Panel National Archiprix 2013 Jasper Nijveldt

the wall The re-discovery of ordinary public places in an alternative urban architectural model for Chinese cities – The case of Chengdu Jasper Nijveldt 12 13 1.2.4 Hypothesis: Re-discovery of ordinary public places The hypothesis of this thesis is that by re-discovering the fundamental role of ordinary public space in Chinese cities, several other problems can be addressed and even be mitigated. It can guide Chinese cities towards a more compact urban architectural model. This hypothesis is endorsed by several scholars. “Streets and their sidewalks, the main public spaces of the city, are its most vital organs” (Jacobs, 1961, p. 29). Others suggest that if “...we do right by our streets we can in large measure do right by the city as a whole – and, therefore and most importantly, by its inhabitants” (Jacobs, 1961, p. 314; Carmona et al., 2005; Gehl, 2001). Since ‘public place’ is such a broad and culturally defined term, an extensive theoretical study will investigate the meaning and perception of the term in China. 1.2.5 Case-study Chengdu In this thesis the city of Chengdu is used as a case-study. The competition assigned a small strip of land on the south of the city (♦ 9) to design a masterplan for 100,000 people per sqkm, whereby it was obligatory to address the air quality. The city of Chengdu is at the very heart of the dramatic transformation (♦ 10) of China and can be seen as a perfect model city of Chinese recent growth. It is also a city under pressure of an enormous amount of new migrants from the rural areas. Like in many Chinese cities, the recent growth is explosive, and a lot of valuable arable land is lost. WORLD MAP AND SIZE COMPARISON POPULATION AREA DENSITY BANGALORE TOKYO LONDON MUNICH SEATTLE CHENGDU SF BAY AREA WASHINGTON BOSTON DUBAI ATLANTA 13.01 M M 2 6 . 0 M 2 4 . 7 1.33 M 1.19 M 1.33 M 11.01 M 5.47 M 7.75 M 3.93 M 4.05 M 2,187 KM2 3,885 KM2 22,681 KM2 369.2 KM2 310.4 KM2 709.5 KM2 12,390 KM2 21,693 KM2 1,572 KM2 14,412 KM2 232.1 KM2 5847 P/KM2 656 P/KM2 2842 P/KM2 4286 P/KM2 7665 P/KM2 888 P/KM2 243 P/KM2 305 P/KM2 4932 P/KM2 372 P/KM2 TOULOUSE 0.85 M 808 KM2 1053 P/KM2 NEW YORK 19.06 M 17,405 KM2 1096 KM2 355 P/KM2 ATLANTA TOULOUSE LONDON TOKYO WASHINGTON NEW YORK SF BAY AREA CHENGDU BANGALORE BOSTON MUNICH SEATTLE DUBAI SAO PAOLO EVERY RING EQUALS 1000KM CAIRO SINGAPORE MOSCOW SEOUL MEXICO CITY ♦ 1.10 Comparative analysis of Chengdu and world cities. Chengdu sits in an emerging new region for important cities: ♠ Typical urban development 2 km from the site in Chengdu. ■ Every year, for the next five years, a one square kilometre territory will be the subject of the competition. 36 37 Environment 46% 26% 28% PMIO SO2 NO2 MAJOR POLLUTANTS load ratio, inner city Chengdu 2009 source: China Academy of Urban Planning and Design Planning and Design Institute, Chengdu 120 Chinese average 0 20 40 80 100 Chengdu Amsterdam Tokyo London New York Sulfur dioxide (SO2) Particulate matter (PM10) Nitrogen dioxide (NO2) AIR QUALITY 2009 60 source: WHO 60 80 100 120 140 measured measured measured PMIO NO2 NO2 WHO guideline winter spring summer autumn WHO guideline SO2 SO2 WHO guideline AIR QUALITY per season, Chengdu 2009 40 0 20 source: Chengdu Environmental Protection Bureau, WHO 3 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 4 5 6 7 8 9 acid rain frequency PH of precipitation normal PH ACID RAIN, Chengdu 2009 source: China Academy of Urban Planning and Design Planning and Design Institute, Chengdu 300 400 500 600 Chengdu Chongqing Shanghai Beijing Istanbul 0 100 200 Mexico Tokyo Lhasa Ph Cl- NO3 SO24 NH4 K+ Na+ Ca2+ Mg2 AIR QUALITY 2009 source: WHO Chengdu PH 5,0 - 5,6 PH > 5,6 PH 4,5 - 5,0 PH < 4,5 ACID RAIN 2008 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 FOREST area (% of land area) China United States European Union World 1990 1995 2000 2005 source: Worldbank 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 AGRICULTURAL land (% of land area) China United States European Union World 1975 1985 1995 2005 1970 1965 1960 1980 1990 2000 0 5 10 15 20 25 China United States European Union World 1975 1985 1995 2005 1970 1965 1960 1980 1990 2000 CO2 emmisions (metric tons per capita) source: Worldbank 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 ARABLE land (% of land area) China United States European Union World 1975 1985 1995 2005 1970 1965 1960 1980 1990 2000 source: Worldbank source: Worldbank domestic industry agricultural FRESHWATER withdrawal, 2000 China total: 549,76 cu km / year per capita: 415 cu m / year United States total: 477 cu km / year per capita: 1600 cu m / year 13 % 46 % 41 % 7 % 26 % 67 % source: CIA factbook 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2008 best I II III IV V worse VI 2009 WATER QUALITY Mintuo River source: Chengdu Environmental Protection Bureau ANNUAL WATER USE, Chengdu 2001 (total 335 million m3) nonrevenue 18% nondomestic 46% residential 36% source: Water in Asian cities. Asian Development Bank activities litres used toilet flushes 10 - 15 shower (per minute) 15 - 35 bath (full tub) 150 laundry machine (full load) 160 - 220 dishwasher 25 - 55 dishwashing by hand (tap running) 110 shaving (tap running) 20 - 30 brushing teeth (tap running) 10 - 30 WATER CONSUMPTION by activity source: Water in Asian cities. Asian Development Bank 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 WATER CONSUMPTION per capita, 2001 (liters per day) Shanghai Manila Seoul Delhi Hong Kong Tashkent Karachi Osaka Jakarta Dhaka Chengdu Ho Chi Minh Kuala Lumpur Colombo Ulaanbaatar Kathmandu Vientiane Phnom Penh source: Water in Asian cities. Asian Development Bank WATER PRODUCTION volume, 2001 (million cubic meters per day) 0 1 2 3 4 5 Shanghai Manila Seoul Delhi Hong Kong Tashkent Karachi Osaka Jakarta Dhaka Chengdu Ho Chi Minh Kuala Lumpur Colombo Ulaanbaatar Kathmandu Vientiane Phnom Penh underground water surface water source: Water in Asian cities. Asian Development Bank Shanghai Manila Seoul Delhi Hong Kong Tashkent Karachi Osaka Jakarta Dhaka Chengdu Ho Chi Minh Kuala Lumpur Colombo Ulaanbaatar Kathmandu Vientiane Phnom Penh 0 1 2 3 4 5 nondomestic domestic WATER CONSUMPTION volume, 2001 (million cubic meters per day) source: Water in Asian cities. Asian Development Bank AIR POLLUTION, Chengdu 2009 source: China Academy of Urban Planning and Design Planning and Design Institute, Chengdu NOISE POLLUTION, Chengdu 2009 source: China Academy of Urban Planning and Design Planning and Design Institute, Chengdu built area WATER Chengdu water vertical city Asia site From 2006 the co 2 emission per capita in China is higher than average worldwide, but still lower than in the Western countries ( ♦ 30). In China there is a strong rise of forest area ( ♦ 31). About 10% from 1990 to 