)

: the

are theirare

request. 'e a nlostiIn,

Nations

NERAL;SEMBLY

SESSION

Records

946thPLENABY MEETING

eptember 1

Wednesday, 14 December 1960,at 12 noon

NEW Y.ORK

CONTENTSPage

item 87:on the granting of independence to

countries and peoples (continued).. 126S

:ÿ: Mr. Frederick H. BOLAND (Ireland).

AGENDA ITEM 87

aration on the granting of independence to colonialcountries and peoples (continued)

The pRESIDENT: I call on the representative ofin exercise of the right of reply.

COMAY (Israel): In the earlier stages of thisseveral Arab speakers tried to drag into it

differences which unfortunately still persist be-Israel and the Arab States. In its statementthe Assembly on 2 December [933rd meeting],

delegation deliberately refrained from reactingattacks, and did not refer to them at all. We

that the subject of this debate was of suchdeepserious concern to the world, and especially to

,'new States, and to those who are still subjectthat we should disregard attempts to exploit

purposes. Unfortunately, this self-was one-sided. I would refer particularly

made on 6 December [937th meeting]of Lebanon, Which, as apiece of

against another Member State of thewas just about as offensive as anything

heard from this rostrum. My delegation feelsto exercise its right of reply. We shall

in relation to three points which have beenof them,in our opinion, are really

the item under discussion.

4. In modern times, spurred by the twin forces ofnationalism and persecution, our people dreamt of re-building its ancient homeland, and organized the Zionistmovement to promote this ideal, both by gaining under-standing for it amongst the nations, and by constructivepioneering work in what hadbecome a backward cornerof the Ottoman Empire. This idea gained support atone time from Britain, for which we were grateful,and the concept of a Jewish National Home was ex-pressly written into the terms ofthe League of NationsMandate for Palestine. In the end, however, Israelgained its independence through a bitter struggleagainst British rule, and a further struggle for sur-vival against invading Arab armies. We stand readytoday, as we always have been, to live in peace withour neighbours. Butwe are not ready to have the natureof the Zionist movement perverted reserve demogogicpurposes.

5. These labels of "colonialism" are blatantly meantto influence other new States in Asia andAfrica whichhave relations with Israel. In the statement in replymade by the Israel Foreign Minister, in the generaldebate, on 17 October, Mrs. Meir dealtwiththis point,and I would take leave to quote a few sentences:

"We know that this is nonsense. The Arabs knowthat it is nonsense and, what is more important,the Africans themselves know that it is nonsense.The leaders of African countries are not to befrightened by meaningless slogans. They can berelied upon to judge their relations with other coun-tries by the behavlour of those other countries to-wards them, and not by propaganda speeches in NewYork.W[907th meeting, para. 87.]

6. R is not Israel but certain other States who professto be thebrothers of the African peoples, but meddlein their affairs and act as Trojan horses for new im-perialisms in Africa. As to who these States are, theAfrican peoples will judge for themselves, in the lightof recent experience on their continent.

we repudiate as morally unworthy andstupid the attempt to equate Zionism withZionism is one of the noblest, the most

the most constructive national moven'ients inhistory. Behind it lies a unique and unbroken

extending over 4,000 years, between theL people and Palestine. No Jew could 'dwell inas a stranger or an alien, for there is not a

of its soil unhallowed by the bones of his BiblicalIt was here that the moral and spiritual

people gave birth to Judaism, from whichsprang the Christian religion. It was here that

enjoyed national independence, whicli theyregained and lost again; in the perpetualagainst the great colonial empires of that

vital bond between the Jewish people andof Israel is the very essence of our long and

history.

1265' A/PVÿ946

7,:, Secondly, the representative of Lebanon weptcrocodile tears over the treatment of Israel's Arabcitizens, of whom there are a quarter of a million,both Moslems and Christians. Here again, I wouldrefer to the statement by the Israel Foreign Ministeron 17 October, in .which she again pointed out thatIsrael Arabs enjoy exactly the same political rightsas do ISrael Jews; that their economic, social andcultural standards have risen rapidly since the estab-lishment of the State of Israel; andthat"no Arab Statecan point to the achievement of a standard of liÿ€tngfor the masses of its population thatmaybe comparedfavourably to the standard of living of the israel Arabs"[]bid___:., para. 83]. Our country is open to the world,and anyone is free to visit it and verify these factsfor himself. Tens Of thousands of visitors have doneso; their impressions are on record, and they refutethe calumnies which have been repeated here.

