The faces of public opinion in post-modern society - a semiological analysis of the new formation and opinionated demonstration.

PhD. Roberto Ramos1

Ma. Fernanda Lopes de Freitas2

Abstract: In this paper we seek to understand and explain how postmodernity has modified the formation of public opinion from the changes occurring in the communication media. From the semiotic analyzes of the vehicles concerned, we will seek to answer the main question of this study is: How does the formation of public opinion has been changing with the emergence of new technologies and the network society? . To develop our research will make a semiotic analysis of two news each vehicle (Folha de São Paulo and Sul21 - Brazil, El País and Clarín - Uruguay), which were published via social networks and who had great repercussion. So we will use the assumptions of Maffesoli, on post-modernity and its characteristics, Castells elucidating on social networks and social movements, Lippmann and Ramonet on Public Opinion, as well as other authors that will help make our theoretical framework. The methodology used is the semiotic analysis, anchored by Roland Barthes, and as a research method, the Paradigm of Edgar Morin Complexity.

Keywords: Public Opinion, Social Networking, New Technologies and Media.

Introduction

The postmodern society is the result of many changes and driving. Not just with regard to technology and its uses and practices, as communication and behavior of subjects. What we are an ethical rationalism to an aesthetic emotionality, permeating our relationships.

The aesthetic aspect that characterizes the society we live in, causes individuals to aggregate into tribes, or segments, and why not, in communities, in which the opinions are represented by the collective as well, these individuals seek their representation through these groups. As a result, communication processes has become incorporating these features.

This phenomenon can be seen every day, mainly through social networks, where people come together sharing interests and ideas they share, which can be seen, for 1 Professor of the postgraduate program in social communications, the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul2 PhD student in Social Communication at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do sul

example, during the 2014 year of presidential elections in Brazil, as Uruguay, which drew the attention of the whole world by the intense use of social networks.

As well as the Arab Spring, the June 2013 demonstrations in Brazil, and other events, Brazilian and Uruguayan elections aroused indignation true networks, especially about what was put in the big traditional media, if we can still call them that, but that in Latin America are still dominated by a few families, which position themselves almost like political parties, according to their particular interests. Thus, we observed that the concept, as well as the formation of public opinion, are changing from new technologies.

In the countries concerned the elections aroused interest and manifestations not only of the most politicized, but also the least interested in politics, but sentimentally involved with what was going on. Support networks, complaints and clarifications were formed through facebook, twitter, wathsapp, among other platforms, often contradicting what was published by means of more traditional communication such as television, newspapers, and opinion research companies, which had undermined their credibility due to a lack of success in the indexes, which caused problems in the image of these companies.

Therefore, understanding the political issue of these two countries will make great relevance for our research, but above all, to understand how the formation of public opinion has been changing with the emergence of new technologies and the network society. In addition, it is up to us to apply and understand concepts such as public opinion, published opinion and public emotion, being referenced in Michel Maffesoli, in a socio-philosophical communication vision.

Public opinion and the network society

That the media exerts influence in the lives of the public, that we have no doubt. However, with the incursion of new technologies, are oportunizadas not just a network communication, but a networked society. We live interconnected to each other, even if unconsciously, as the much-vaunted idea of individualism seems to be in paradox with the notion of being together, proposed by Maffesoli.

One of the issues that balizadoras is: how the formation of public opinion has been changing with the emergence of new technologies and the network society?

When we look at the direction that apparently the company is taking a very great fury seems to take over our minds, but if we stop to analyze what is happening, we see that, in times gone, so did when new media emerged and They threatened to sublimate the oldest inventions. To this day, still we use the radio, although we may hear it for other platforms, and the same happened and with other means, which are seeking to adapt to contingencies. For Castells, the network society, or this new economy is characterized as:

A new economy has emerged globally in the last two decades. I call it global informational and to identify their core and differentiated features and emphasize their interconnection. It is informational because the productivity and competitiveness of units or agents in this economy (whether companies, regions or nations) depend largely on its ability to manage, process and apply efficiently the information based on knowledge. It is global because the main productive activities, consumption and circulation, as well as their components (capital, labor, raw materials, management, information, technologies and markets) are organized on a global scale, directly or through a network of connections between agents economic (Castells, 2007, p. 87).

