro NPscontaining numeralsanddemonstratives(Parker 1999: 554).

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In Gurnu,adialectof themoribund Pama-NyunganBa:gandjilanguageof south-easternAustralia,it is thepronounsanddemonstrativeswhichareusedto encodeclausaltense,showing a three-waytensedistinction betweenunmarked (andpresenttense)(marked with initial � ), future (markedwith initial g-), andpast(marked with initial w-) (Wurm andHercus1976,Hercus1982). As inChamicuro,verbshave no obligatory tensemarking,andusuallyshow noneat all. The form ofthepronoun/demonstrative alonesignalsthe tensefor theclause.Theformsof thepronounsanddemonstrativesaregiven in Table2 (Wurm andHercus1976:40).23

Table2: GurnuPronouns

UNM PAST FUTURE1.SG.S � aba waba gaba1.SG.A � adhu wadhu gadhu2.SG.S � imba wimba gimba2.SG.A � indu windu gindu3.SG.S nadhu wadhu gadhu3.SG.O � a:nha wa:nha ga:nha1.DU � ali wali gali2.DU � uba wuba guba3.DU � adhu:lu wadhu:lu gadhu:lu1.PL � ina wina gina2.PL � urda wurda gurda3.PL � adi wadi gadi‘this’ idhi widhi gidhi‘that’ � a� a wa� a ga� a

Exceptfor in casesof specialemphasis,only onepronounin theclauseis marked for tense;theotherpronounsappearin thepresent/unmarkedform.24 Thetensemarkedpronounis usuallyeitherthe subjector the pronounreferring to themain topic.25 While (tense-marked) subjectpronounsusuallyfollow theverb(54), it is alsopossible for themto follow otherpartsof speech(asin (56)andthe secondtensedpronounin (58) which follows a nominal)or appearclause-initially (59),showing thatthetensemarking(at leastsynchronically)is truly a propertyof thepronounitself.26

23We haveslightly alteredtheorthographiesusedby WurmandHercus(1976) andHercus(1982). Specifically, wehavereplacedthediacriticsmarking lamino-dentalandretroflex consonsants,markinglamino-dentalswith afollowing/h/ (e.g. /dh/, /nh/) andretroflexeswith a preceding /r/ (e.g. /rn/, /rl/). We alsouse/rr/ for theapico-alveolartap/trilland: to marka long vowel. In Table2 we have relabelledWurm andHercus’s ‘presenttense’form as‘unmarked’(UNM) sincethis is theform thatis usedin clausesalreadycontaining a tense-markedpronoun.

24Note that (58) is one example with two tensedforms: a pronoun and a demonstrative. We have no furtherinformationabout this sentence;perhapsit is anexampleof specialemphasis.

25Although notethepresence of anobjectform for third personsingular. There areno examplesof its usein thegrammaticaldescription. We assumeit mustbeusedfor object topics.

26Wurm and Hercus(1976) provide a number of phonological and morphosyntactic argumentssupporting thisanalysis;detailscanbefound therein. Note that theverbal suffix glossedTOP in (58) is a stem-forming affix whichis calleda ‘topicalising’ suffix by theauthors becauseit focusesattentionon theaimsof anaction,makingit definiteratherthanhaphazard(Hercus 1982:191). For example, from theverbbami-‘to see’,it derivesbami-la‘to look at’. Ittherefore hasnothing to dowith thepragmatic topicof aclause.

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(54) Barridji-rrifar.away-ALL

dharnigo

gaba.1.SG.FUT

‘I’ ll goa longwayoff.’ (WurmandHercus1976:40)

(55) Bamisee

� adhu.1.SG.A .PRES

‘I cansee.’ (ibid:41)

(56) Wilgawilgahungry

ngadi.3.PL .PAST

‘They’rehungry.’ (Hercus1982:124)

(57) Gilanot

dhi� ga-rririse-INC

waba.1.SG.PAST

‘I didn’t getup.’ (Wurm andHercus1976:41)

(58) Dhiga-lareturn-TOP

gadi3.PL .FUT

gi:rr acountry

gidhi-nhathis.FUT-GEN

miri.towards

‘They’ ll gobackto their country.’ (ibid:41)

(59) Wadhu3.SG.PAST

ga:ndicarry

barlu-barlu.small.child

‘It washim thatcarriedthesmallchildren.’ (ibid:42)

In therareeventthata sentencecontainsnopronominalformsto encodethetense,a verbalsuffix-dji is availableto markpasttenseon theverb.

(60) Wi:mbadjaman

� urlarrdjimany

dhunga-maldha-dji.bury-REFL-PAST

‘A lot of peopleburiedthemselves(in quicksand).’ (Hercus1982:203,550)

Tense-inflectedsubjectpronounsarenot restrictedto onelanguagefamily: a further exampleisYa g Dii, a Niger-Congolanguagespoken in NorthernCameroon.27 Subjectpronounsof the mıseriesareinflectedaccordingto a future/non-futuretensedistinction, asshown below in Table3(/ separatesforms which arein complementarydistribution: -n (1S) and-m (2S) aresuffixed tocertainprecedingvowel-final elements).The discontinuouspronouns(1+2 PL) areseparatedbytheverb,its pronominalobjectandevenasetof serialverbs.28

OtherTAM categoriesareexpressedwith theuseof separateparticles(called‘constructionmark-ers’ by Bohnhoff (1986)).Crucially, however, thesedonotencodea future/non-futuredistinction,which is encodedonly by the tenseinformationassociatedwith thesubjectpronominals. This is

27Thepronominalsystemof Ya� gDii is complex, andonly theaspectsrelevant to ourdiscussionhavebeenpresentedhere.Thereaderis referredto Bohnhoff (1986) for a more completediscussionof thepronominalsystem.

28The mı setof subjectpronouns is usedin both perfective and imperfective aspectsin factative moodin mainclauses,andis alsousedin several typesof subordinateclauses.A secondsetof pronouns,the’ a� n series,is usedin thehortative mood andin mostsubordinateclauses.In mainclausespronouns from this latterserieshave animperative,cohortative or jussive meaninganda senseof obligation maybeassociatedwith themin dependentclauses.The ’ a� nseriesof pronouns,however, arenot inflectedfor tense,andsowill notbediscussedfurtherhere.Notehowever, thatitappearsasif thedistinctionbetweenthemı and’ a� n setsof pronounsmayencodeacomplex typeof clause-level moodinformation. Otherlanguagesin which pronounsmoreclearlyencodemoodinformationfor theclausearediscussedbelow.

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Table3: Ya g Dii TensedPronouns

Person,Number mı set mı NFUT mı FUT

1S -n/mı mın mın1+2D ba ban ban2S -m/m´� m´� n m´� n3S ø ø w´� n1PL v´� v´� n v´� n1+2PL ba.... vı ban .... vı ban .... vı2PL vı vın vın3PL v � v � n v´� n

illustratedby the following examples.Examples(61) and(62) illustratethe combination of thefuturewith theperfectiveandtheimperfectiverespectively. (63) illustratesthecombinationof thenon-futurewith theimperfective, this time with apastconstructionmarker in initial position.

(61) Y� ghotomorrow

mın1SG.FUT

luuleave

s� ’ �PERF

‘I (havedecidedto) leave tomorrow’ (Bohnoff 1986:108,10)

(62) Mın1.FUT

laaleave

kaal�town-to

‘I will go to town’ (ibid, 11)

(63) BaPAST

m� n2SG.NFUT

laago

t � la?where

‘Wherewereyou(recentpast)?’(ibid:109,12)

Interestingly, the future tensesubjectpronominal canitself undergo morphological derivation togive anemphaticform, parallelto themorphologicalderivation of anemphaticform of thenon-tensedmı pronominal. The relevant formsaregiven in Table4 below (afterBohnhoff 1986:126,Table10). Thefact thatthesetensedpronominalscanbeinput to whatis mostplausibly analysedasa nominal morphological processillustratesclearlythatthis tenseinflectionis a morphologicalpropertyof nominalsin this language.

In anotherNiger-Congolanguage,Supyire, pronounsalonemay encodeclause-level mood in-formation. In Supyire (Carlson1994), first andsecondpersonpronounshave two distinct formsdependingon whetherthe moodof the clauseis declarative or non-declarative. The two setsofformsareshown in Table5 below (afterCarlson1994:152, 154).29

29Mood distinctionsencoded by pronounsarealsofound in /Gui (CentralKhoisan,Botswana),in which subjectpronounsmarkimperative mood. Example (2) below illustratesanimperative clausewith a first personsubject.Notethattheverbremainsin thesameform in bothexamples:theimperativemoodof theclauseis encodedby thesubjectpronounalone(Hitomi Ono,pers.comm.).