i

1266 General Assembly- Fifteenth Session- Plenary Meetings

8. Thirdly and lastly, the representative of Lebanonbad the effrontery to suggest that Israel was one oftwo countries in which vestiges of slavery remained.The charge itself is too silly to be taken seriously.Israel's Constitution and way of life ensure equalityand freedom for all its citizens without distinction ofrace, sex or relgion. But, if I were an Arab repre-sentative, I would be very hesitant about raising theissue of slavery, in the context ofa debate on colonial-ism. Does he think the African peoples have forgottenthe black and ugly record of the Arab slave traderson their continent? Does he think they are unawarethat there are Arab countries in the Middle East inwhich African men, women and children, and especial-ly young girls, are still bought and sold llke cattle?If he himself is unaware of these facts, I would advisehim to read the many reports which have been pub-lished on the matter i; recent years, including thoseof the Anti-Slavery Society.

9, My delegation has intervened again in the debatewith reluctance. We have no desire to engage in con-troversy on these matters. On the other band, theimpression should not gain ground thatany Arab repre-sentative can, with impunity, utilize the forum of theUnited Nations in order to besmirch the State of Israel.

10. The PRESIDENT: A number of delegations haveasked to explain their vote before the voting. I proposeto call on these delegations in order. I give the floorfirst to the representative of Sweden.

11. Mrs. ROSSEL (Sweden): The Swedish delegationwill cast its vote in favour of the draft declarationsubmitted, in document A/L.323 and Add.l-6, by theAfrican-Asian countries. We will do so because wefind that it is in full accord with the spirit of theCharter provisions on self-determination, self-gov-ernment and national independence. The SwedishGovernment and the Swedish people have followedwith intent interest and great sympathy the historicalprocess by which the large majority of formerly de-pendent peoples have come to enjoy the great boonof national freedom. If the declaration will help tokeep the desire for freedom burning in menTs mindseverywhere, it will serve a useful purpose.

12. The attitude of my delegation does not mean,however, that We are entirely bappy about the languageused in some parts of the draft resolution. In fact,there are some paragraphs that seem to us to leaveroom for different interpreÿtions, while other para-graphs, in our view, are too categorical or too rigid.Let me give you a few examples to illustrate my point.

13. The last preambular paragraph of the draftreso-lution states that "all peoples bave an inalienable rightto complete freedom, the exercise of their sovereigntyand the integrity of their national territory% The ap-plication of this unimpeachable principle in practicecould surely become a matter of controversy. We allremember how, during the recent debate in the FirstCommittee on the problem of Mauritania, there existeddifferent opinions even among those countries spon-soring the present draft declaration on how this prin-ciple should find expression in that particular case.

14. The same principle is also laid down in para-graph 2 of the draft declaration, which declares that"all peoples have the right of self-determination".One may be allowed to wonder whether the practicalimplication of this general principle would be, to takeonly one example, that provinces of the Republic of

the Congo eopeldvilleo : oO ebe us ed lai gthe right to separate fr r parts of the Republic.Or should another paragraph of the draft declarationbe applied in such cases, namely paragraph 6, Whichopposes nany attempt aimed at the partial or totaldisruption of the national unity and the territorialintegrity of a countryÿ ?15. Another observation which comes to our mindwhen studying the text of the draft declaration is thatthere are in some parts of the world dependent terri.tories which are too small and too isolated to be ableto lead a successful life as independent States. Also,it seems to my delegation that we should not overlookthe fact that too rapid a transition of a territory fromcolonial status to independence may cause seriousdifficulties for its population. A transitional periodmay be necessary.

16. The comments I have now made do not deter usfrom supporting the draft declaration. We understandit to be meant as a statement of general objectivesand not as an act of legislation which would place im-mediate juridical obligations on Member States andwhich is designed to be applied literally. The GeneralAssembly does not have the competence to adopt actsof legislation which are binding on the Member States.From a legal point of view, the draft declaration would,therefore, seem to be of the same nature as the Uni-versal Declaration of Human Rights.