We can’t, however, deny that some media, are changing their access modes, but

the essence likewise remains the same. The newspaper even announce their end of the

printed way, still we try as the most credible news source, compared to the internet. It is

not enough if we are informed by a news site, also look for the more traditional media

to corroborate the information. Fidler (1997) speaks in mediamorphosis and explains us

that:

The mediamorphosis is not so much a theory but a way of thinking about the technological evolution of the media as a whole. Instead of studying each mode separately, leads us to see them all as members of an interdependent system and notice the similarities and relationships between the forms of the past, present and emerging. By studying the communication system as a whole, we see that new media do not arise by spontaneous generation, or independently. Appear gradually by the metamorphosis of the old media. And when emerging new forms of media, the former generally does not cease to exist but continue evolving and adapting. "(Fidler, 1997, p. 57)

The evolution of the traditional media can also be seen as a resilient aspect, for

seeking to adapt in order not to "disappear", and for this, incorporate new ways to

communicate, without losing their genuine characteristics. Credibility, however, has

been affected in the network society, that because the information has been treated as a

commodity, available to certain segments. Organizations also end up having their

credibility undermined because information flows very quickly and not always have

reliable sources.

There is a convergence between the media, as media consumers, today

specialized need and want the news content in various platforms where they can access

anywhere, anytime. Jenkins shows us that: "Convergence is a cultural transformation, as

consumers are encouraged to seek new information and make connections amid

scattered media content" (Jenkins, 2008, p. 28).

These contents, however, are not dispersed only by indifference of the media,

but because the public need the same everywhere and spaces for access. For some

authors the invention of mobile devices are the basis of convergence, but the same did

not exist were it not upon the society to be living in an increasingly fast pace. We noted

then that technological communication devices are, in large part, by this construction of

a new culture - the convergence - but even alone are not enough to do so, as Jenkins

points out:

Convergence does not occur through equipment, however sophisticated they may be. Convergence occurs within the brains of individual consumers and in their social interactions with others. Each of us builds his own personal mythology from bits and pieces of information extracted from the media flow and transformed into resources through which we understand our everyday life. Because there is more information on a subject that one can keep in mind, there is an extra incentive for us to talk among ourselves about the media we consume. These conversations generate a buzz increasingly valued by the media market (Jenkins, 2009, p.28).

And that buzz that media much need and so much influence, as well canvass

more audience. We should not forget that media companies are corporations and that

information is your product, which further supports the commercial appeal of these

organizations because they need to survive mercadologicamente. Although the

commitment to objectivity, we know that it is almost illusory, because even if there is a

financial nature of independence, there is always an ideology behind what is reported.

But the "war" with the correct information, or reliability always seems to have

existed, regardless of the means chosen for its dissemination. Gramsci (1978) shows

that there is a social hegemony, in which intellectuals are stewards of dominant groups,

which can be seen also today when many of them choose to be next to the dominant

opinion. And the author elaborates:

Intellectuals are the "stewards" of the dominant group in the performance of subordinate functions of social hegemony and political government, that is: 1) consensus "spontaneous" data by the broad masses of the population to the printed guide by fundamental group dominant social life , consensus is born "historically" the prestige (and

therefore trust) that the dominant group gets, because of its position and its role in the world of production; 2) the state coercive apparatus that ensures "legally" the discipline of groups who do not "consent" or acts or passively, but is made for the whole of society in anticipation of moments of crisis in command and the direction in which fails the spontaneous consensus. (Gramsci 1978, p. 11)

We know that as in many parts of the world, in South America, the media is

dominated by a few families, which gets true oligopolies media, exerting enormous

influence on the formation of public opinion. Trust in particular has been hit by social

networks and other media made possible by new technologies. The public now have

greater access to information, which does not change the main vehicles remain in the

hands of certain conglomerates, but transforms the relationship between the "spectators"

and their sources.