(1) Cire1.SG.NOM

!koo.go

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Table4: Emphatic SubjectPronouns

PN mı series mı EMPH mı FUT mı FUT EMPH

1S -n/mı mıi mın mınno1+2D ba baa ban banno2S -m/m´� moo m´� n m´� nno3S ø w � w´� n w´� nno1PL v´� voo v´� n v´� nno1+2PL ba.... vı baa .... vı ban ....vi banno....vi2PL vı vıi vın vınno3PL v � v ��� v´� n v´� nno

Table5: Supyire Pronouns

DECL. NON-DECL.1.SG mıi na2.SG mu ma1.PL wuu wu2.PL yıi yi

Thedeclarative setis possiblewith all sentencetypesincludingnon-declaratives,andis thusper-hapsbetterlabelled‘unmarked’. Thenon-declarativeset,however, is only possible in clauseswithnon-declarativemoodsuchascommands (65a,65b)andquestions (65c).Thedistinctionbetweenthesetwo pronounsetsis shown in the following examples. Note that the imperative mood issignalledonly by thechoiceof thenon-declarativepronounin (65a)and(65b).

(64) a. mıimy

` � kuu� ichicken.DEF

‘my chicken’ (Carlson1994:152,1a)

b. MıiI

aPERF

pa.come

‘I havecome.’ (ibid:152, 1b)

c. MuYou

aPERF

mııme

kanha.tire

‘Youhaveannoyedme.’ (ibid:152,2b)

‘I go.’

(2) Da1.SG.IMP

!koo.go

‘Let mego.’

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(65) a. Mayou.NONDECL

tahafollow

namy.NONDECL

fyefootprints

e!in

‘Follow me(lit. in my tracks),please!’(politecommand).(ibid:522, 8a)

b. Name.NONDECL

wıı.look.at

‘Look at me.’ (imperative) (ibid:154,7a)

c. Namy.NONDECL

cevoofriend

` � kuu,chicken

taawhere

mayou.NONDECL

k� � gego.IMPV

ke?LOC.Q

‘My friendchicken,whereareyougoing?’ (ibid, 7c)

Theseexamplesillustrate both the declarative and non-declarative pronounsetsfunctioning assubjects(64b,64c),objects(64c,65b)andevenaspossessive pronouns(64a,65a,65c). Thefactthat theclausalmooddistinctionis encodedevenwhenthepronounis functioningasa possessoris particularlyinterestingasit shows thatsuchclause-level informationcanbeembeddedwithincomplex argumentNPs.

This mooddistinction encodedby pronominalsis completelyindependentof otherTAM systemsin thelanguage.Supyire hasthreeotherwaysof encodingTAM information (Carlson1994:307ff.).Themostcommonof theseinvolvesa seriesof auxiliarieswhich appearbetweenthesubjectandthedirectobject(Supyire is essentiallyanSOV language).Theseauxiliariesencodealargevarietyof TAM distinctions,includingremoteandrecentpasttenses,futuretense(66),perfectaspect(67),prohibitivemood(68)andmany others(seeCarlson1994:308 for a full list), andinteractwith thenon-declarative pronounsassemanticallyappropriate:the prohibitive moodauxiliary co-occurswith anon-declarativepronounin (68).

(66) Uit

sıFUT

´ � -kan.FUT-give

‘It will begiven.’ (Carlson1994:335, 55a)

(67) Us/he

aPERF

pacome

ta� jaayesterday

‘S/hecameyesterday.’ (ibid:338,63b)

(68) Mayou.NONDECL

haPROH

aSUBJ.IMPV

KarajaKaraja

cyerainsult.IMPV

aNEG

d � !EXCL

‘Don’t insultKaraja!’ (ibid:371,136)

Otherwaysof encodingTAM distinctionsincludethe useof verbalaffixesto contrastperfective(unnmarked)with imperfective aspect(68),andto encodefuturetense(co-occuringwith a futuretenseauxiliary) (66). Noneof theseothermeansof encodingTAM information, however, encodesthe distinction betweendeclarative andnon-declarative moodasdo the first andsecondpersonpronouns.

Languageswhich encodeclause-level TAM information on subjectpronouns,suchas we haveseenabove for Gurnu,Ya g Dii, andSupyire, raisean interestingtheoreticalproblem. Namely,how arewe to distinguishbetweensuchTAM-inflectedpronominalson theonehandandcasesofpronominalincorporationinto verbalauxiliarieson theother?That is, for eachputative example

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of, say, tensedpronominalsin a languagewe mustrule out theanalysiswherebytheseelementsarenot independentpronominalsinflectedfor tense,but areinsteadthemselvespronominalaffixesattachedto averbal(auxiliary)constituent.In somecases,thiswill amountto establishing thattheputative tensedpronominalis anindependentnominallexical element,ratherthansimplyaverbalaffix whichexpressesbothpronominalandtensefeatures.In othercases,thestatusof theputativetensedpronominalasanindependent(syntactic)wordmightnotbein doubt,but ananalysisunderwhich it is a verbalauxiliary morphologically incorporatinga pronominal elementmustberuledout if it is to beviewedasa truetensedpronominal. Theselasttwo possibilities in particularmaybevery difficult to distinguish,but at a theoreticallevel thedistinctionbetweena tensedpronom-inal andan incorporatedpronominalis rathersignificant. The former involves the encodingofclause-level TAM information ondependents,while thelattersimply involvestheincorporationofa (pronominal) argumentinto a verbal(head)constituentencodingTAM andis thereforelargelyunproblematic for standardtheoreticalapproaches.Likewisein strictly morphological terms,thecodingof (pronominal)argumentfeaturesonverbalheadsis bothwidely attestedandwell under-stood,while therelevanceof clausaltemporalpropertiesto theinflectionalmorphology of nominalcategories(suchasnouns,adjectivesanddeterminers)is ratherlesswell-known.

What is neededin eachcaseis a way of establishing the categorial statusof the “composite”element,in orderto determinetheappropriateanalysis.In Gurnu,for example,thefact thatthesetensedistinctionsare found with demonstrativessuchaswidhi ‘this.PAST’ andgidhi ‘this.FUT’supportstheir analysisastense-inflectedpronominals,sincedemonstrativesarenot usuallyfoundincorporatedinto verbalauxiliariescross-linguistically. This analysisis furthersupportedby thefactthatthesetense-inflectedformscanbefurtherinflectedfor case,atypicalnominalcategory, asin (69) (repeatedfrom above), showing themto beNP constituentsratherthanverbalauxiliaries.

(69) Dhiga-lareturn-TOP

gadi3.PL .FUT

gi:rr acountry

gidhi-nhathis.FUT-GEN

miri.towards

‘They’ ll gobackto their country.’ (WurmandHercus1976:41)

Similarly, in Supyire thismooddistinctionamongstpronominalsis foundevenwithin complex NPconstituents whicharenotplausibly relatedto averbalauxiliarynode,asshown by thecontrastinthepossessive phrasesin (64a)and(65c) above. This fact demonstratesclearly thatsuchmood-markedpronounsareNPconstituents,andthatananalysistreatingthemasverbalauxiliarieswouldbeuntenable.

While the situation may be relatively clear-cut in thesecases,therearelanguagesfor which theargumentationrequiredto distinguishthetwo analysesis muchmoresubtle.Suchis thecasefortheEnglish non-syllabic reducedauxiliariessuchas’ll in thefollowing:

(70) You’ll [/l/ , */ � l/] beleavingsoon.I’ll [/l/ , */ � l/] beleavingtomorrow.

The non-syllabic reducedpronunciation occursonly with a pronominal. The correctanalysisoftheseEnglish auxiliarieshasbeenthesubjectof somediscussion in therecenttheoreticalliterature.Sadler(1998)(alsoNordlingerandSadler2000),following Spencer(1991),arguesonthebasisofdetailedphonologicalandmorphologicalevidencethatthey aretenseinflectionssuffixedto subjectpronominals(seealsoBarron1998).Thus,onthisaccountyou’ll andI’ll in theaboveexamplesare

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tense-inflectedpronominalsona parwith Gurnugimba‘2.SG.FUT’ andgaba‘1.SG.FUT’. BenderandSag(2001),on theotherhand,arguethatin factthesubjectpronominal hasincorporatedintothe tense-marked auxiliary. On this view, theseare not subjectNPs at all, but auxiliary headscarryingboth tenseandsubjectinformation in a clausewith no subjectNP. Furtherdiscussionof this issueis beyond the scopeof the presentpaper. However, the existenceof suchtense-inflectedpronominalsin thelanguagesdiscussedabove show themto bea typological possibilityirrespectiveof whetheror not they areattestedfor English.30

2.3 Summary

The languagesdiscussed in this sectionall make useof nominal morphologyto encodeinforma-tion aboutpropositional TAM . In many of theselanguages,thenominalTAM markingoperatesinconjunctionwith verbalTAM , althoughthedistinctionsmadein thenominalsystemareoftendis-tinct from thosemadewith verbs(seeparticularlyPittaPitta,Kayardild,ChamicuroandSupyire).In onelanguage,Gurnu,pronominal TAM is the usualway of encodingTAM informationabouttheclause,with theverbcarryingminimal (usuallyno) TAM information at all. In onelanguage,Siriono, thesameTAM inflectionscanbeusedonverbsandnouns,eithertogetheror independently.