2008. Worldwide this is getting lower (-2% from 1990 to 2008). The agricultural land in China was in 1990 only 37% of the total land area, in 2008 this is more than 60% ( ♦ 32). Which means that nature is being transformed to agriculture to still feed to growing population. Compared to the Chinese average the number of particulate matter (pm10), which causes bad air quality, of Chengdu is good ( ♦ 33), but compared to other world cities it is bad ( ♦ 34). Compared to who standards it is 2.5 times worse ( ♦ 35). Almost one third of China is hit by acid rain ( ♦ 36), leading to the worlds most polluted cities ( ♦ 37) and a polluted river in Chengdu ( ♦ 38). ♦ 30 1 ♦ 36 ♦ 33 ♦ 35 ♦ 38 ♦ 37 ♦ 37 ♦ 34 2 38 39 Crossroads Learning from the data, it can be argued that the world is heading into two directions; the Western world can be characterized as a world of stagnation with a high gdp level but stagnation in population growth. Yet the Eastern world, South America and Africa are still growing in both gdp level and population. One can state that China is exploding and Europe and the US are imploding. However China is facing economic, demographic, environmental, social and spatial challenges. Oil and wheat prices will rise. Water availability is dropping. Waste will increase. Rainfall will rise. Urbanization eats up its surrounding landscape. Biodiversity is dropping. The amount of cars is exploding. Energy demand will triple. There is an aging population. Income and expenditure are rising, therefore making the availability of cheap labor, the economic backbone of China, decrease. In short, Urban China is at the crossroads ( ♦ 39). In order to attempt to resolve the challenges, which path will China take? A choice is needed to counter the trends. It is the hypothesis of this thesis, that the underlying framework of the city, its streets and public space is the basis for development, because these are a lasting foundation for years. By improving public space, the challenges facing China might be mitigated. Therefore it is crucial to understand space, the Chinese perception of it and how to structure it. The next 2025 2020 2015 2010 2005 2000 1995 1990 2030 2030 2035 2040 2045 urban area (sqkm) population migrants biodiversity energy water consumption (liter/day/capita) water availability (liter/day/capita) private cars cars’ average speed (km/h) waste per capita income & expenditure (yuan) food consumption (kcal/day/capita) ♦ 39. China at the crossroads. 52 53 Explosion After the first Five Year Plan in 1953 the first government planned and funded developments started. From 1980 onwards the city exploded after the economic reforms introduced by Deng. This process was strengthened by the Go West policy in the nineties. Western China became the focus of development efforts in China. The policy was initiated in 1999 to compen- sate for an earlier emphasis on coastal development. During the period from 1990 till today the urban land almost tripled (2009) (♦ 4.6), eating up valuable and rich landscape. The population grew from 8 million in 1990 to 12.2 million today (Press, 2009). This growth contains mainly manufacturing, businesses and producer services, airport developments and residential zones (♦ 4.7 ♦ 4.8 ♦ 4.9). Also, in recent years Chengdu showed an enormous growth rate of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) of 50% each year (Lan and Yin, 2009) far more than the Chinese average (♦ 4.10). This FDI even further accelerates urban growth and generates far more growth than earlier forms of industrialization (♦ 4.11). As a result the city almost doubled in the last 5 years. Since Chengdu attracts more and more FDI, inevitable the urban sprawl will continue. 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 1985 1980 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 economic reform industrialization, export, manufacturing Global, FDI X 1,5 ♦ 4.10 Chengdu: 5 times more FDI than Chinese average. ♦ 4.11 FDI generates more urban km2 than earlier forms of industrialization. before 1990 1990 - 2010 BUILT AREA growth 1990 - 2010 X 3 8,18 57,13 90,72 6,63 38,03 63,39 50 0 100 150 200 2000 2007 2008 export import IMPORT & EXPORT total, Chengdu (billion yuan) source: China Statistical Yearbook X 30 50 100 150 200 250 300 0 business volume 1980 1990 2000 2008 source: China Statistical Yearbook X 15 0 2.000 4.000 6.000 8.000 10.000 12.000 14.000 16.000 18.000 1990 1995 2000 2005 2008 Chengdu disposable income China disposable income Chengdu total expenditure China expenditure Chengdu disposable income rural China disposable income Chengdu total expenditure China expenditure urban source: China Statistical Yearbook X 10 ♦ 4.6 Recent explosion in growth. ♦ 4.8 Residential growth. ♦ 4.9 Industry growth. ♦ 4.7 Business volume growth. 20 1.3 PROBLEM STATEMENT “In an age of ever increasing urbanization with massive migra- tions from the countryside to the city, China is at a crossroads. Existing dispersed urban architectural models can continue to be recycled to accommodate increased populations, but this at the same time fortifies problems in society, infrastructure and environment. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to propose an alternative compact urban architectural model that will take on the specifics of Chinese urban development, thereby fostering the spatial quality of ordinary public places. The city of Chengdu is subject for this research. The testing ground is a small strip of land in the south of Chengdu. The final result is a masterplan, with according to the competition assignment an obligatory density of 100,000 people per 1sqkm and ideas to increase the air quality. The main research question derived from this problem statement is: “How to design an alternative compact urban architectural model for Chengdu, that fosters ordinary public places, resulting in a masterplan with a density of 100,000 people per sqkm?” 23 1.5 RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCE 1.5.1 Scientific and societal relevance What this research aims to add is a new urban architectural model that fosters public space quality. However, there are innumerable theorems and research about the state of urban China. This makes a humble position about the scientific and societal relevance of this thesis wise. The competition of Vertical Cities Asia searches for a integration of density, verticality, domesticity, work, food, infrastructure, nature, ecology, structure and program. However the conventional building metric in the contemporary Chinese masterplan is rather limited. The research in this thesis questions the conventional metric. The hypothesis is that with alternative ways of masterplanning, with respect for the specifics of China and the environment will most likely mitigate the enormous pressures Chinese society is facing. 