What is a new aesthetics of communication. We are moving from an ethical

rationality, to an aesthetic emotionality, which can be seen if we analyze the social

manifestations of numerous public about their problems, there is a network of

indignation and collaboration. Viewers are increasingly active, is move from mere

consumers to also be producers of information, such as when they share information

through social networks, or even replicate news published by other means.

Jenkins said the change in behavior of current media consumers:

If old consumers were seen as passive, the new consumers are active. If old consumers are migratory, showing a declining loyalty to networks or media. If old consumers were isolated individuals, the new consumers are more socially connected. If the work of media consumers was once silent and invisible, the new consumers are now noisy and public. "(Jenkins, 2009, p. 47)

We realize that noise these new media consumers, when they seem to want to

shout to the world their opinions through social networks, enforcing their opinions,

which are not heard when individually, are now disclosed by the collective so that they

can be legitimized. Today's consumers are no longer passive recipients as in modernity,

are public in the sense that they do not expect traditional vehicles disclose information

that aims because they are not loyal to the media, are loyal to their peers and so join in

true tribes, such as tip Maffesolli (2010).

The media, or the media seem to be everywhere, somo bombarded with lots of

information all the time, live ubiquitously, our opinion is stamped in several networks,

although they are just our opinions, but our avatars.

We have a new communication movement, a new communicational aesthetic

that can be called media convergence, which permeates not just a means media, but

rather, its replication in other channels. Jenkins explains

The convergence of media is an ongoing process, occurring at various intersections of media technologies, industries, content and audiences; It is not a final state. There will never be a black box to control all means. Instead, thanks to the proliferation of channels and the increasingly ubiquitous nature of computing and communications, we are entering an era where the media will be everywhere, and we will use all kinds of media relating them to each others. We will develop new skills to control information, new structures to transmit through these channels, and new creative genres to explore the potential of these emerging structures (Jenkins, 2008, p. 93).

The new channels that Jenkins comes in the quote above represent those

ubiquitous spaces which we speak, and are of various types, Youtube, for example, can

be considered an alternative channel of communication, which is already legitimized by

most of society.

However, we must not forget that there are still countries where the internet and

its uses are controlled by the state, causing subterfuges have to be used to get access to

social networks. In the case of spring exchanging messages by mobile was the way the

demonstrators were able to exchange information and be able to compose manifestos

acts.

In Brazil, however, as most of the world, the internet has released its use for any

purpose, although the misuses are controlled legally. But that did not stop during the

2014 presidential election here in the country, not just support networks, as well as

political intrigue could be assembled and maintained throughout the election period.

False information was passed on through social networks like facebook, whatsapp,

twitter, but that we will see in our next apart.

Elections Brazilian and Uruguayan 2014 - a new experience opinionated

In 2014, Brazil and Uruguay have gone through election periods for presidency

of the republic, leading to observable phenomena communication, mainly because of

information provided on social networks and more traditional vehicles are dissonant.

Both countries had leftist governments, with closer government philosophy of the

working classes, or mis poor, which seemed to displease many people, and see, not just

those that have been or are affected by economic policies contrary to their convictions

or to their interests, but also by those who should be ideologically in tune with

government policies.

We should note that in Brazil this period was somewhat more tense as

culminated in the World Cup, which the host country was not champion, even if for the

composition of such an event have been exorbitant amounts spent from the EU budget,

all to that the country could well represent his house for foreigners. But all this care and

excessive spending on the World Cup, generated grand population of mobilization

networks, but what many do not realize is that too many of the protesters were pawns

for political parties canvass votes.

This is due much in part peã media in Brazil and in South America as a whole,

be linked to the monopoly of a few families, which holds the power of information, and

therefore in some way the power of political persuasion, especially regarding the lack of

objectivity and total bias of vehicles.