3 Non-Propositional TAM

In section2wediscussedtheuseof nominalsandotherNPconstituentstoencodeTAM informationfor theproposition asa whole. In this sectionwe turn to anothertypeof nominalTAM inflection,in which the TAM information encodedby thenominalis completelyindependentof the TAM oftheproposition.31 Nominal TAM inflection in this functionservesto locatethe time at which thepropertydenotedby thenominalholdsof thereferentor, in thecaseof possessivephrases,thetimeat which thepossessive relationholds.

A straightforward exampleof independentnominal TAM inflection is provided by Tariana,anArawak languagefrom north-westAmazonia,Brazil.32 Nounsin Tarianacan be inflected foreitherpastor futuretense(unmarkednounsareunspecifiedfor tense).33 Theoccurrenceof tensemorphology on nominalsis very widespread,indeedAikhenvald (to appear)reportsthat around40%of nounsin textsaretense-inflected.

Thereis a single form for nominalfuture tense,-pena, which specifiesthat thepropertydenotedby thenominalholdsin thefuture,for example:wa-� ima� i-pena(1PL-son.in.law-FUT) ‘our futureson-in-law’; pi-ya-dapana-pena(2SG-POSS-house-FUT) ‘your futurehouse’. Nominal pasttensehasthreeforms: miki-� i for masculinesingular nouns,-miki-� u for femininesingular nouns,and

30Languageswith similar“composite”formswhichseembestanalysedasauxiliarieswith incorporatedpronominalsincludeHausa(Burquest1986) andIai (Tryon 1968).

31Partsof this sectiondraw substantiallyonSadlerandNordlinger(2001).32Thedataprovidedis courtesyof SashaAikhenvald,andis takenfrom herforthcominggrammar (Aikhenvald (to

appear)).33Aikhenvald describes the nominal tensemarkers asclitics. However, they appear insideoblique casemarkers,

which sheconsidersto be suffixes (Aikhenvald 1999)and so for our purposesare clearly part of the inflectionalmorphologyof nouns.

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-miki for plural nouns. It is usedmorewith animatesthan inanimates,but possiblewith both.Examplesincludecorreio-miki-� i (postoffice-PST-NF) ‘old/former postoffice’; du-sa-do-miki-� u(3SG.NF-spouse-FEM-PST-FEM) ‘his latespouse’.

In contrast,propositional tenseis encodedvia tense/evidentialityclitics, which attachto theverbor any otherfocusedconstituent(including nominals).Thenominal tensesystemis muchsimplerthanthatof thepropositional tense/evidentiality clitics, andtheformsarequitedistinct from theirpropositionalcounterparts,whichareprovidedin Table6. table.

Table6: PropositionalTense/Evidentiality in Tariana

Present Recent Past RemotePastVisual =naka =ka =naNonvisual =mha =mahka =mhanaInferred N/A =sika =sinaReported =pida =pidaka =pidana

Examplesof theuseof thesenominal tensemarkersin regularverbalclausesaregivenbelow. Thefact that the temporalreferenceof the nominalcanbe independentof that of both the verb andtheclausewithin which it appears,is illustratedby (72) in whicha futuretensenominalco-occurswith averbcarryingthereportedremotepastclitic:34

(71) Thepito.water

di-ma� e=pidana3SG.NF-throw.CAUS=REM .P.REP

eta-miki-� i-nuku.eagle-PST-NF-TOP.NON.A /S

‘He threw the remainsof the eagle(lit. the ‘ex-eagle’,what usedto be the eagle)intowater.’

(72) Kayu-makaso-AFF

hıDEM :ANIM

wa� ipe� eWalipere

unyane-penaflood-FUT

di-kakwa=pidana.3sg.NF-plan=REM .P.REP

‘ThusWaliperewasplanningthefutureflood.’

Suchdataraisesthe questionof how (or even whether)this type of nominal tensemarking isto be distinguishedfrom derivational affixessuchas the English ‘ex-’ (e.g. ‘ex-husband’,‘ex-President’).The distinction is not at all straightforward – the two typesof affixesclearly coversomeof the samesemanticground– but it is possibleto identify somesignificantdifferences.35

Firstly, nominaltensemarkersareinflectionalratherthanderivational affixes;in somelanguagesthey even form portmanteauxwith other inflectionalnominal categoriessuchaspossession anddefiniteness(seethe discussionsof HixkaryanaandSomalibelow, respectively). Secondly, dueto their inflectionalnature,they are fully productive. The suffix ‘ex-’ in English, on the otherhand,is quite restrictedin its semantics.It is mostcommonwith nounsdenotingoccupations(‘ex-President’,‘ex-director’, ‘ex-teacher’)andnon-kin relationships (‘ex-wife’, ‘ex-boyfriend’).

34Non-obvious abbreviations in theseexamples include: AFF ‘affix’, CL .ANIM ‘animateclassifier’, DEM .ANIM

‘demonstrative animate’,NF ‘non-feminine’, PAUS ‘pausal’, PRES.VIS ‘present visible’, REL ‘relative’, REM .P.REP

‘remote pastreported’, TOP.ADV ‘topic advancement’,TOP.NON.A /S ‘topical non-subjectclitic’.35We aregrateful to Matthew Dryer for discussionof someof theseissues.

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It is substantially lessappropriatewith commonnounssuchas‘dog’ and‘house’ (?ex-dog,?ex-house).Suchrestrictionsarenot found in the true nominal tenseexamples,ascanbeverified intheexamplesthroughout thissection.

As mentionedabove,propositional tense/evidentiality cliticscanappearonany focusedconstituentin the clause.Naturally then,it is possiblefor theseclitics to attachto nominals,alongwith in-dependentnominaltensemarkingasillustratedabove. This is shown in thefollowing exampleinwhich thefinal word ‘person’ is inflectedwith nominal pasttenseaswell ascarryingtheproposi-tional tenseclitic (marking‘presentnon-visual’).

(73) Kayu-makaso-AFF

dihahe

nawiki-nhaperson-PAUS

namuevil.spirit

na-nite3PL.say-TOP.ADV+CL :ANIM

nawiki-miki-� i=mha.person-PST-NF=PRES.NONVIS

‘So this mancalledevil spirit namu,he is theonewho usedto be a person(lit. he is an‘ex-person’).’

Thecontrastbetweenthetwo nominal tensemarkersis highlightedin thefollowing pair of nomi-nals,bothalsocarryingthe‘presentvisual’ propositional tenseclitic:

(74) Pi-ya-dapana-pena=naka.2SG-POSS-house-FUT=PRES.VIS

‘This is your futurehouse(I canseeit).’

(75) Pi-ya-dapana-miki-� i=naka.2SG-POSS-house-PST-NF=PRES.VIS

‘This is whatusedto beyourhouse(I canseeit).’

In possessive examplessuchas theseabove, thereare two semanticpredicateswith respecttowhich the tensemarker may logically be interpreted. One possibility is that the tensemarkertemporallylocatesthenominalreferent itself (e.g. ‘former/futurehouse’).Anotherpossibility isthatthetensemarker refersnot to thenominal, but ratherprovidesthetimeatwhichthepossessiverelationholds(e.g.‘formerly/to bepossessed’).In thelargemajorityof languageswith thistypeofnon-propositionalnominal TAM marking,suchexamplesareambiguousbetweenthetwo logicallypossiblereadings.This is true for theTarianaexamplesabove: 74, for example,canmeaneither‘this is your thingwhich will bea house’, in which thetensemarker is interpretedwith respecttothenominalitself, or ‘this is a housewhich will beyours’, in which it refersto thetime at whichthe possessive relationholds. Below we will seemany moresuchambiguous examplesin otherlanguageswith non-propositional nominalTAM .