17. In making a comparison between the two declara-tions it is, perhaps, appropriate to draw attention tothe fact that while the goals set out in the earlierdeclaration, that is, to further the observance of humanrights in the whole world, are still very far from beingachieved, the aims pursued by thepresentdeclaration,that is, to secure the right of the peoples to nationalindependence, have already largely been attained asfar as the former colonial empires are concerned.Without wishing to diminish the importance ofthisnewdeclaration, one cannot escape the conclusion that itwill not play the same constructive and instructiverole as the Universal Declaration of Human Rightswhich, ever since it was adopted in 1948, has no doubtserved as a useful model for legislation ln many coun-• tries and as a constant reminder of certain nobleprinciples which are all too often honoured more inthe breach than in the observance.

18. In the light of the observationswhichIbave made,the Swedish delegation is, as I said before, preparedto vote in favour of the draft resolution submitted bythe African-Asian States as a whole and in its presentform, and will vote against other draft resolutions andamendments,

19. Mr. AUGUSTE (Haiti) (translated from French}:The problem of colonialism is the chieffoous of inter-national attention at this session; it is accompaniedby an avalanche of documents and a torrential flow ofwords which often call to mind the heated atmospherein which the equally important questions of disarma-ment and under-development were discussed. In theoryfcolonialism as we have known it in the past waen ÿsought by false, erroneous and sophisticated reasoningto justify the domination of one Power over anotherand exalt to the level of a dogma the privileges anÿprerogatives which certain reputedly superior raceÿhad arrogated to themselves, has irrevocably and treedoubtedly bad its day.20. It can no longer continue to function as an economiÿor politico-economic system, that is, as a kind of ÿrÿ

946th meeting-. 14 December 1961 1267

ehtl or

our mindon is that'

lentto bettes.,t

30

nal period

reserved for the home country guaranteeingita marketsheltered from all competition and freely open for the

expansion of Its foreign trade. This form of ex-ploitation of man by man, accompanied at times byepisodes which do little honour to those who haveraised the ridiculous claim of the inequality of races--this siÿ-ÿation individuals and the passage of time haveundertaken to liquidate,

21. But, when this thorny problem is mentioned, Iwould be loath not to mention the United Nations, thisgreat crossroads which for fifteen years past hasserved as a happy meeting-place between peoples, akind of melting-pot of hunÿm]ty where the course ofhistory has perhaps been speeded up in a differentdirection.

colonialism in all its forms. True to the anti-colonial-ist policy of the great Dessalines, who founded theHaitian nation, faithful also tot he policies of the fatherof my country's republic, the distinguished AlexandrePelion, who in 1811, inspired by the same lofty sen-timents and high ideals which animate us all today,assisted Bolfvar in his fight for liberation from Spanishdomination, my delegation, as heir to the politicaltestament of those giants in the history of my country,will vote in favour of any draft resolution which con-demns colonialism, demands independence and freedomfor some, while at the same time devising means ofprotecting others, by forestalling the introductionanywhere in the world of neo-colonialism inanyshapeor form.

t deter us:understand:objectives

[ place izÿ :States and ihe General:adopt actÿ

Lber States.lionis the

thecefrom

But ideas, generally speaking, take a lot of kill-ing. Those people, who, as they recall their reading,remember the pages on scientific subjects bequeathedto them by great writers, realize the long process oftheir development, as well as their authority and theirstrength, when they merge into our Subconscious mind.

might be compared to a tree with numerous,long-living roots. Merely to cut down the trunkwithout

: uprooting the tree would sometimes do not more thanretard its growth.

23. All those who, in a remote or recent past, havesuffered from colonialism, know this. Therefore, stepsmust be taken to prevent its return, not so much inthe impossible form it assumed in the past, as in the

distinctly dangerousÿyes, I would add,extremely dangerousÿform it assumes in the presentday world, full of malice, guile and trickery, like awolf in sheep's clothing.

24. I confess that these are reflections which anauthentic son of the Republic of Haiti could not helpbut feel as he listened to the charges levelled by cer-tain self-constituted public prosecutors, lifting the veiloff the policy of neo-coloniallsm, of which Alfred deMusset, if he were still among us--yes, Musset, thedelightful poet of those immortal nights we allused tosing about in days gone by--wouldsay: "butit all looksas much like you as your brother."

25. The struggle against this new type or new formor strucÿre of colonialism must be our constant con-cern and we must fight it wherever it sets itself up.

• 26. I confess I fear it just as much as I do its older

brother, which did such great harm to my ancestorsand to the men of my race. As a more perniciousphenomenon, characterized by groat astuteness, be-cause it assumes the guise of both wolf and shepherd,it wins over simple minds nowadays by offering themnot gifts of gold, as formerly, but something rathermore subtle--the magic and the seduction of the prom-ises latent in the new organization of the world oftomorrow, securing the welllbeing and the dignity ofall men in order to put an end to the economic in-equalities from which they have so long suffered.