Thus, we will analyze eight subjects, two in each of the Uruguayan newspapers

and four in Brazilian journals, as mentioned above will be: Sul21, Folha de S. Paulo

(Brazil); El País, Clarín (Uruguay), the corpus of analysis will include the following

news:

"Uruguay in no predictable outcome elections: The country is proud of

its civic culture and democratic coexistence, but lives an election

campaign without predictable results" (El País, on August 21, 2014)

"Anuncian that Tupamaros annoying con el Frente votarán en Blanco"

The MPP and former deputy Tupamaro, Esteban Perez, said a

group of former members of the MLN-T will vote blank in the October

elections nearby owed to it in the Broad Front government in place if the

"turning left". (El Pais, October 8, 2014)

"Final stretch of the elections was marked by" media terrorism ",

political scientist says" (Sul21, October 26, 2014)

"Election or MMA?" (Sul21, 21 October 2014)

"Dilma up, bag has biggest drop in three years." (Folha de S.

Paulo, September 30, 2014).

"Optimism on economy triggers and benefits Dilma" (Folha de S.

Paulo, October 22, 2014)

"The strategies, key in the Uruguayan ballot." (Clarin, 27 octobre

2014)

"The control of Parliament, another battle is played today at the

polls." (Clarin, 26 octobre 2014).

The reports listed above show the minimum of what was reported in vehicles in

the countries concerned, and in Brazil, we were careful to select two newspapers having

opposing political views, so we can analyze the most appropriate manner news events,

and the public opinions that were exposed in the networks.

We must, first of all, understand what Lippmann understood by public opinion, a

concept that we will use for these analyzes:

Those aspects of the world that has to do with the behavior of other human beings in that behavior crosses ours, which is dependent on ours, or that we're interested in, we can call rudely opinion. The images in the head of these people, the image of themselves, of others, of their needs, purposes and relationships, are their public opinions. (LIPPMANN, 2008, p. 40)

Some facts must be observed before even attempting to analyze the corpus in

question, one aspect is that in Brazil, the government came with an image somewhat

shaken by scandals of various types for the government, but that in essence were linked

corruption will in the country. On the other hand, Uruguay, the government was very

high approval by the population and then had the figure of President Jose Mujica, the

image of reliability and smoothness on the charges (that although few were any).

Thus, from the semiotic reading of Roland Barthes, some categories have

emerged before our observations. The first news that deals with the civic culture of

Uruguay, seems to show the fact that we were showing earlier, the question of the

Mujica government, have a good acceptance of voters, bringing populating the

imagination of individuals who accessed the facebook El País about trust deposited in

the electoral process in that country, as well as respect for the choice that would happen

regardless of which candidate won the election.

Comments in this news were very plausible, and, congratulated the people for

having this as democratic culture to accept what was chosen by the majority. However,

we know that the followers of this vehicle on a social network, you are probably aware

of the ideological position of the same.

In the second news of El País we have the fact that the Tupamaros will not

support the candidate of the then President Pepe Mujica. Let's see what the same vehicle

is able to put that information in a way are opposed because attempts from that

information show another side possible candidate of the Frente Amplio. But to those

who were not as attuned to the former Uruguayan president by his past linked to this

movement, this fact may also have been an indication of reliability to the broad front of

the candidate.

In this case, in particular the El country of posting, was accompanied by

aggressive comments from those who apparently were voters Tabaré Vasquez

presidential candidate. And the comments indicated situations that are already known,

especially in Latin America, where the vast majority of the media is owned by a few

families and that they are in possession of what can be considered as the 4th power, the

press and information.

The information above all is loaded with items persuasive, able to try to

manipulate their public, from its ideological position. Political parties, regardless of

country of origin, usually have affinities with some media. Others, however, have the

media as the main opposition is the case, for example, when we talk about left-wing

parties, which, even in the XXI century, still has its linked images to Communism, or

even the welfare.