1.5.2 Ethics Several critics state that because of Western intervention (♦ 11), Chinese cities are facing problems. Seog-Jeong Lee, director of city planning in Seoul in Atlantis 22.2 Urban Form (2011): “Increasingly, Asia seems to be the place for the experimental high-rise works of western architects who do not consider the local Asian context. I think that our cities need to dis- cover alternative ways to combine high density with urban quality without resorting to verticality”. This would be a possible ethical problem arising this research and design. Therefore, the thesis relies heavily on statistics and in the theory part an extensive cultural study will be exhibited. ■ Vertical Cities. The competition for tallest building in the world is taken seriously in China. Several Chinese cities put itself on the map with a new skyline icon, often designed by Western architects. 54 55 Toll However this enormous growth has its toll. Especially the increase in air pollution (♦ 4.12), the loss of valuable nature and arable land and the public space and collective typologies being under pressure. When comparing the air quality measurements of Chengdu (Chengdu Statistical Yearbook, 2007) with the standards given by the World Health Organization (Krzy- zanowski and Cohen, 2008), it can be seen that the main particles that are responsible for bad air quality (SO2, NO2, PM10) are found three times more than the WHO guidelines (♦ 4.13). It is not as bad as the Chinese average and big cities like Beijing and Shenzhen, but still when comparing to other world cities, Chengdu is far behind. The bad air quality becomes even more visible since Chengdu is located in a large basin, and is enclosed by mountains. The city is therefore known for the always present grey skies. The haze is pervasive and a popular saying is “if a dog sees the sun, he will bark at the intruder”(Block, 2008, par. 1) (♦ 4.14). Thus the cities ambition is to increase the air quality and its vision is to become a ‘world-class garden city’, that is ‘environmentally sustainable, surrounded by beautiful rural scenery and enhanced by modern features’(Qing and Guo-jie, 2007, p. 123). So how to achieve this? 4.1.2 Doomsday If we would project the estimated population growth in the same space- consuming manner as the last decade, the ‘world-class garden city’ would be totally infeasible. We would need to lay out a square of 20 by 20 km (without even taking into account the fact that the average floor space use per person now is 26 m2 and will probably increase drastically the coming years). Almost a second city need to be built (4.15). According to the masterplan of Chengdu the fingers in the fingermodel will be extended and new hubs will be layed out outside the city. But these fingers will grow out of proportion (now already 25 km between the outer edges and the CBD), leading to urban sprawl and traffic congestion (4.16). The new airport between Chongqing and Chengdu will even accelerate this process. Pre- 60 80 100 120 140 measured measured measured PMIO NO2 NO2 WHO guideline winter spring summer autumn WHO guideline SO2 SO2 WHO guideline 40 0 20 source: Chengdu Environmental Protection Bureau, WHO ♦ 4.13 Air comparison with WHO guidelines. ♦ 4.12 Air pollution projected on map. 3 1.2 PROBLEM FIELD 1.2.1 Challenge 350 2025240 sity, greenery, liveability and health of residents (more in chapter 2). 1.2.2 Qualitative growth 2007gdp gdp 1.1 URBAN BILLION 120252221 35 23 40 20 years, 20,000 50,000 30 90 gdp 2025 (McKinsey, 2008). 172007 2007gdp 2020. ■ 2005–25 145 154 150 233 104 57 2005 120 316 926 161 26 27 2 URBAN CHINA To avoid biases about Urban China, this chapter researches data about the development of China with specific attention to the city of Chengdu. The data sheets are highlighted with the text. Finally this provides a clear overall picture of the state of demographics, economics, transport, living and environment in Urban China and Chengdu in particular. 40 41 3 CHENGDU MASTERPLAN 56 57 Chengdu ♦ 8 9 ■ New dispersed developments giving rise to a real estate bubble. Some estimate as many as 64 million empty apartments are on the market (Finance Asia 2011). ♠ Expensive lakeside bought by speculators. ♠ Ordos, a new town build in five years. ♠ Low rise development outside Changsha. ♠ New development north-east of Xinyang. ♠ Half finished new town in the middle of the desert in Inner Mongolia. ♠ Sattelite Chenggong with 100,000 new apartments. 44 45 Unique During the early days, Chengdu was, just like other Chinese cities, a walled city. It was a fairly typical inland city (♦ 4.2)., with a long historical and cultural tradition. A local intellectual wrote of its special position: “Sichuan overlooks China, and Chengdu is the center of Sichuan, with fertile lands, rich natural resources, high population density, well-developed production of silk, many historical sites, and beautiful scenery’ (Wang, 2003, p. 35). Until around 1900 the West had little impact on Chengdu; as an English traveler declared, “It is a city which owes absolutely nothing to European influence” (Bird, 1899, p.350). Compared to the cities of coastal, northern, and even central China like Shanghai and Beijing, Chengdu maintained a much more traditional and relaxing culture and lifestyle, with tea houses, areas to play mahjong and places to eat traditional chicken feet. Climate, flora and fauna The average daytime is in July and August around 30 °C, with afternoon temperatures sometimes reaching 33 °C (next page for a detailed graphical analysis ♦ 4.4). The average lowest temperatures are in January are around 2.8 °C, with sometimes dropping below freezing. Rainfall is common year- round but with peaks in July and August. Chengdu also has one of the lowest sunshine totals in China (less sunshine annually than London), and most days are cloudy and overcast even if without rain. This is especially so in the winter months, when it is typically interminably grey and dreary. Spring (March-April) tends to be sunnier and warmer than autumn (Octo- ber-November). Due to the mild climate there is no special need in building construction, to resist extreme situations. Also there is no direct sunlight and almost no wind. This has the benefit that there is light in narrow situations just to the ground floor, which allows to build dense. The inexistence of wind forms a problem for fresh air circulation. The Sichuan basin is also known for its unique biodiversity, which today contains 80% of the Chinese vegetation being represented and of all endangered flora and fauna, like the Giant Panda (Wu, Yu, & Yang, 2009) (♦ 4.5). But this fairly safe and hot haven changed the last decade radically under influence of forces from outside. Chongqing Wuhan