A similarnominaltenseconstrastto Tarianais foundin Guaranı, aTupı-Guaranı languagewhichiswidely spokenin Paraguay(Guasch1956,GregoresandSuarez1967,deCanese1983,seealsothebrief discussionin Mel’ cuk1994:54). Guaranı hasthenominal tensesuffixes-kwe PST (sometimes-re), r ��a FUT and-rangue for a futurewhich is not to berealized(that is, anirrealisfuture),whichoccuronnominalargumentsandonnominalisations.Examplesinclude:

(76) h-oga-kwehis-house-PST

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‘his formerhouse’(GregoresandSuarez1967:127))

(77) h-emi-.apo-r ��ahis-work-FUT

‘his futurework’ (ibid)

(78) ao-apo-ha-remakerof clothes-PST

‘the onewhomadetheclothes’(ibid)

As with theTarianaexamplesdiscussedabove, thepossessive examplesin (76) and(77) aream-biguous:(76),for example,canmeaneither‘my thingwhichusedto beahouse(e.g.it hasburneddown)’ or ‘the housewhichusedto bemine(but now belongsto somebodyelse)’.

The independenceof the nominal tensefrom the TAM of the whole proposition is illustratedbythefollowing examples,in which thepropositional andnominaltensevary independentlyof eachother.36

(79) O-va-ta3-move-FUT

che-roga-kue-pe.1SG-house-PST-in

‘He will move into my formerhouse.’

(80) A-va-vaekue1SG-move-PST

hoga-ra-pe.3.house-FUT-in

‘I havemovedinto his futurehouse.’

In thefollowing interesting exampletherearetwo tenseinflectionson thenominal,thefirst non-propositional andthe secondpropositional. The final tensesuffix is from the verbaltenseserieswhich includessix differentpastmarkersakue, mi, kuri, va’ekue, raka’aandra’e andfivedistinctfuturemarkersta, pota/mbota, va’era, neandara.

(81) Che-roga-ra-ta.1SG-house-FUT-FUT

‘It is my futurehouse,it will bemy futurehouse.’

(81) is thereforean exampleof a typeof ‘tense-stacking’,in which a singlenominalis inflectedwith two tensemarkers. In this example,the two have quite differentfunctions: the inner tensemarkerencodesnon-propositional tense,temporallylocatingthereferentof thenominalitself (i.e.‘future house’).Thesecondtensemarker, on theotherhand,markstheclausaltensewhich,in thiscase,is alsofuture (althoughcould potentially have beensomething else). As notedabove, thisexampleinvolvesthe useof what is otherwisedescribedasa verbal tensemarker on a nominalpredicate,in additionto the nominal future marker for a nominaldependent(non-propositionaltense). Futureresearchis neededto determinejust how widespreadthis phenomenonof tense-stackingis.

36Thefollowing Guaranı examples(including (81)) werekindly collectedfor usby DagmarJungfrom SebastianaErtel, a native speaker of Guaranifrom Asuncion now residentin Cologne,Germany. Theexamplesfrom GregoresandSuarez((76) - (78)) arewritten in whatwasat thetime standard Guaranı orthography while theinformantdataisrepresentedin thecurrent standardorthography.

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In theGuaranıexample,thetwo stackedtensemarkershavedifferentfunctions.A furtherinterest-ing questionis whetheror not it is possible to find tense-stackingin which thetwo tensemarkershave thesamenominal TAM function– i.e. whenthey bothencodenon-propositional tense.Thus,do we find morphologically encodedequivalents of Englishcomplex phrasessuchas‘future ex-husband’or ‘former futurePresident’?Thedescriptions of thelanguagesdiscussedaboveprovideno suggestion thatsuchtense-stackingis possible in theselanguages.However, it maybepossi-ble in (at least)oneTupı-Guaranılanguage,Tupinamba,which is mentionedbriefly by LehmannandMoravcsik (2000). Thenominal TAM systemin Tupinambaappearslargely similar to thatofGuaranı, asdescribedabove. Interestingly, however, Tupinambais reportedto haveno TAM mark-ing onverbs,showing thatnominalTAM inflectioncanexist in a languageindependentlyof verbalTAM inflection.LehmannandMoravcsik (2000:742) providethefollowing examplesshowing theuseof pastandfuture tensewith nominals: r ok-a ‘house’, rok-wer-a ‘former house’,rok-wam-a‘future house’. In addition they provide oneexamplewhich appearsto containtwo tensemark-ers, future andpast: rok-am-wer-a ‘what wasto be a house,ex-future house’. The translationimpliesthat theoutersuffix (past)hasscopeover the inner tensesuffix (future), that is, theprop-erty of beinga futurehouseis temporallysituatedat somepoint in thepast.Thusit appearsasiftense-stackingof non-propositionaltensemarkersmaybepossible,albeitrare.Furtherresearchisclearlyneeded.

Halkomelem(Salish)(Burton1997, Gerdts1988,Galloway1993) is a further languagein whichnon-propositional tenseis marked on nominal elements.As in Tarianaand Guaranı, nominalscanbe inflectedwith oneof two tensemarkers: future tense,expressing‘will be’, andpasttenseencodingmeaningssuchas‘former, ex-, late(dead)’. In contrastto theselanguages,however, thesetof affixesusedto mark non-propositional tenseon nominalsare the sameas thoseusedformarkingpropositionaltensewith verbalpredicates,apoint to whichwe returnbelow.37

The following examplesare from Burton (1997:67),who discussesthe variousinterpretationsavailablefor pasttensenominals:38

(82) telmy

malfather

(83) telmy

ma:l-elhfather-PST

‘my latefather’

(84) tethe

sqwema:ydog

(85) tethe

sqwema:y-elhdog-PST

‘the deaddog’

The‘deceased’readingexemplified aboveoccursonly with animatenouns.Whenthenounrefersto anon-cancellable(or ‘lifetime’) propertysuchas‘f ather’or ‘dog’ (i.e. onecannotceaseto beafatheror a dogwithout ceasingto exist) thenpasttenseanimatenounsalwayshave thedeceasedreading.Whenthenounrefersto acancellableproperty, however, Burtonnotesthatanalternativereadingof ‘former, ex-’ is possible (Burton1997:74):

37The sameis reported for someother native American languagessuch as Kwakw’ala (Anderson1985) andPotawatomi, from which Hockett (1958:238) gives the following examples: nk� sat� s ‘I am happy (verb)’, n ciman‘my canoe(noun)’ vs. nk� sats� p� n ‘I wasformerly happy (but not now)’, n cimanp� n ‘my formercanoe,now lost,destroyed, or stolen’.

38Someof the interlinearglosseshave beensimplified for easeof exposition. The readeris referred to Galloway(1993) for furtherdetails.

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(86) sto:les-elhwife-PST

‘deadwife, ex-wife’

(87) siyo:ye-lhfriend-PST

‘deadfriend,formerfriend’

Whenthepasttensemarker is usedwith apossessedinanimatenoun,it exhibits theambiguity wehave seenabove for otherlanguageswith this typeof nominaltensesystem. Thus,thepasttensemarker caneithermarkthepossesseditem asbeingdestroyedor lost (i.e. temporallylocatingthenominalis in all of theexamplesabove), or it maymarkthepossessive relationasholdingin thepast(Burton1997:67-68):

(88) telmy

xeltel-elhpencil-PST

‘my formerpencil,usedto bemy pencil,my destroyedpencil’

(89) telmy

pukw-elhbook-PST

‘my formerbook,usedto bemy book,my destroyedbook’

In (90) thesuffix -elh is attachedto a pre-verbalauxiliaryandmarksclausalpasttense,thusillus-tratingthefactthatthesametenseaffix canattachindiscriminatelyto nounsand(auxiliary)verbs.Clausaltensemarkingis notobligatoryin Halkomelem;it is possiblefor theverbandauxiliary toremainuninflectedfor tense,in whichcasethetenseof theclauseis determinedby contextualandpragmaticconsiderations(Burton1997:68), asexemplified in (91)below.

(90) i-lhAUX-PST

imexwalk

telmy

sı:le.grandfather

‘My grandfatherwalked.’

A numberof influentialpapershavearguedthattheSalishlanguageslackadistinctionbetweenthelexical categories,including thebasicdistinction betweennounandverb(seee.g. Kinkade1983,JelinekandDemers1994,Julinek 1996). Clearly, if this werethe case,the useof TAM markerswith wordssuchasmal ‘dog’ would be no lessexpectedthanwith wordssuchas imex ‘walk’,andit would thereforebemisleadingto includeit hereasanexampleof nominal TAM inflection.However, this analysisis arguedfor mainly on the basisof datafrom StraitsSalishandUpperChechali(andto a lesserextentLillooet (St’at’imcets),LushootseedandTwana).Thepositionisrefutedfor St’at’imcetsby DemirdacheandMatthewson(1995)andMatthewsonandDemirdache(1995)andfor HalkomelembyGalloway(1993).Gallowayarguesthatadistinctionbetweennounsandverbscanbemadein Halkomelemonbothmorphologicalandsyntacticgrounds:for example,affixes encodingpossessionand diminutives are possible only with nouns(verbsmust first benominalisedwith a prefix suchass- or sw� -); while only verbsmaybeinflectedwith subjectandobjectpronominalaffixesandvalency-changing morphs(Galloway 1993:238). Furthermoreonlynounsmaybeprecededby thedemonstrativearticle(onceagain,verbsmustbenominalisedfirst),andin simplesentencesthe usualorder is for verbsto precedenouns. Theseargumentsagainstthe category neutralview of Salishlanguages,suggestthat the Halkomelemexamplesdiscussedin thissectionareindeedcasesof tenseaffixesoccurringonnominalsto encodenon-propositionaltense.