27. To destroy colonialism in order to have it re-placed by another evil--let us agree to call it neo- ÿeolonialismÿwould be to reject as hopeless the lessonsof history, of, experience, of human intelligence andeven the need for freedom and independence felt byall those who have been deprived of it for so long; itWould be like saying: nGet out of there and let me in.•

28. My delegation would like to congratulate allthoseWho bare so clearly discerned the danger of neo-

toattained a

29. Mr. PAZHWAK (Afghanistan): I have asked tospeak in order to explain my vote on the various pro-posals which are now before the General Assembly.This explanation will be given in the light of the state-ment which I made in the general debate [935th meet-ing] in which I expressed the views of my delegationon the principles to which we adhere and which guideus in taking a position on any action by the Assemblywith respect to this item. Afghanistan is a sponsor ofone draft resolution [A/L323 and Add.l-6], and wehave explained our reasons for sponsoring it. Myexplanation of vote will therefore refer to the otherdraft resolutions of which we are not sponsors.

30. With respect to the draft resolution submitted byHonduras [A/L.324/Rev.2], we hope that, in view ofthe nature of this draft, it will not be pressed to avote and will be withdrawn. However, if it is put tothe vote, my delegation will be compelled to voteagainst it. We are opposed to this draft resolutionbecause, in the consideration at this stage by theGeneral Assembly of the item before us related tothe abolition of colonialism and domination in all itsforms as soon as possible and, in our view, imme-diately, the presentation of such a draft is completelyout of place. We do not think that it would serve anyuseful purpose, and we therefore do not believe thatit should be adopted by the General Assembly. Weshall vote against this draft resolution.

31o With respect to the amendments submitted byGuatemala [A/L.325] to the draft resolution containedin document A/L323 and Add, l-6, we have no objectionin principle to them but we think that the provisionsof these amendments are covered in paragraph 6 ofthe draft declaration of the African-Asian countries.We therefore believe that these amendments are super-fluous and we shall abstain in the vote on them.

32. The Soviet Union has submitted two amendments[A/L.328] to the draft resolution which we have spon-sored. These amendments are useful and constructive,and my delegation will vote for them. The contentsof these amendments are quite simple, but they bringout certain points of which we want to take particularnote, and that is why we shall vote for them. The firstpoint recognizes in substance the right of the rightfulrepresentatives of peoples and nations to enter intonegotiations onthe basis of seLf-determination, aprin-ciple to which we have always adhered in all casesrelated to dependent peoples. Secondly, these amend-ments contain the element of the time-limit, whichexpresses what we had asked for inthe general debate,namely, the immediate abolition of colonialism anddomination in all its forms and manifestations° Third-ly, these amendments emphasize the implementation

L

1268 General Assembly -- Fifteenth Session -- Plenary Meetings

of the resolution on the abolition of colonialism, which,to us, has always been the true and only effective aimwith respect to the question of the abolition of thecolonial system.

33. I come now to the draft declaration submitted bythe Soviet Union (A/4502), which we have consideredvery carefully. We would have preferred to have thesubstantive part of this d_waR put to the vote, and notthe whole declaration. If the entire document is putto the vote, I should like to request the President toput it to the vote in two parts. We suggest that aseparate vote should be taken on the part beginningwith the words "... the States Members of the UnitedNations solemnly proclaim the following demands:"and including the numbered paragraphs 1, 2 and S.A separate vote should be taken on the rest of thedocument.

34. When the separate vote is taken, my delegationwill vote .for the substantive part to which I havereferred, and we will vote for it without any reserva-tions whatsoever. When the rest of the document isput to the vote, my delegation will support it becausewe do not see any objection to the principles containedtherein; but we would like to state, in explanation ofour vote, that our vote in favour of that part of thedocument should be considered as being confined tothe principles contained therein and only to the prin-ciples which would help the immediate abolition ofdomination and colonialism.