Shanghai Hong Kong Shenzhen Beijing Tianjin Guangzhou Xi’an Zhengzhou Xuzhou Shenyang population > 5 mln population > 7 mln population > 10 mln Chinese cities in 2010 1 * including agglomerations Dongguang and Foshan Chengdu Panda Red Panda Naemorhedus goral Golden Monkey Takin Cuculus canor Musk deer Serow Acer davidii Bamboo Betula utilis D. Don Cornus controversa Hemsl Tsuga dumosa (D. Don) Eichler Ailurus fulgens Ailurus fulge ■ 80 % of Chinese vegetation and 1/5 of all endangered flora and fauna is represented in the area of Chengdu. ♦ 4.2 Most western big city. Urban China is devloping on 1/3 of the total land mass. ♦ 4.5 Unique biodiversity around Chengdu. ♦ 4.3. Basin the size of Germany in which Chengdu is located. >>>>> a real estate bubble. that by re-discovering the fundamental role of ordinary public space compact urban architectural model. Chengdu China is at a crossroads. fortifies problems propose an alternative compact urban architectural model t quality of ordinary public places. humble position e conventional building metric t because of Western intervention facing problems. experimental high-rise works of western architects who do not consider the local Asian context. To avoid biases about Urban China, overall picture o 4.14 Sichuan basin under permanent haze. nature is being transformed worlds most polluted cities and the US are imploding. Europe China is exploding challenges. China is at the crossroads underlying framework of the city, its streets and public space is the basis for development, Unique biodiversity around Chengdu. Most western big city. Urban China is devloping on 1/3 of the total land mass. Rainfall is cloudy a no direct sunlight and almost no wind. build dense. fresh air circulation. 80 % of the Chinese vegetation the urban land almost tripled accelerates urban growth urban sprawl will continue. 1990 - 2010 X 3 three times bad air quality t a second city need to be built ( ♦ 4.15 ). g to urban sprawl and traffic congestion ( ♦ 4.16 ) Basin the size of Germany in which Chengdu is located. We are witnessing the biggest economic transformation the world has ever seen. More than ever, cities matter. Especially China is undergoing a massive urban revolution, with emerging mega-cities you maybe never have heard of like Fuzhou, Wuhan, Chongqing and Chengdu. What will it take for these cities to serve their expanding and ever more prosperous citizens while still sustaining growth? This is also a higly relevant question for Dutch (landscape) architects, planners and designers! But how can we make our knowledge meaningful in a local context? My project represents an endless and intense quest for these answers. This panel shows my process by depicting spreads from my logbook. The process is characterized as moving towards modesty and trying to understand the cultural differences in experiencing space while simultaneously abandoning my biased western frame of reference. The plan kicks off with a radical masterplan consisting of a 300 km long and 1 km wide ‘Wall’ around Chinese cities, and progresses into a stepwise representation of small ordinary public places in a new township within the Wall. This project sets out to contribute to the discussion about sustainable growth of Chinese cities and its public space while all together acknowledging that the designed proposal is not the ultimate solution. Yet hopefully the design proves to be a proper rhetorical vehicle to investigate the correlation between mega-cities and a human scaled public space in the Chinese context. www.jaspernijveldt.com After the data exploration, the project continued with a masterplan for Chengdu, with specific attention to a strip of land on the south of the city. This part is send into the international competition Vertical Cities Asia. 2 3 1.2 PROBLEM FIELD 1.2.1 Challenge At the same time the expansion of China’s cities will represent a huge chal - lenge. Of the slightly over 350 million people that China will add to its urban population by 2025 , more than 240 million will be migrants (Woet - zel, et al., 2008 a). The recent announcement of land-reform measures will enable migrants to move even more easily to cities, what could increase the scale of urbanization even further. Urbanization along current trends will imply major pressure points for many cities including the challenges of securing sufficient public funding for the provision of social services, and dealing with demand and supply pressures on arable land, energy, public space, air quality, water, domesticity, work, food, infrastructure, biodiver - sity, greenery, liveability and health of residents (more in chapter 2 ). 1.2.2 Qualitative growth All of these challenges will intensify in time, as China’s leaders acknowl - edge (Hu, 2007 ). Although China will likely achieve its gdp growth target in the timeframe it has set for itself, a focus solely on gdp growth will not achieve a qualitative and harmonious development that the Chinese leader - ship desire. An alternative urban architectural model, that will take into account a qualitative growth, will be significant for research to provide a balanced growth path for China. 1.1 URBAN BILLION China’s economic success and rapidly rising standard of living have resulted in a historically unprecedented surge of urbanization that is set to continue ( ♦ 1 ). If the current trend continues, nearly one billion people will live in China’s cities by 2025 , requiring construction on a scale never seen before ( ♦ 2 ). China will have 221 cities with more than one million inhabitants - compared with 35 in Europe today - of which 23 cities will have more than five million people. Research by McKinsey ( 2008 ) projects that China will build almost 40 billion square meters of floor space over the next 20 years, requiring the construction of between 20 , 000 and 50 , 000 new skyscrapers (buildings of more than 30 floors) - the equivalent of up to ten New York Cities. The urban economy will generate over 90 percent of China’s gdp by 2025 (McKinsey, 2008 ). As the economy grows, it is likely that China will continue to increase its prosperity. Even the recent global financial crisis will likely have small effect on the long-term perspectives on urbanization. In all likelihood the nation’s continuing urbanization will ensure that China will fulfill the ambitious economic growth target set out at the 17 th Party Congress in 2007 (Hu, 2007 ) of quadrupling per capita gdp by 2020 . ■ In this thesis an urban archi - tectural model is understood, as a schematic description of a city, with statements on all levels of scale, from regional, landscape to the architectural scale. 