This fact was also observed on the comments of the el País followers on

facebook, where `protested this news, with a sign which read:" Press trash, manipulation

... "This demonstrates not only the opinion of some users, as those exhibited there, as

well as a network of indignation and denunciation against the manipulation of

information, and therefore, canvass (albeit veiled) to the opposition.

This shows us what Jenkins (2009) had been warning about the individual today

choose which consumes midiaticamente too, from their point of view, but at the same

time is also a producer, which can be noticed by the movement against the media .

Already the news posted by Clarín dealing on the Uruguayan elections have

shown more restrained information, more informational nature, though, we are

conscious that every media product has at its core the organizational ideology to which

it belongs, which is explicitly linked to political ideology center-right. The first of these

to be analyzed comes to voting strategies, and brings no comments of the journal

followers.

The second matter presented shows that winning a majority in parliament will

also be difficult and need a lot of strength of the candidates during the elections.

Apparently, it is also a more neutral news, despite comments show of public discomfort

as if it sought to show a possible a backdrop to achieve.

Regarding Brazilian newspapers, which are readers and knowledgeable of their

ideologies, the news show themselves differently, even, because we explained earlier,

the country is going through an image crisis, propagated by some vehicle of a larger size

may be really. By the time the news was conveyed, Brazil underwent a huge image

crisis, and consequently reliability. The candidate for re-election Dilma Roussef, was

the target of intense criticism from the press.

Traditionally in Brazil, as in other Latin American countries and the world, the

media is tied to an employer, family ideology, which stands in contrast to the rights of

the lower classes, such as workers, which has been benefited in the last twelve years of

leftist government, (if we can still call it).

Corruption, indeed, was the main agenda of the Brazilian elections in 2014, as

all candidates had some suspicions. This fact has made the election formed a terrorism

mood among voters. What can be seen through the discourses of news and comments

from "readers."

The Journal Sul21 is explicitly positioned in their ideology to the left of politics,

as opposed to the sheet S. Paulo. What can be noted in our analysis clipping. Let's see.

The first news talks about terrorism brought from the election campaign. The

second news brings the following call: "election or MMA." The two information was

posted by the newspaper Sul21, and attract the attention of readers and other web

surfers to the media manipulation of the population about the facts of the candidates for

president, especially regarding the candidate for re-election Dilma Roussef, which

seemed being massacred by the media in the electoral period.

Comments about this news were aware precisely of the negative aspects of the

other presidential candidates, and formed thus a network of complaints against media

manipulation (word used by the followers of such a vehicle surfers). From these reports

in via other social networks emerged and usually ended up counter to what was being

published by traditional media. The Journal Sul21 this case, has positioned itself as a

portal to claims and counter hegemonic media manipulations of those seeking support

for their candidates.

As for the articles published in the Folha de S. Paulo, have the following titles:

"Dilma up, bag has biggest drop in three years." And "Optimism economy triggers and

benefits Dilma." Such headlines were much commented on social networks by both

aligned to the newspaper's ideological position, as those who were aware of this

information in order to counteract the information and create new facts or new

developments to report.

The first report, clearly demonstrates the persuasive appeal to go against the

candidate for re-election, and the second seeks to show that the population is "bought"

even by implication, as well as other comments that treated the population yields lower,

as one hostage to government assistance programs.

Ramonet (2008) clarifies this position in the media when he says that economic

power when it combines with the media power, is a huge lever, able to shake any

political power. In Brazil, as in most countries, the media establishes political relations

from their economic interests which makes their media products are strong political

allies of certain parties. And the author mentioned above, further extends this idea when

evidence that is a situation that should not be accepted in democracies: political power

is elected at the polls, but the media power and economic power are not and thus have

no democratic legitimacy (Ramonet, 2008 sp)

If we look at the history of media outlets in Latin America, in particular, we see

that are intertwined with the political history of the country, generally being responsible

for the election and legitimacy of certain governments as dictatorial. And these true

oligarchies media persisted to today seek to elect its candidates and interests in veiled

manipulation attitudes.