Despitethefactthatthey areencodedwith thesamemorphologicalmarker, propositional tenseand

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nominaltensearecompletelyindependentcategoriesin Halkomelem,andcanvary independentlyof eachother. In (91)and(92)apast-tenseinflectednominal(with thedeceasedreading)co-occurswith clausalpasttime reference(non-overt in (91) andovert in (92)). But in (93) a past-tensenominaloccursin a future tenseclause,indicating that nominaland clausaltensemarkingaredistinct. Suchexamplesestablishthat tensemarkingon nominalsin Halkomelemis semanticallydistinctfrom propositionaltense,otherwisewewouldexpectsuchcasesof conflict in tensevaluesto resultin ungrammaticality.

(91) kw’etlexwessee

telmy

ma:l-elhfather-PST

tethe

sqwema:y.dog

‘My latefathersaw thedog.’ (Burton1997:68)

(92) ewe-lhNEG.be-PST

kw’etslexwsee

the-lthe(f)-my

sı:l- a:-lh.grandparent-PST

‘He didn’t seehis lategrandmother.’ (BrentGalloway, p.c.)

(93) El-’ eliyemet-tsel-chaREDUP-dream.about-1SG.SUBJ-FUT

the-lthe(f)-my

sı:l- a:-lh.grandparent-PST

‘ I’ ll bedreamingaboutmy lategrandmother.’ (BrentGalloway, p.c.)

The role of future tensemarkingon nominalsis ratherdifferent. In combination with the futuresuffix -cha, which is alsousedto markfuturetensewith verbs(see(93)above), thenounfunctionsasa (future)stative predicate.In thesecases,thetensednominal constitutestheclausalpredicate,andthuswhatwe havehereis acaseof tenseinflectionof anominalpredicate(seesection2.1).39

(94) Swıyeqe-chaman-FUT

‘It will bea man.’

(95) Swıyeqe-chaman-FUT

kw’-a’-sthe-your-NMZR

hakw’elesremember

‘It will bea manthatyou remember.’

In the languagesdiscussedabove, we’ve seenexamplesin which the interpretationof the nom-inal tenseinflection is ambiguousbetweenthe temporallocationof the nominal referentitself,or the temporallocationof the possessive relationof which the nominal is the object. In somelanguagesthis latter usehasbeengrammaticised suchthat it is the only interpretationpossiblefor nominal tenseinflection. This is the casefor many Carib languages,including Hixkaryana(Derbyshire1979, Derbyshire1999).40

In Hixkaryanaindependentnominal tenseis expressedwith a seriesof portmanteaunominalsuf-fixeswhich markpresent,pastandremotepastpossession, anddepossession.41 Thepossessoriscodedby a prefix which expressesperson,andwhich co-occurswith thesuffixal possession/tensemarkers.Herethetensemarker servesto temporally locatethepossessive relation,ratherthanthe

39TheseexamplesarefromBrentGalloway, (p.c.). Thesuffix -s in (95)functionsto nominalizethefollowingphrasesothatit canberelativized.

40Similar factsto theHixkaryanaonesdiscussedherepertainto theotherCariblanguagesincluding Apalai (KoehnandKoehn1986), Macushi(Abbott 1991), Wai Wai, Carib,Dekwana, Trio, andWayana(Derbyshire1999).

41Accordingto Derbyshire (1999) thedepossessionsuffix appears(although rarely) on inalienably possessednounsto indicate moregeneralreference.

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propertydenotedby thenominal,sothatro-kanawa-r� ‘1-canoe-POSS.PAST’ means‘canoewhichusedto bemine’, ratherthan‘my thing which usedto be a canoe’. The possessor/tensesuffixesaretabulatedin Table7. Theformsin parenthesesarephonologicallyconditionedallomorphs:thereaderis referred to Derbyshire(1979)for details.42

Table7: HixkaryanaPossessor/TenseSuffixes

Features FormPoss - ��� , -n� , -t � , -t e,- �PastPoss -th� r � (t !� r� ), -tho (-t ho),nh� r � ,-nhoRemotePoss nh� r �Depossession -nano

Thefollowingexamplesareprovidedby Derbyshire(1979:98-99).43

(96) � o-kanawa-�"�1-canoe-POSSDmy canoe

(97) � o-kanawa-tho1-canoe-POSSD.PST

‘the canoethatusedto bemine’

(98) ow-ot-t�2-meat-POSSD

(owot� )

yourmeat

(99) ow-wo-t� -th�#���2-meat-POSSD-PST

‘that meatwhichusedto beyours’

(100) � -he-t$ e3-wife-POSSD

hiswife

(101) � -he-t$ e-nh� r �3-wife-POSSD-PST

his formerwife

(102) � o-katxho-ø1-things-POSSD

my things

(103) � -katxho-ø-th� r �3-things-POSSD-PST

his old things

Derbyshire(1979) reportsthattheforms-nh� r � and-nhoalsoinflect (some)non-possessedwords,andgives the exampleswaha-nho“one who hadbeena killer”, and toto-tho-nh� r � (human-DEV-PST) “onewhohadbeenahumanbeing” (Derbyshire1979:99).44

42Thechoice of basicpossessive suffix (expressingpresentpossession)is lexically conditioned,with mostnounstaking- %'& , andthealternative formsoccurring with few stems.Thedistributionof thepastpossessivesuffixesdependsonthetypeof thepossessor:-thoand-nhooccurwith theprefixesfor 1,1+3and3 with preceding overt NPpossessor,and-th& r & and-nh& r & with theremaining person-markingprefixes. -nhoand-nh& r & in thepasttensemeaningoccuronlywith asmallsetof lexically specifiedstems.

Thereis someslight uncertaintly in Derbyshire’s descriptionconcerning theremotepastreadingof -nhosinceheomits it from his initial listing of forms (Derbyshire1979:98), but later refersexplicitly to its remotepastreading(page99),andseealso(Derbyshire 1999). We take it thatthis form does indeedhavea remote pastreading.

43In the examples in this section,somechangeshave beenmadein the glossesin orderto increaseconsistencyacrossthelanguagesdiscussed.Non-obvious abbreviationsin theseexamplesincludeDEV ‘devalued’, REM ‘remote’.Note that thesimplepastsuffix normally follows all allomorphsof thepossessorsuffix exceptr & , which it replaces.Whenthis occurs we glossit asPOSS.PST.

44This example containsthesuffix -thoglossedasa devaluedmarker (DEV). This modifying elementcanco-occur

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Pastandremotepossessionmarkingis alsofoundon deverbalnominals,wherethepersonprefix(possessormorphology) codesoneof the corearguments(eithersubjector object),and is veryoftenobligatory. Thefollowingactionandresultnominalizationsillustrate:45

(104) ro-to-th� r � -nh� r �1-go-PST-REM

my goinglongago(Derbyshire1979:99)

(105) e-karyma-t$ h� r � -nh� r �3-tell-PST-REM

its telling longago(ibid:99)

(106) o-n-menho–th� r � -nh� r �2-OBJ NOMZ-write-PST-REM

thethingyouwrotelongago’ (ibid:99)

Thefollowing examplesshow nominalandverbaltensemarkingvaryingindependently– presentpossessionco-occuringwith verbalpasttense.46

(107) ro-kanawa-r�1-canoe-POSS

mar-yako2S.3O.take-REC.PST.COMPL

uromine

ryheEMPH

� rothat

haINT

rokanawar� .1-canoe-POSS

‘You tookmy canoe,thecanoethatbelongsto me’ (ibid:129, 288)

(108) WarakaWaraka

y-ow-t�3-brother-POSS

yakarowith

� -to-no.1S.3O-go-IMM .PST

‘I wentwith Waraka’s brother’(ibid:11,22b)

In all of thelanguageswith non-propositionalnominalTAM systemsthatwehavediscussedabove,the only TAM category encodedis the category of tense. The category of aspectappearsto beonewhich canonly hold of the proposition; thereare no languagesin which aspectis markedon nominals with non-propositional function. It is possible, however, for languagesto encode(some)non-propositionalmoodinformationonnominals.Wehavefoundtwo suchlanguages,onewhichmarkspossibility , andtheotherevidentiality. Crucially, however, theselanguagesalsomarknominalsfor non-propositionaltense.