49 Compound annual growth rate, 2005–2 5 % 6.9 1.1 3.4 2.2 0.3 2.4 Millions of people 14 5 15 4 15 0 23 3 84 10 4 32 32 32 32 57 200 5 Big cities (5–10 ) Midsized cities (1.5–5) Small cities (0.5–1.5) Big towns (<0.5) 12 0 31 6 92 6 2025 Megacities (10+) 16 1 ♦ 1.1 Urbanization. Predominantly in Asia. ♦ 1.2 One billion people in Chinese cities. The Wall | Jasper Nijveldt | Archiprix | 001 interior China. 58 59 cious land will be eaten (♦ 4.17). Old typologies focused on Chinese family live and the community is being replaced with privatized islands far outside the centre . These big compounds are mainly accessible by car. Thus, more ring-roads will be built and inhabitants become more dependent on cars, resulting in traffic jams and increase in air pollutants. The cities development will gradually slow down, become more congested and will decrease in livability and efficiency. Research suggests that Chengdu is already the most inefficient city in China measured by the time it takes for people to travel to work (Sankhe et al., 2011). The average speed by car in Chengdu within the city centre will soon be lower than just walking (♦ 4.18). The finger model is no longer sustainable (♦ 4.19). We have to look for a new ? 20X20 KM 27X27 KM 2050 2030 2010 12.2 2030 16.7 2050 20.3 AVERAGE SPEED city centre, Chengdu (kmph) 0 5 10 15 20 25 average during rush hour 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 biking 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 1985 1980 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 economic reform industrialization, export, manufacturing Global, FDI ♦ 4.15 Growth direction. ♦ 4.19 Doomsday. ♦ 4.18 Average speed city centre, Chengdu (kmph). ♦ 4.16 Expected growth in urban km2. 66 67 In Chengdu, 1200 new driver licences are issued each day. It is now already the third biggest city, after Shanghai and Beijing, of private car ownership in the country (Li et al., 2010). In addition to these emissions of carbon dioxide and other air pollutants, the vehicle and related industries (e.g. fuels) consume large amounts of raw materials, and produce significant quantities of waste. Chengdu has a large automobile manufacturing industry, with firms like Volvo, BMW, Mercedez-Benz and Toyoto. When analyzing the cities transport system, it can be seen that the outskirts of the city are not well connected by public transport, making people dependent on car use. Congestion is therefore increasing (♦ 4.25). The millions of new migrants, who most of them do not have a private car yet, will accelerate this process. Public transport system as backbone So a radical choice in public-transit provision will be inevitable for the city’s future. By connecting the existing metro system (4.27) with the Wall, an expanded public-transit will be provided, thus decrease dependency on the car. The existing metro system and the Wall will be connected with a localised feeder system (♦ 4.28). This is a rapid hop-on hop-off system, similar to the Light-Rail-Transit (LRT) in Singapore, which ‘feeds’ the Wall and existing metro network (♦ 4.29). The system is closer to an automated people mover system such as those found in many airports around the world than a traditional light rail system. All the lines are fully automated and elevated, and run on viaducts in order to save scarce land space. Train arrival and departure times are almost guaranteed this way. Walking distances are no 10 minutes. This means a 500 metre radius. It is also cleaner as the trains are electrically powered, and therefore lessens the effects of air pollution. In addition to that Wall Trains will run all along the Wall, providing faster travel times from one part of the Wall the another (♦ 4.30). This new transport system will be the backbone of the Wall. It provides people a fast and reliable way of transport. When comparing travel times with the car the effect is enormous. It can cut travel time from one part of the city to another by half (♦ 4.31). LOCALISED FEEDER SYSTEM DENSITY GROWING CITY RELIES ON CAR USE ? URBAN SPRAWL GREEN HOUSES CARBON CAPTURE UNDERGROUND PARKING EXISTING METRO SYSTEM EXISTING METRO SYSTEM CO2 O2 ♦ 4.26 The Wall - clustered transport system. ♦ 4.27 Existing metro system. ♦ 4.28 Connecting with localized feeder systems. ♦ 4.29 Localized feeder systems. ♦ 4.31 Travel time comparison. ♦ 4.30 Wall train. - 40% - 50% 0.29 2.89 Expanded public transit, density, fleet Base forecast Tightened emissions industry Target (Level III standard) -90% Route 50km @ 80km/h = 0h38min Transition 2x = 0h10min 18 stops @ 1min = 0h18min 1h11min CDB 25km @ 15km/h = 1h40min Outskirts 45km @ 80km/h = 0h35min 2h15min 92 93 6 Township 4 5 3 2 1 1 ♠ Details. 102 103 4.5 CRITIQUE 4.5.1 Hypothesis evaluation To fix the value of the results the initial design brief is recalled. “The development of ideas and theories in urban growth and architectural form related to density, liveability and sustainability specific to the rapid and exponential growth of urbanism in Asia…it seeks design solutions for a balanced environment for urban life where public amenities and work opportunities are within easy access. It encourages efficient and clean modes of travels that contribute to clean and fresh air.” 4.5.2 Critique However, a few critical comments can be made when evaluating the results. These comments can be better explained by putting The Wall in a short historical perspective. The theoretical roots of the Wall can be found with the concept of ‘the linear city’. The linear city concept was an urban plan for an elongated urban formation. The linear city was first developed by Arturo Soria y Mata in Madrid (♦ 4.97) during the end of the 19th century, but was pro- moted by the Sovjet planner Nikolai Alexander Miljutin (♦ 4.98) in the late 1920s. The concept had a revival in the 1950s and 1960s (♦ 4.99). Interesting is to see that the argumentation used for The Wall come close with earlier argumentations in Linear City concepts. Collins, a planner who wrote firstly about the concept in 1959: “A linear city is one that is formed - and grows - along a line. This line is usually its artery of transport for people, for goods, and for services: roads, rails, pipes, and wires (note the similarity with the central spine in the wall). A city of this sort can grow freely - infinitely - in increments that are repetitive in character. Its internal circulatory system is planned for the utmost efficiency: all its parts are, pre- sumably, of easy accessibility to each other and share the same urban amenities. Since the extensions of the growing city are narrow in width, all its ♦ 4.97 Soria y Mata, 1882. Linear city. ♦ 4.98 N. Miljutin, 1930. Tractorstoi, Stalingrad ♦ 4.97 Soria y Mata, 1882. Linear city. ♦ 4.99 R. Malcolmson, 1957, Metro-linear City Project. ♦ 4.99 Le Corbusier 1932, The Industrial Linear city. 1 1 1 72 73 ♦ 4.38 Forest Wall in the north. ♦ 4.39 Water Wall in the south-west, integrated with dam. 78 79 ♦ 4.45 New collective typologies based on 30x80 grid. Inspired by traditional typologies. ♦ 4.46 30 X 80 Grid. 84 85 ♦ 4.51 Final masterplan. 