35. Secondly, we would like to state here thatin sup-porting this part of the document, itis our understand-ing that the territories to which specific referencehas been made in this document do not constiimte acomplete list of the territories or peoples which areunder alien domination, and should not be taken assuch. By this we mean that the implementation of thisdraft declaration at any time should not be confinedto the territories and peoples which, aS a matter ofexample, have been mentioned in the document, andthat the provisions should apply to all territories andall peoples under any form of domination in any partof the world, even though theyhavenotbeen mentionedin this document.36. With these two reservationS, we would like tostate once again that our support of this documentshould be considered as being confined to the prin-ciples contained therein:37. Mr, RIFA'I (Jordan): I am taking the floor inorder to explain the position of my delegation on theSoviet draft declaration contained in documentA/4502and on the amendments to the African-Asian draftresolution of which my delegation is a sponsor.

38. The forty-three Power draft resolution [A/L.323and Add.l-6] is the outcome of thorough considerationand wide consultations. Itwas drafted in a way whichwould respond to the universal call for freedom andindependence and which would, at the same time, se-cure the maximum possible support in this GeneralAssembly. We certainly do not claim that it containÿall the views andwishes within the scope of the nationalaspirations of the peoples. My delegation considersthat the Soviet amendments contained in documentA/L.328 and the Guatemalan amendments contained indocument A/L.325 contain some of these views. Inaccepting or opposing these amendments, my delega-tion, as one of the sponsors of the African-Asiandraft resolution, wishes to avoid any proeedare which

might lead to a reduction of the support for this draftresolution, but in this case the question of principleis involved. In the case of the Soviet amendmentsand the Guatemalan amendments, my delegate_on feelsthat it should give priority to the principles containedin each of these amendments rather than to the tech.nicalities to which I have referred.

39. The Soviet amendments contain a principle whichmy delegation fully supports, and we shall thereforevote in favour of them. The Guatemalan amendmentsinclude the principle of the right .of nations to recovertheir territorial integrity; they also provide that theprinciple of self-determination of peoples may in nocase impair the right to territorial integrity of anyState. We know that there have been certain cases inwhich the territorial integrity of nations was impaired.The usurpation of a part of the Arab territory ofPalestine by the joint aggression of colonialism andZionism is an outstanding international question. Weuphold the right of the lawful people of any territoryto recover their territorial integrity. We shall there.fore vote in favour of the Guatemalan amendments.

40. With regard to the Soviet draft declaration con-tained in document A/4502, we are told that thisdocument is going to be put to the vote as one unit.We are ready to support most of its parts, bat wecannot subscribe to every paragraph in it. In one ofthe paragraphs, reference is made to my own country.In another place, China is mentioned, and it is knownthat my country recognizes Nationalist China. There-fore, if this draft declaration is put to the vote as awhole, my delegation cannot support it.

41. Mr. SUGAIR (Saudi Arabia): My delegation willvote in favour of the draft declaration on the grantingof independence to colonial countries and people, em-bodied in document A/4502. In the opinion of my dele-gation, it is in conformity with the principles of theUnited Nations Charter as well as with the principlesof human rights. Our vote, therefore, in support ofthis draft declaration signifies our endorsement of thebasic principles contained therein. This does notmean,however, that we are in full agreement with certainconclusions made or with certain of its phraseology.Worthy of particular mention is the question of thestatus of Nationalist China.42. Mr. RAHNEMA (Iran) (translated from French):My delegation has already had occasion to setforth,in detail and without equivocation, its attitude onall. the aspects of the problem of the unconditionalliquidation of the colonial rÿgime. Consequently, myexplanation of vote will bear solely on the Sovietamendments [A/L.328], the Guatemalan amendments[A/L.325] and the draft resolution submitted by Hon-duras [A/L.324/Rev.2]. In so doing, I shall try, moreparticularly, to reply to certain objections made yes-terday [945th meeting] by the Soviet representative tothe forty-three-Power draft resolution [A/L°323 andAdd.l-6].43. The Soviet delegation considered that the fortY-three-Power draft resolution was obscure on certainpoints and might give rise to ambiguities as regardshow it could be interpreted. My delegation, wh]chtookquite an active part in drafting this draft resolution,does not think that is so.44. Indeed, I feel that Eae principles we wanted todefend are set forth rather clearly. I am prepared t0agree with Mr. Zorin that the points in question canbe variously interpreted. But, quite franldy, what text,

946th meeting -- 14 December 1961 1269

)context inwhichwe are operating in this Assem-:0uld fail to give rise to different interpretations ?

that we attach to a text must al-deduced byÿ the majoritY of the members of

sembly and, above all, by the sponsors of theThe interpretation of this draft reso-