Iateis aMacro-Je languagespokenin thevicinity of Pernambuco(Brazil). Accordingto Lapenda(1968)nounsin Iatecanbe inflectedfor oneof threetenses(past,presentandfuture)andoneoftwo moods(‘realis’ and‘possible’). Therealismood(which is unmarked)hasthreetenses(withthepresentalsounmarked),andthe possible moodhasjust two: presentandpast. Thedifferentpossibilities andtheir meaningsaregiven in Table8, usingthe nounseti ‘house’. Note that thepossiblemood forms involve taking the realis equivalent and addingthe suffix -kea (Lapenda1968:77).47

with pastmarking, indicatingthatit is distinct(althoughhomophonous).45Derbyshire notesthat (104) may have a relative reading in which the going is previous to someotheraction

markedwith -thoasin ro-to-tho1-go-POSS.PST.46The systemof verbal tensemarking in Hixkaryanais considerably complex, seeDerbyshire (1979: 136) for

details.47Thepasttensemorphin thepossiblepastis is a regularly conditionedallomorphof thepasttensesuffix -se.

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Table8: Nominaltenseandmoodsuffixesin Iate

realispres seti thatwhich is ahouseor servingasa housepast se‘ti-se thatwhichwasoncea house;

thatwhichstoppedbeingahousefut seti-he futurehouse,will beahouse;

housewhich is beingbuiltpossiblepres se‘t-kea apossiblehouse;somethingwhichhasthe

possibility of beingahousepast se‘ti-s-kea somethingwhichwouldhavebeenahousebut wasn’t;

somethingwhichhadthepossibility of beingahouse

Non-propositional evidentiality (in combination with tense)on nominals is reportedby Lowe(1999)for Nambiquara,a smallfamily of dialectsfrom theNorthernMatoGrosso,Brazil. Nounsin Nambiquaraareoptionally suffixedfor definiteness,anddefinitenounsmaybefurtherinflectedfor tenseandevidentiality.48 Therelevantsuffixesfoundon Nambiquaradefinitenounsarelistedin Table9 (afterLowe1999:282), andexamplesof theuseof theseaffixesaregivenbelow.49

Table9: NambiquaraDefiniteNominal Endings

-a( definite,unmarked-ai( na( definite,current-in ) ti ( observational,recentpast,given-ait) ta) li ( oservational,mid past,given-ait) ta( observational,mid past,new-nu * ta inferential,definite,unmarked-nu * tai( na( inferential,current-au) te+ * ta( quotative,mid past,given

(109) wa) lin ) -su) -n) ti (manioc-CL :BONE-L IKE-OBSERVATIONAL .RECENT.PAST.GIVEN

‘This maniocroot thatbothyouandI saw recently.’ (p. 282,ex. 32)

(110) wa) lin ) -su) -nu * ta(manioc-CL :BONE-L IKE-INFERENTIAL .DEF.UNMARKED

‘The maniocroot that musthave beenat sometime past,as inferredby me (but not byyou).’ (p. 282,ex. 35)

48Although Lowenotesthatonly a limited numberof tenseandevidentiality combinationsareattestedin his (verylarge)corpus (1999:282).

49Thesuperscriptednumbersaretonemarkers.

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In Nambiquaraindicative mainverbsin thenon-futureareobligatorily inflectedfor evidentialityandnewness.Theverbalformsaredistinct from thenominalforms,however, asshown by Table10 (afterLowe (1999:275)).

Table10: Nambiquaranew-informationverbalsuffixes

-wa( imperfectiveaspect-ra( perfectiveaspect-nu( — -nin ( inferentialta( observedcircumstances-na( observedaction-ta* quotative-he) mid pasttenseexternal-nha( presenttenseinternalsupport-he( recentpasttenseinternalsupport-he* mid pasttenseinternalsupport-na) actioncurrentlyobservedby bothspeakerandhearer

ThenominalTAM systems of IateandNambiquarademonstratethatthecategoryof moodmaybenon-propositional,modifyinga nominal independentlyof themoodof theproposition asawhole.However, theselanguagesexhibit only asmallsubsetof therangeof moodsassociatedwith verbalconstituents cross-linguistically. An importantquestion for further researchis whetherthereareany restrictionson the moodsthat can function non-propositionally, andwhat theserestrictionsmaybe.

A particularly intricateexampleof non-propositional tenseis found in the Cushitic languageofSomali,in which it interactswith thenominal category of definiteness.Thereis extensive discus-sionof thisphenomenonin Lecarme(1996,1999),whichwedraw onsubstantially in thissection.In Somali,definitedeterminers(which arenominalaffixes)canencodepasttenseon theheadsofnounphrases(non-pastdeterminersareunmarkedfor tense).Affixal determinersinvolveaninitialconsonant:k (andits allomorphs)with masculinestems,andt (andits allomorphs) with femininestems.Non-pastdeterminersalsodistinguishnominative andnon-nominative case.Theformsofthedeterminersareshown in Table11 (Lecarme1999:335).

Table11: SomaliDefiniteArticles

Case NON-PAST PAST

NOM -ku/-tu -kii/-tiiNON-NOM -ka/-ta -kii/-tii

The tenseddeterminersshown in the tableabove arein paradigmaticopposition with a separatedeicticsysteminvolving near/far demonstratives,whichdonothavea temporalinterpretation(seeTable12,afterLecarme1999:335).

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Table12: SomaliDemonstratives

proximal remote-k/t- -an‘this’ -aas‘that’-k/t- eer‘that (far away)’ -oo ‘that (very far away)’

Somalialsohasa setof possessive determinerswhicharesuffixedto nominal heads,andundergoa setof sandhirulessimilar to thoseaffectingdefinitedeterminers.Thesealsoshow past/nonpastdistinctions: guri ‘your house’gurigaagii ‘your house.PST’ (Saeed1999:115),with themeaning‘your formerhouse’.50

The following examplesillustrate the basicsystem. In (111) the subjectnoun is unmarked fortense,leadingto thereadingthatit still exists. In contrast,in (112)theheadnounis inflectedwithapasttensedeterminer, which locatesthenominalreferencein thepast.

(111) dhibaata-daproblem-DET.F

Khalıij-kuGulf-DET.M .NOM

welıstill

wayFOC.3S

taaganpermanent

tahay.is

‘The crisisof theGulf still persists’

(112) dhibaata-diiproblem-DET.F.PST

Khaliij-kuGulf-DET.M .NOM

wayFOC.3S

dhammaatay.end.PST

‘The (past)crisisof theGulf ended’(Lecarme1999:335)

Lecarmealsoprovidessomeexamplesof thechoiceof determinerleadingto specificpresupposi-tions: (113) is only appropriateif thespeaker believestheexhibition is closedat utterancetime,and(114) only appropriateif thespeaker believes it is open. Likewise,thechoiceof determinerin (115) is determinedby whetherthe journey is still in progressor not. Theseexamplesalsodemonstratetheindependenceof thenominalandpropositional tensesystems.In (113)and(114),for example,thepropositional tense(asmarkedon theverb)remainsthesamewhile thenominaltensevariesto signalthechangein meaning.

(113) bandhig-giiexhibition-DET.M .PST

maadQ.2S

daawatay?see.PST

Haveyouseentheexhibition (closedat UT) (Lecarme1999:338)

(114) bandhig-gaexhibition-DET.M

maadQ.2S

daawatay?see.PST

Haveyouseentheexhibition (still runningat UT) (ibid:338)

(115) buugganubook.DET.M .NOM

safarkayga/-iijourney.DET.M .POSS1S./PST

buuFOC.3S

tilmaanayaarelates

Thisbookrelatesto my journey (Lecarme1996:7)50It is notclearfrom Saeed’sdescription whether theseconstructionshavethesameambiguity–i.e.between‘house

which usedto be mine’ and‘my thing which usedto be a house’–discussedabove for many other languageswithnon-propositionalnominal tense.

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Nominal tenseis implicatedin the syntaxof Somali in several intriguing ways. One of theseconcernstenseagreementwithin the nounphrase. Adjectivesusedattributively also inflect fortense,sharingthetenseendingsof thehighly irregularverb‘be’ (ø -PST, -aa PST.M, -aydPST.F).Adjectivesagreein genderandtense,with adjectival tenseonlyappearingwhenthenounis definite(and thereforetensed)(Lecarme1996:4, Lecarme1999:343).51 The following examplesshowgenderandtenseagreementwith masculinesingular, femininesingular andfemininepluralnounsrespectively. This tenseconcordbetweennounsandadjectivesclearlydemonstratesthatthetensemarkingis aninflectionalpropertyof nounsin Somali.