60 61 ♦ 4.17 Gradually eating up farming land. 2-5-2000 26-7-2006 1-5-2003 4-8-2009 68 69 Clustered system of industries The second main polluter is industry. Today industries are randomly added on free strips of land and set up as separate systems. Chengdu has had an enormous growth of manufacturing and construction industries, including giant plants of Foxconn, Siemens and General Electric. On Google Earth these industries are easily recognizable by the blue roofs scattered around the city (♦ 4.32). By tightening the separate emission-standards the industry already become cleaner, but the Wall can even further increase this. By clustering industry in the Wall the total system becomes more sustainable (Singh and Evans, 2009) (♦ 4.33). Sharing energy, waste, heat and CO2 capture systems will have a large influence, compared to only tightening the standards per factory separately. By providing a total cycle system, waste of one factory can be used by another factory. During the transition period between fossil and clean energy a CO2 capture system can work. Dwellings or offices can also benefit from clustering industry. For example, dwellings need warm water for showering and other personal use and factories can provide warm water as a remainder of the cooling of machines. Because distances in the Wall are not too big, heat can easily be transported without loss of energy. So, next to the new transport backbone, one dense clustered system of industries in the Wall will be the second contributor to improve air quality. This results in a theoretical generic model of the Wall (♦ 4.34 ♦ 4.35). INDUSTRY A D E F G C A B B C D INDUSTRY DWELLINGS DWELLINGS CO2 HEAT COLD WASTE GREEN HOUSES EXISTING INDUSTRY CO2 O2 ♦ 4.33 The Wall - clustered industries system. ♦ 4.34 The Wall - generic model of integral system. ♦ 4.32 Satellite images from various industries in Chengdu. ♦ 4.34 The Wall - integral system of industries and transport will greatly benifit air quality. reuse waste recylce water purification energy heat storage biodigestor clustered industry Localized feeder systems Metro system - 40% - 50% 0.29 2.89 Expanded public transit, density, fleet Base forecast Tightened emissions industry Target (Level III standard) -90% 94 95 3 2 88 89 ♠ Model of final masterplan. 4.2 CONCEPT 4.2.1 The Wall 4.20feels porous and open. ¥ 3 3 70 71 4.2.4 Generic becomes specific This generic model of the Wall will have different spatial outcomes on each specific location. It reacts on the local soil, vegetation and program in the city. Sometimes the shape of the Wall is a clear line, sometimes it splits into two lines. At other parts it is a dotted or a gradient line. At interesting places it makes a loop or embraces special places (♦ 4.36). The spatial appear- ance of the Wall in Chengdu can be divided into three parts (♦ 4.37). In the northern part of the city the main soil type is grey warp soil with forest as the main identity carrier (♦ 4.38). In the south west the Mintuo river gives possibilities to shape the Wall radically and merge it with drinking water retrieval, storage and the existing dam (♦ 4.39). The site of the competition, in the south east of the city, is shaped by the paddy fields and the Tianfu High Tech Park. The landscape structure consists of a hilly pattern with rice fields and small ribbon villages on the higher parts. The high tech park is build up with top global technology firms. Shape and program of the Wall reacts on this. ♦ 4.37 The wall reacts on soil types and the city. ♦ 4.36 Different forms of the Wall. 3 226 227 4.5.4 New Chinese Walls The Chinese cities grew enormously last decades, spreading to almost infin- ity. The idea of the Chinese Wall can be projected at different cities (♦ 4.103). 350 million people will be added to China’s urban population by 2025. 40 billion sqm of floor space will be built. The urban Walls can accommodate this growth, making the urbanization more compact and sparing the scarce landscape. The cities would grow to dense super cities. This generates the most GDP per capita, is more energy efficient and it would contain the loss of arable land. Implementing the Wall as a new urban architectural model could be easier than it might seem as the current dispersed model approaches its limits. In fact, the Chinese national leadership recognizes and implicitly supports a sharp, radical and significant course change to a new urban architectural model; it calls for an industrial and economic rebalancing to achieve a more harmonious society in the 12th Five Year Plan. These new Walls can guide this rebalancing. They can be the second Great Chi- nese Walls to be erected, therefore preparing China for its urban billion! 4.5.3 The Wall as integral design Can the Wall be seen as an integral design and be an answer to the rapid and exponential growth of urbanism in Asia (♦ 4.101)? In the Wall the challenges will not be dealt with as separate tasks but, rather as an holistic strategy (♦ 4.102). Not only the flow of people, but flow of energy, waste, water, fauna and flora. Traffic congestion and sprawled industries are decreased therefore having a major effect on air quality. Water can be purified and used as drinking water or for other uses like the shower or toilets. Wast can be collectively dealt with troughout the whole Wall. Biodiversity and vegetation in the landscape can be untouched. Migrants from rural areas can move to the Wall, overlooking the farmland on one hand, and on the other hand see the opportunities of the city. Food can still be produced in the landscape and collectively transported in a short distance to the Wall. This more technical approach to the challenges, is complemented with attention to the design and experience of spaces. The Sponge investigates this deeper. Crucial principles like collectivity and enclosure form the public spaces, therefore putting emphasis again on ordinary public spaces. ♦ 4.102 Integral design. ♦ 4.103 New Chinese Walls 6 6 106 107 5 UNDER- STANDING After reflecting on the results of the masterplan for Chengdu, i sub- merged myself in reading about how to structure spaces in China. What are the current problems in city making? What are the fundamental differences in experiencing space between the West en East? 80 81 ♦ 4.46a. 30 X80 Grid. 90 91 FAR 9.1 FAR 2.9 FAR 3.7 FAR 7.0 FAR 2.7 FAR 3.5 FAR 2.3 M APPLE IKEA siemens DELL volvo SUZUKI ♠ Program of the site. ♠ Program on the spine. ♠ Densities of the site. 64 65 By proposing a strong counterpoint at the city edge, the area in between the CBD and the new urban Wall will gain value. The suburbs which are today on the edges will be upgraded to green lungs in the middle of the city. Lines towards the wall will be upgraded. The projected growth of the region is 10 million more inhabitants in 2025. If we propose to make the Wall 500 meters wide, drape it around the cities edge, the area that can be build is 156 sqkm (♦ 4.21). This is equivalent to the area of two and a half Manhattans. If we house the maximum of 100.000 people per sqkm, almost 16 million people could potentially move into the new Wall (♦ 4.22). 