L has already been amply expounded, partichlarlyits sponsors, who have given their explanations on

and who have, almost all of them, done thisclearly.

tees which deal with the problems attaching to eachparticular case to decide on these dates.

ns tovide that

[es may ingritY of i

train case

question. ÿany

i that the f(cure on ee:

.ties as

.tion,Iraft res(

S we wanÿ!am prepÿrÿin question,. ly,

from Frelon to set f0

unconditinsequentlyl' on the Sc• n amenÿ,mitredshall try,ions made)presentatiÿ

Almost all the members of the African-Asianhave, after all, interpreted this documentas onemust solemnly proclaim the necessity of bring-

to a speedy and unconditional end colonialism inl its forms and manifestations, the need never to

the granting of independence on the pretext, forof inadequate preparation in the political,social or other fields, and, lastly, the need

immediate steps to be taken to transfer power topeoples of Trust and Non-Self-Governing Terri-

or all other territories which have not yetindependence, without any conditions or reser-in accordance with their freely expressed

and desire, without any distinction as to race,or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy

freedom and independence.

We have tried, in the text now before you, toas clearly as possible the principles that weto defend. But I must tell the Soviet representa-

that, for reasons which will be easily understoodI whieh will derive from the special circumstanceseach State, we did not want to specify how these

should be applied. For example, the Soviethas pointed out that an exact date or

should have been specified for countriesindependence. In preparing this text we felt

we should not fix a date arbitrarily but shouldstate the need for putting an end, speedily and

to colonialism. We considered that, ineases, it would be advisable even that theof power should not be effected immediately,

it would be essential beforehand to make sure thats transfer was made to the genuine representatives

in accordance with their freely, ex-will and desire. Some latitude should also be

some countries, for instance, demand an imme-transfer; others demand a rather short

for the transfer of power. So we thought that,general declaration of this kind, it was better to

ourselves to laying down the principle. Thisis clear: it is the principle of unconditional

speedy independence, leaving it to the variousto decide how the principle should be im-in each particular case. Consequently, the

we have not, in our draftresolution, specifiedor fixed an exact time-table does not in the

that we were opposedto fixing such a time-.in certain particular cases or that we intended

independence in any way whatsoever. Itmeans that we felt that the fixing of a rigid

!get date--the same date for all the countries--wouldck of a! rtificiaiity and would not suit the differingiadividual circumstances of each particular case.

lMoreover, there were divergent views on thist among the spons ors. One delegation, for instance,ght that the date should be an immediate date,

Y 1960 or 1961; other delegations considered that!:2tes should be in the verynear future. Therefore,I have just said, we left it to the various commit-

laration €ÿtold that thLe as one Uÿparts, butÿ

n it. In 0he"y own eounÿnd it is kn0ÿchina. Theÿ

the vote

elegatioam the granÿd people, eÿon ofmy deÿinciples OfÿJthe prinCipliin supportÿrsement 0ffdoes not mÿnt with Cerÿs phrase010tuestion of

48. Another objection raised by the Soviet delegationrelated to the problem of universal suffrage andelec-tions. Here again we thought it was essential not tolay down a hard and fast rule, which, however un-exceptionable it might be in general, might raise cer-tain special problems within the context of the specialnature of the development of each State fighting forits independence. Some delegations even thought that,in some cases, the organization of elections by uni-versal suffrage might ultimately be used as a pretextfor delaying independence. Hence the need to specifythe principle of the transfer of power, as I havepointed out, in accordance with the freely expressedwill and desire of the peoples. This will, of course,can and in most cases should--I emphasize, in mostcases--be expressed by Organizing a plebiscite orelections on the basis of universal suffrage held indue and proper form and preferably--and wherever itis possible--guaranteed by the presence and super-vision of the United Nations. Nevertheless, this should,as I said just a moment ago, be decided for each Stateaccording to the special circumstances of its develop-ment.

49. For example, at the present moment there aretwo draft resolutions before the Fourth Committee,one on Ruanda-Urundi [A/C.4/L.664] and one onWestern Samoa [A/C.4/L.663], in which it is proposedto apply these principles, in the light of the localconditions and special circumstances, to those ter-ritories. The committees concerned will take up thematter and will see that the general principles areapplied with the maximum flexibility and with dueconsideration for the special situation of eaehoftheseTerritories.