(116) arday-gastudent-DET.M

wanaagsangood

(117) arday-giistudent-DET.M .PST

wanaagsan-aagood-PST

thegoodstudent

(118) ardayad-dastudent(f)-DET.F

wanaagsangood

(119) ardayad-diistudent(f)-DET.F.PST

wanaagdan-aydgood-PST.F

thegoodstudent

(120) arday-dastudents-DET.F

wan-wanaagsanPL-good

thegoodstudents

(121) arday-diistudents-DET.F.PST

wan-wanaagsan-aaPL-good-PST

thegoodstudents

Suchtenseconcordbetweennounsandadjectivesis not found in the otherlanguagesdiscussedabovewith non-propositionalnominaltensesystems.

The pasttensemarkingon Somalideterminersinteractswith the discoursein ways that extendwhat we have reportedfor other languagesin the discussion so far, andwhich raisemany openquestionsfor future research.In (123), for example, the pasttensemarked noundoesnot havethe interpretation‘ex-students’, but rather is usedanaphoricallyto refer to a pasttime alreadymentionedin thediscourseandtakenasthereferencepoint (Lecarme1999).

(122) arday-dastudents-DET.F

baanFOC.NEG

kasinunderstand.PST

su’aash-aadii.question-DET.F.POSS2S.PST

‘The students (whoarepresent/Iamtelling youabout)did notunderstandyourquestion.’

(123) arday-diistudents-DET.F.PST

wayFOC.3P

joogaan.arepresent.NPST

‘The students (I told youabout)arepresent.’ (ibid:335)

The discourseinteractionof nominalTAM inflection in Somali is presumablylinked with its as-sociationwith definitedeterminers,whichhave,by definition,a strongdiscoursefunctionandarefrequentlyanaphoric(Givon 2001).52 That thesedeterminersin Somaliretainprimarily a tempo-ral function is clearfrom their interactionwith overt temporalmodifiers,which mustoccurwith

51Numbermaybemarkedthroughoptional reduplication in Somaliadjectives.52A full discussionof thesemanticrelationshipbetweennominal tenseanddeterminersis beyond thescopeof this

paper, but it is a topic in needof muchfurther research.Otherlanguageswhich show a typeof associationbetweennominaldeterminersandtensemarking includeMaoNaga(Tibeto-Burman), in whichnominal suffixesmarkingspatialdeixiscanalsobeusedto encodecertainnominal tensedistinctions (Giridhar 1994 pp. 118-9); Iraqw (Cushitic),inwhich determinersencode tensedistinctions whenuseddiscourse-anaphorically (Mous 1993:90); andJingulu(non-Pama-Nyungan) in which clausaltensemarkershave grammaticalisedinto nominal suffixes encoding spatialdeixis

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a matchingtensemarking. In the examples below, the temporalmodifier ‘next year’ selectsanon-pastdeterminer, while ‘last year’ selectsa pastdeterminer.

(124) sannad-ka/*-kiiyear-DET.M

dambenext

next year

(125) sannad-kii/*-kayear-DET.M .PST

horebefore

lastyear(Lecarme1999:342)

Furthermore,theadditionof a temporalmodifiersuchashore ‘before’ mayunambiguously fix theeventor thereferencetime. Consider(126)in contrastto (123).

(126) ardayday-diistudents-DET.F.POSS1S.PST

horebefore

dhammaan-t-oodentirety-DET.F-POSS3P

(waa(are

il ain

soocontact

xariiran).with me)

‘All my ex-students(arein contactwith me).’ (Lecarme1999:342)

In (126),ardayday-diiexcludesthepossibility of theindividualsstill beingstudentsat thetime ofutterance(thatis, thenominalpredicationor ‘event’ itself is temporallyrestricted).

This sectionhasexploredtheuseof nominal morphology to temporallylocatethereferentof thenominal predicate,independentof the temporallocation of the clausalpredicate. As we haveshown, this is quitea widespreadphenomenon.Distinctions in tensearefound in all of the lan-guageswehavediscussed,andin acoupleof languageswefind distinctionsin moodalso(IateandNambiquara).Interestingly, in no languagehave we foundexamplesof non-propositional aspect.We have encounteredseveral caseswhich combinethe inflectionalexpressionof possession andtense,andthesecasesraiseinterestingissuesconcerningpreciselywhatis temporallylocated(thenominalreferentor therelationof possession itself). We have alsofoundcasesof tensestackingon nominalsin GuaranıandTupinamba: the former involving thestackingof propositional tenseoutsidenon-propositional tenseonanominalpredicate,andthelatterinvolving thestackingof twonon-propositional tensemarkers.Theseinstancesof tensestackingareparticularlyintriguing; it ishopedmoresuchinstancescanberevealedthroughfutureresearchon theissue.

4 Discussion

In the precedingsectionswe have illustratedthe rangeof nominal TAM systemsfound amongstthe world’s languages.In doing so, our intentionhasbeento provide enoughinformation foreachindividual languageto give the readersomesenseof the interactionof the nominal TAM

inflectionwith the restof thegrammaticalsystem. In this sectionwe discusssomeof the issuesandgeneralisationsthatcanbedrawn from from thisempiricaldiscussion.

(Pensalfini1997, 2002). Of course, sincethe deictic andanaphoric functions of tenseanddefinitenessare rathersimilar, finding a direct relationshipbetweentenseandthedeterminer systemis not surprising, but we leave furtherdiscussionof this issuefor future research.

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As we have seen,thereareessentiallytwo broadfunctionaltypesof nominalTAM inflection: thatwhich encodesthe TAM valuefor theclause(‘propositional’); andthatwhich temporallysituatesthedependentnominalindependentlyof theclausalTAM (‘non-propositional’). Thesetwo typeshave differentproperties,and interactquite differently with the restof the grammaticalsystem.Within theclassof propositional nominal TAM inflectionwe distinguishTAM inflectionof depen-dentnominals(section2.2) from TAM inflection of predicatenominals(section2.1). The lattertype is the nominalequivalent of standardtenseinflection on verbs. TAM inflection on nominalpredicates,however, alsosharescharacteristicswith non-propositional TAM inflection(section3)in thatit functionsto temporallysituatethenominal to whichit is attached.Considerthefollowingexamplesfrom Bininj Gun-wok andTarianarespectively (repeatedfrom above).

(127) Mayhbird

na-mekkeMASC-DEM

nakkaMASC.DEM

bininj-ni.human-PAST

‘Thosebirds,they werehumanthen,’

(128) Thepito.water

di-ma� e=pidana3SG.NF-throw.CAUS=REM .P.REP

eta-miki-� i-nuku.eagle-PST-NF-TOP.NON.A /S

‘He threw the remainsof the eagle(lit. the ‘ex-eagle’,what usedto be the eagle)intowater.’

In example(127)thetense-inflectednominalis thepredicateof averblessclause,andthusconsti-tutesan example of propositional TAM inflection. In (128)on theotherhand,the tense-inflectednominal is a dependentof a verb-headedclause,and this then constitutes an instanceof non-propositional TAM inflection. Semantically, however, the two pasttensemarkershave identicalfunctions.In eachcase,thetensemarker specifiesthatthepropertydenotedby thenominalholds(of thenominalreferent) in thepast.

In spiteof this similarity of semantic function, the division into two distinct typesof nominalTAM inflectionis justified on a numberof grounds.Firstly, therearelanguageswhich allow onlyone and not the other. Bininj Gun-wok, for example,allows TAM inflection on nominals onlywhen they function as clausalpredicates. And the nominal tensesystemin Tarianafunctionsonly independentlyof clausaltense— that is, it cannotbe usedwith nominalsusedasclausalpredicatesto encodepropositional tense. This is evidencedby the fact that nominalpredicatestake propositional TAM clitics (totally distinct from the nominal TAM system,seesection3 fordiscussion) to encodepropositional tense,which can co-occurwith non-propositional nominalTAM inflections.Considerthefollowing Tarianaexamplesrepeatedfrom above.

(129) Pi-ya-dapana-pena=naka.2SG-POSS-house-FUT=PRES.VIS

‘This is your futurehouse(I canseeit).’

(130) Pi-ya-dapana-miki-� i=naka.2SG-POSS-house-PST-NF=PRES.VIS

‘This is whatusedto beyourhouse(I canseeit).’

Thesefactorsdemonstratethat theencodingof propositional TAM on nominalpredicatesis logi-cally independentof the inflectionof (dependent)nominals for non-propositional tense,andsup-port thecategorizationpresentedabove.