We note, however, that many of the governments tend to have a scenario of

corruption as a backdrop for their power relations, which may or may not be made-up

by the news. However, with the incursion of new technologies, able to inform even the

public occupying the most remote areas, it seems to have awakened a consciousness not

only political, but also citizen in the subject, causing them to ally to their peers and

succeeded transform your individual opinion, not in public opinion, but the opinion

represented by a given group, for a given audience.

Public opinion seems to be awakening to a new reality, the post-modern reality

of the network society, in which we can through technological devices expose our ideas,

beliefs and indignation. This new sphere of public opinion, seems to be linked to what

Maffesoli calls published opinion, or public emotion.

Maffesoli (2001) talks clarifying that the return to the origins, individuation

giving way to tribalisation is the sensitivity of living Postmodern. The author also

confirms that, "is the explosion of social values, the ideological relativism,

diversification of livelihoods, that engender this barroquização of existence with which

we are confronted" (MAFFESOLI, 1996, p. 187-188) .

Published and public opinion emotion, because we are at a time in which the

subjects express their opinions through the network, but before opinions are expressive

feelings, either revolt, support, worship, finally, public publish their individual opinions

as well as they try to be included in the collective opinion, which for Maffesoli (2010) is

inconsistent with the concept of public opinion.

For Maffesoli (2010), Public Opinion, is not the opinion of midiocracia, as the

same postulates, referring to the media and its almost state power. For the theoretical, it

is the apocalypse, but not in the usual sense of the word, referring to the end, but at the

unveiling of something that was hidden.

That something was hidden can be understood as the opinion of those who are

not part of a hegemonic sphere of power, as the media, but to those who tired or angry

(expression that reminds us Castells, 2013) with what is served or, imposed by detent

balls of power as the state, the media, and we can say, companies. This reveal what was

hidden, it can be seen through the motions contrary to what was published in the

vehicles via social networks because the reviews of these networks replicated personal

opinions, but representative of a group of individuals with the same idea, the same

belief.

Maffesoli (2010) defines the opinion published as follows:

I think it should stay as close to the latter. Stay close to a real is

not simply that reality principle, permanent asfixiador of all

existential daring. As for the "published opinion", she continues

to exhaustively repeat some conventional ideas, places -

common and other verborragias based on good feelings.

Ie these are conventional ideas, these commonplaces, which makes the published

opinion take place before public opinion, for the segments, or tribes (as reminds us

Maffesoli) bring their thoughts to sharing these spaces that are social networks, in which

we analyze our corpus of this work.

Key evidence

According to our semiotic analysis, we seek to understand how the formation of

public opinion has been changing with the emergence of new technologies and the

network society. And we seek through the election period both Brazilian, Uruguayan

and the proximity of the countries and issues culturas.Dessa way, some evidence

became conclusive in this article.

The first is that the more traditional means of communication has undergone

image and credibility crises fault of their stated positions politically, which is supported

by the ideas of Ramonet (2008), as we saw earlier, when it tells us, the Allied Media

economic power directly influence the political power of the state, as well as delineate

what will be guided and informed to the subject.

The formation of public opinion was not only stimulated more traditional

vehicles, as encouraged by social networks. Social networks have important role in

elections, assuming a complaint space of paper.

We can observe the dialogue between public opinion and published opinion as

well as public emotion. The public emotion, so it seems to take the form of public

opinion, supporting the idea of published opinion, since this feeling is spilled and

informed the other is regarded as a published opinion and not an opinion of the

majority, but a group.

This shows us that we are effectively living proclaimed postmodernity by

Maffesoli, whose main characteristic is to be together, the overlapping between the

archaic and the technological what seems to unveil through analysis, in which the

tradition of media vehicles was permeated by technology, from social networks where

individuals can freely express their opinions and views.

So we can understand that public opinion is having its process of formation

modified from the inclusion of new communication technologies, as they allow not only

a formal communication and information, but, above all, an opinion published by the

individuals rooted in public emotion.

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