4.2.2 Framework The Wall can not only give the opportunity to further densify the city, accommodate the projected population growth, but it can also function as a framework for applying ideas in a larger context. The Wall will not be dealt with as separate masterplans or buildings with air purifiers, air condition- ers or other building techniques, but is more a series of parallel strategies that truly can have the potential to tackle bad air quality. According to the Environmental Protection Agency of Chengdu (2009), the main contribu- tors to bad air quality today are transport and industry (including the coal industry) (Streets and Waldhoff, 2000) (♦ 4.23). Research (2009) shows that China could bring its cities to a Level III air quality standard (defined as China’s “safety level”) through a combination of transport and industry strategies including increased density, expanded public-transit provision, the conversion of public fleets to clean technology, the implementation and enforcement of industry emissions standards, and congestion measures such as restricting vehicle ownership (♦ 4.24). A case study by McKinsey of Shen- zhen shows this can cut nitrogen oxide concentrations dramatically by 90 percent (2008). The Wall accepts this as the basis of its new planning system, in order to decrease the air pollution radically. The Wall can integrally tackle the two polluters of transport and industry at its source; it will cut emissions and capture before it blows freely into the air. 4.2.3 Increasing air quality Transportation The first air polluter that the Wall addresses is transportation. Air pollutants from transport include nitrogen oxides, particles, carbon monoxide and hydro- carbons. All have a damaging impact on the health of people, animals and vegetation locally. The private car is the main contributor to this. Cars have a major impact on the environment through their construction, use and eventual disposal. It is estimated that of the CO2 emissions produced over a car's lifespan 10% come from its manufacture and 5% from its disposal, with the remaining 85% coming from fuel use and servicing operations (Guan, 2008; Woetzel et al., 2008). 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 1985 1980 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 economic reform industrialization, export, manufacturing Global, FDI 156km2 312km 56km2 56km2 44km2 156 KM2 2010 12.2 2030 16.7 2050 20.3 POTENTIAL THE WALL 27.5 COMMERCIAL AND RESIDENTIAL HEATING AGRICULTURE OTHER CONSUMERAND COMMERCIAL PRODUCTS TRANSPORT INDUSTRY 27% 52% SOURCE: ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY, 2007 - 40% - 50% 0.29 2.89 Expanded public transit, density, fleet Base forecast Tightened emissions industry Target (Level III standard) -90% ♦ 4.21 Unroll the Wall. ♦ 4.22 Keeping Urban land en potential accomodation. ♦ 4.23 Main air pollutors. ♦ 4.24 Decreasing bad air quality. 3 3 100 101 4 CRITIQUE The masterplan was presented in Singapore for the international competition Vertical Cities Asia. The plan was awarded second prize. The jury: An original and ambitious vision. The wall is a strategic approach that starts with a detailed site-specific analysis but culminating in a robust and general solution for the entire china. The sense of balance in the design, scale and depth of thinking is most impressive. The wall plays many roles both functionally and metaphorically; it goes beyond being a physical and metaphorical boundary and dwells on the typology of courtyards and Chinese cultures.” But why did the plan not win? I do have some critique on the initial design. 82 83 Program Because the Wall asks to build 3km 2 of the total site, it is necessary to spread out 3 cubes of 250x250x260. The first option is to place the public services and offices in the middle of the Wall, close to the public transport and the residential on the edges. Everybody is living on the edge, but the central strip with offices and public services will probably not be used 24/7. The second option to lay out the program is to cluster it in zones, but this strengthens the separation of living and working. The third option is more feasible to mix the functions (♦ 4.47). With an emphasis of living at the edge and offices and commercial zones near the metro station. Density The second question is where to densify. Again there are several options. A higher density in the middle strip will block the views and have no focus point. On the other hand the densest part is close to public transport. By densifying in clusters, the Wall will feel more porous allowing openings to the landscape. The preferably option will be a combination. Clusters near focus points like the metro and less dense parts at edges (♦ 4.48). These first steps are to set up the basic lay-out of the site. 4.3.2 Integrating the wall Now the Wall will react on the specifics of the site and the landscape. The first intervention will be connecting with the planned metro system (♦ 4.48). A big ring of a dense urban district, called the WBD (Wall Business Dis- trict) will follow. Since there are planned important places like governmental buildings, parks and business in the masterplan next to the site, big piers will connect these to the landscape (♦ 4.49). Like duck tape the Wall will be stitched into its context, breaking the linearity of the Wall. The piers embrace the landscape into the site. Secondly all this will be connected by a big spine trough the Wall (♦ 4.50). This spine is the main public space in the Wall. The public transport, shops (IKEA), offices, industry (Foxconn), governmental buildings and leisure (Sichuan opera) are all placed next to or under the spine. The spine will form a route architecturale with different densities, vistas and program. The final form of the Wall itself is shaped by the landscape and the city (♦ 4.51). Lower, wet parts in the north and south carve out big ponds in the Wall. The highest part of the mountain will cut a hole in the WBD, providing a central park. And the spine will follow the topography of the paddy fields. ♦ 4.47 3 cubes of 250x250x260 spread out. ♦ 4.49 Connecting places. ♦ 4.51 Final masterplan reacting on landscape and existing city structure. ♦ 4.48. Different densities and ring around metrostation. ♦ 4.50 Central spine. gradually slow down, most inefficient city in China lower than just walking We have to look for a new urban architectural model that cater to a greater population without com - New collective typologies based on 30x80 grid. Inspired by traditional typologies. mix the functions s allowing openings to specifics of the site and the landscape. The piers e a big spine route architecturale an integral design an holistic strategy The cities would grow to dense super cities. T Walls to be erected, therefore preparing China for its urban billion! To fix the value of the results But why did the plan not win? The theoretical roots of the Wall linear city’. argumentation used for The Wall come close with earlier argumentations in Linear City concepts. 