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Theencodingof propositionalTAM onnominalpredicatesisperhapsnotsurprising giventhattheseelementsfunctionasthepredicateheadof theclauseand,assuch,arefunctionallyequivalenttoverbsin regular verbal clauses.More surprising, however, are the numberof languageswhichmark propositional TAM categorieson clausaldependents(section2.2). The unexpectednatureof this phenomenon,given standardassumptions aboutthe propertiesof TAM inflection cross-linguistically, is illustratedby LehmannandMoravcsik (2000)who, in their discussion of tensemarkingonnouns,claim that

“[w]hile theremaybeagreementbetweena nominaldependentandits verb in othercategories,tenseis notanagreementcategory. Evenwhereboththenounandtheverbhave tense,tenseis selectedindependently for a verbandits nominal dependents,asin My ex-wifeis visitingme, myfuturewife visitedme, etc.” (p. 742)

Thus, LehmannandMoravcsik (2000) explicitly rule out the possibility that tensemarkingonnominalsmay encodepropositional tensealongwith (or even in placeof) tensemarkingon theverb. But in fact, this is just what we find in the languagesdiscussedin section2.2 above, andillustratedby thefollowing examplesfrom Lardil.

(131) Ngada1SG.NOM

niween3SG.OBJ

maarn-inspear-OBJ

wu-tha.give-GNF

‘I gavehim aspear’(Klokeid1976:476,56a)

(132) Ngada1SG.NOM

bilaatomorrow

wu-thurgive-FUT

ngimbenthar2SG.FOBJ

diin-kurthis-FOBJ

wangalk-ur.boomerang-FOBJ

‘I’ ll giveyou thisboomerangtomorrow.’ (ibid:493)

(133) Ngada1SG.NOM

niwentharr3SG.NFOBJ

maarn-arrspear-NFOBJ

wu-tharr.give-NFUT

‘I gavehim aspear’(ibid:476,56b)

The object inflection in theseexamplesvariesin agreementwith the tensecategory of the verb.This is a case,then,in which boththenominaldependentandtheverbdo encodethesametensefunction,bothencodingthetenseof theproposition.

PropositionalTAM on nominaldependentsusuallyinteractsin this way with TAM markingon theverb,togetherdeterminingtheTAM category for theclause.In asmallnumberof languages,how-ever, thenominalinflectioncanbetheonly locusfor theencodingof aparticularpropositionalTAM

category. This is foundin Chamicuro,for example,in whichverbsareonly optionally inflectedfortense.In many examples,theonly instanceof propositional TAM markingis thatassociatedwiththedefinitearticle,asin thefollowing examplerepeatedfrom above.

(134) Y-alıyo3-fall

kaTHE(PAST)

ke:ni.rain

‘It rained’(therain fell).

Suchexamplesareparticularlyinterestingasthey cannotevenbetreatedasagreementbetweenaverbandits dependents.Rather, thepropositional tenseinflectionmustbeanalysedasa propertyof theNP itself.

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Within the category of non-propositional TAM inflection (section3) the basicdistinction is thatbetweenpasttenseandnon-pasttense. All languageswith this type of nominalTAM inflectionencodethisdistinction, andfor somelanguagesit is only thistwo-waydistinctionwhichis marked(e.g. Hixkaryana,Somali). Otherlanguagesmark a three-way contrast,including a future tenseinflection also(e.g. Tariana,Guaranı, Halkomelem).While a coupleof languagesencodesomemooddistinctions(i.e. IateandNambiquara),wehavefoundnolanguageswhichencodeaspectualdistinctionsin this function.Thereappearsto benoprincipledreasonasto why thisshouldbethecase,given that suchmeaningscan be encodedby adjectives in languageswithout inflectionalnominalTAM systems(e.g.myongoing journey, mycompletedjourney, thatwhich continuesto bea house), andmaysimply beanaccidentalgapin thedata.

Finally, wehave foundmany languageswhichhavemorethanonetypeof nominal TAM function.Modal casein Kayardild, for example,encodespropositional TAM on both nominal dependents(e.g. (24, 25)) and nominal predicates(e.g. (31, 32)). And in Halkomelem,tenseinflectionsareusedwith nominalsto encodebothpropositional tenseon nominalpredicates(e.g. (94)) andnon-propositional tenseonnominaldependents(e.g. (92)). We have foundno language,however,which encodesbothpropositional andnon-propositional tenseon dependentnominals:languageschoseeitherto temporallylocatethe nominal itself (non-propositional), or to usethenominalto(help)temporallylocatetheclausalpredicate(propositional),but no languagedoesboth.

5 Further Implications

Suchnominal TAM inflection as discussedin this paperhaswide-rangingimplicationsfor lin-guistic theory. Firstly, the recognitionof tenseasa possibleinflectionalcategory for nounshasimplicationsfor theoriesof word classcategorizationwhich treatnounsasinherentlytime-stable,manifestingstacticconceptsthatchangelittl e over time (Givon (1979:320-322),(2001:51-54)).The analysisof nounsasinherentlytime-stableleadsto the predictionthat it should not be pos-siblefor themto betemporallymodifiedindependentlyof theverbalpredicate.This,however, isexactly what we find in languageswith non-propositional nominal TAM inflection (discussed insection3). While it is certainlytruethatnounsarelessprototypicallymarkedfor tensethanverbscross-linguistically, their beingmoreinherentlytime-stable thanverbscannot be interpretedasprecludingthemfrom beingtemporallymodifiedat all.

Thetreatmentof nounsastime-stableis contradictedby work in semanticswhich hasarguedthatnouns,beingsemanticpredicates,aretimesensitiveandthereforeneedto receiveatemporalinter-pretationindependently of thatof theverbalpredicate(Enc (1981,1986),Musan1985,Lecarme(1996,1999),Tonhauser(2000,2002)).Themajority of this work hascentredon languages(likeEnglish)in whichtenseis notencodedmorphologically onnouns(with Lecarme’swork onSomalia notableexception).Theexistenceof languageswith explicit tensemarkingon nominalswouldappearto beovert morphological evidencefor thesesemanticapproaches,althoughit remainstobe seenhow easilysuchovert morphological systemscanbe integratedwith semantictheoryinthis respect.

A further implication relatedto the issueof word classtypology is the fact that tense(andto alesserextent,aspectandmood)mustnow beseenasa possible inflectionalcategory for nounsaswell asfor verbs.Traditionally, inflectionalcategoriesarepartitionedbetweenthetwo majorword

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38

classes:nounsareinflectedfor categoriessuchascase,genderandnumberandverbsfor thoseliketense,mood,aspectandperson/numberagreement(e.g.Lyons(1968:Ch. 7), HopperandThomp-son(1984:703),Givon (2001: Ch. 2)). In fact, thecategoriesof tense,aspectandmoodmaybecategoriesof nounsalso(Evans2000,LehmannandMoravcsik 2000). The existenceof propo-sitional TAM inflection on nouns,asdiscussed in section2.2, alsohaspotential implicationsforBybee’s principleof relevancewhich predictsthata semanticelementwill only have inflectionalexpressionif its meaningis “highly relevant” to thestemto which it attaches(1985: 13). Sincepropositional TAM valuesare clearly not relevant to the interpretationof a dependentnominal,the principle of relevancepredictsthat propositional TAM shouldnot be an inflectionalcategoryof nouns.The languagesdiscussedin section2.2 clearly contradictthis prediction,andthusareparticularlyinterestingfor theoriesof typologywhichassumeit.

Suchinflectionof dependentnominalsfor propositional TAM propertiesalsohassignificantimpli-cationsfor grammaticalarchitectureswhichassumethatclause-level informationmustnecessarilybeassociatedwith theclausalhead,andnot with nominal dependents.Accordingto thestandardnotion of headedness,clausalproperties(including propositional TAM) mustbe associatedwithclausalheads(i.e. verbsandauxiliaries).Dependentnominals,especiallysubjectnominals(whicharenotevenpartof theVP), arenotclausalheadsand,therefore,cannot(accordingto suchformaltheories)encodeclasualproperties.Thus,thedatathatwehavepresentedin section2.2posesrealchallengesfor anumberof formal theoriesof grammaticalstructure.53

In this paperwe have surveyed datafrom a wide rangeof typologically andgeneticallydiverselanguagesand identifiedtwo major typesof nominal TAM inflection – propositional (appearingon bothdependentnominalsandnominalpredicates)andnon-propositional (i.e. operatinginde-pendentlyof the TAM of theclause).In fact, therearealsolanguagesin which tenseis encodedon otherpartsof speech,suchasadverbsandprepositions (e.g. Malagasy(Sabel2002)). Theextent of TAM inflectionon these(andother)word classesremainsto be seen,andwe leave theinvestigationof its propertiesandits relationshipto the typologyof nominalTAM inflectionasatopicfor furtherresearch.Clearly, however, thebreadthof datafrom languageswhichencodeTAM

informationon theirnominalsandotherNPconstituentsshowsthatTAM canno longerbethoughtof asaninflectionalpropertysolelyof verbs.

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