50. Speaking as a member of the group which draftedthe forty-three-Power draft resolution, I would liketo assure the Soviet Union representative thatwe spenta long time weighing the pros and cons of each sen-tenee, each phrase and each word. We did so becausewe never forgot that we had to frame a text that re-flects as closely as possible the general aspirationsof the African and Asian peoples--aspirations whichwe are very glad to have the Soviet represeentative'sassurance he also shares--as well as the sometimescomplicated conditions surrounding the liquidation ofthe colonial rÿgime.

51. I must admit that this is not a perfect text. Butin a collective task of this kind, where allowance hasto lie made for the complicated nature of the problemsand the differing points of view held about their solu-tion, it is, humanly speaking, very difficult to arriveat a general text which willbestexpress the collectiveaspirations of the African and Asian peoples.

52. As regards the draft resolution submitted byHonduras [A/L.324/Rev.2] andthe Guatemalan amend-ments [A/L.325] to the forty-three-Power draftreso-lution, I should like to make a brief comment.

53. The draft resolution submittedby Honduras, thoughit pursues praiseworthy aims, seems to us at thepresent moment rather remote from the immediateobjectives which the anti-colonial Powers are pursuingin the present circumstances; the Honduran text doesnot, we feel, satisfy current requirements.

54. Regarding the amendments submitted by Guate-mala, I admit that we are inagreementwith the inten-

i

>

/

r

I

1270 General Assembly -- Fifteenth Session -- Plenary Meetings

:1

tions behind it. Howe';or, I should immediately addthat, in so far as these intentions relate to the ob-jective of the present declaration, they are statedand expressed clearly enough in paragraph 6 of thedeclaration in our draft resolution, which reads asfollows:

"Any attempt aimed at the partial or total dis-ruption of the national unity and the territorialintegrity of a country is incompatible with the pur-poses and principles of the Charter of the UnitedNations."

55. In conclusion, I would like to add once again thatthis text was theÿ result of lengthy discussions andexchanges of views, which took a very long time tomaterialize. It represents an important piece of workand its particularly delicate balance has been achievedas a result of the fixed determination of the Africanand Asian Powers to express the aspirations of theirpeoples through a historical text which--and this ismost important--would reflect the united front of thesepeoples and of all countries against colonialism.

56. Such being the case, we consider that the adoption,or even the insertion, of the amendments submittedmight spoil this difficult and especially delicate bal-ance that we have tried to maintain and would eventhreaten to split the unity of the African-Asian peopleson this question.

57. My delegation would be extremely happy if thesponsors of these draft resolutions and amendments,in the light of the explanations we have given, wouldnot press for them to be put to the vote. If that shouldnot be the case, however, my delegation, for thereasons already stated, but mainly in a spirit ofAfrican-Asian solidarity, would not be able to supportthem."

58. I would like to add one last word regarding thetext of paragraph 9 submitted bythe USSRIn documentA/L.328, according to which the General Assembly

would decide to consider the question of the imple.mentation of the resolution at its sixteenth regularsession.

59. Quite obviously, my delegationÿjust as much,I fancy, as any of the other sponsors of the draftresolution--has no objection in principle to thisparagraph, but the reason why we did not think fit toinclude it is that we felt it touched on a point of pro.eedure which, in our view, was out of place in a his.torical declaration which would virtually be a classictext to be studied in schools and in various kinds oforganizations, that is, one in which a sentence of atechnical character like the one proposedwouldreallybe out of place.

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60. In my opinion this proposal might be made laterby a delegation, possibly as part of another draftresolution, but we really do believe that it is out ofplace in such an important, such averysolernn decla.ration as that which we are at present discussing.

61. However, since on this procedural point we haveno objection to raise in principle--all the more so asit would not in substance change the balance of thetext in any way--we would leave its adoption or re-jection, as it now stands, to the collective wisdom ofthe Assembly and will ourselves abstain from votingon this point.

62. The PRESIDENT: The list of speakers on thisitem is now finally concluded and the Assembly, there.fore, is in a position to proceed to the vote. In viewof the fact, however, that the voting on the variousproposals before the Assembly is likely to be a pro-tracted process and that Iris nowa few minutes beforethe usual time of adjournment, the Chair proposes toadjourn the meeting now and to ask the Assembly toproceed to vote as the first item of business at itsnext meeting.

The meeting rose at I2.5ÿ p.m.

Litho in U.N.

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77001--Septembeÿ 1961--2,22 ]I