104 105 Thus, the linear city is mainly a modernist concept and can be regarded as an urban/spatial expression of modernist (fordist) production, inspired by repetition, mass production, and the development of the train, highway and the assembly line. The basis of the concept is the rather blueprint like approach (♦ 4.100). Besides the blueprint approach there is an approach based on scheme’s. Problematic is that these schemes are rarely made tangible. Also possible hidden burdens can be named like, how to stop sprawl with a build wall? What will be additional urban rules, and can there be rules, or are economic forces to strong? And what will happen to people if they are living their daily life on the edge of the city? Isn't it naive to think a 'wall' will stop sprawl? How will the spaces look like from eye level? Concluding the Wall remained a scheme and ignores local characteristics. points are in close confrontation with natural landscape, and the countryside in turn partakes of the advantages of modern city life, brought to it by the linear corridor.” (Collins, 1959, p. 2). Collins describes and categorizes a great variety of linear-development concepts and designs. A few arguments can be constantly derived from this: ° ° ° ° ° Especially in the increasing mobile society in the 1950s and 1950s, just like is happening today in China, the concept gained popularity. But Collins also pointed out that “it should be kept in mind that, regardless of the artists’ renderings by which they may on occasion be presented, linear planning is primarily a schema, a process, a system, and not a physical or architectural ♦ 4.100 Le Corbusier. La Ville Radieuse Limited extension of the city; Efficiency in building; A fordist mass production. The linear city is like an assembly line; Landscape on one hand and city on the other. Best of both worlds; Orientation on transport. increasing mobile society regardless of the artists’ renderings actuality”. r blueprint l how to stop sprawl like from eye level? ? Isn't it naive Concluding the Wall remained a scheme and ignores local characteristics. schema, a process, a system, and not a physical or architectural promising the quality of life. two and a half Manhattans. to further densify the city, framework for applying ideas in a larger context. bad air quality today are transport and industry cut nitrogen oxide concentrations dramatically by 90 before it blows freely into the air. The private car is the main contributor to this. 1200 new driver licences are issued each day. By connecting the existing metro system ( ♦ This is a rapid hop-on hop-off system, an automated people mover system longer than 10 minutes. It can cut travel time second main polluter is industry. clustering industry in the Wall ture systems Sharing energy, waste, heat and CO2 cap- a theoretical generic model of the Wall have different spatial outcomes on local soil, vegetation and program paddy fields 62 63 .2 C ONC E PT .2.1 The Wall What if we stop the urban sprawl by densifying the current city edge? By taking radically the existing city form as a starting point. By ‘enclosing’ the city via a 300-kilometre-long by 1-kilometre-wide urban zone at the cur - rent city border, the city will cater to a greater population without com - promising the quality of life. This new zone is called the Wall ( ♦ 4.20 ). The Wall encloses the space of the city and makes the transition between land - scape and city manifest. In the Wall dwellings, local and global companies, industry, parking, community services, public transport and all other sorts of program can be carved in. Big openings and vistas make sure the Wall feels porous and open. ¥ ♦ 4.20 Proposal: The Wall. 3 3 3 The Wall | Jasper Nijveldt | Archiprix | 002 108 109 3.1 PROBLEM OF THE ORDINARY 3.1.1 Urban placemaking Since the Chinese Communist government formally adopted market-orientated economic policies in 1978 levels of urbanization have increased from 18 percent to 50 percent (McKinsey, 2008). This growth is also mirrored by an incredible pace of change of ‘urban placemaking’. ‘The new significance, awareness and attention that is given to planning of open public space has already led to improvements, mostly with large scale urban designs’ (Has- senpflug, 2004). Alienation However, according to several scholars the spatial quality of public places, meaningful for everyday life, has not been improved proportionally and, is sometimes even deteriorated (Miao, 2011; Hassenpflug, 2004; Yang and Volkman, 2010; Miao, 2001). The spaces therefore ‘lack to accommodate the local residents and community needs’. Chen & Romice (2009) argue that ‘the result for everyday life is the alienation with the relationship to the city’ and state that ‘the main cause is tactless reconstruction’. In the new Chinese city subtle collective typologies, green and pedestrian friendly streets are rapidly being replaced by a Neo-Corbusion landscape with large squares, impressive parks, eye-catching architecture, high-rise apartments and privatized compounds. More precisely, public space increasingly plays a separating role, and is being ignored to be a basic building block of the city (Zhu, 2003; Miao, 2011; Abramson, 2008). It is the hypothesis of this thesis, that if this becomes the new tendency of all future developments, it would be the absolute deathblow of public life and several problems facing China will be fortified. ♠ Local gathering in Chengdu. 5 5 126 127 it is more focused on the spectacle and the object, than on space itself. By taking the perceptual quality of space again as starting point of design, an alternative is provided to the abstraction of space as an autonomous phenomenon that does no more than form an ‘image’. It is an awareness of the experience of scale and materiality. This notion will form a key element in designing public places in this thesis. So, what can be said about the Chinese perception of space that influences the quality of public places? 3.4 PERCEPTION OF THE ORDINARY 3.4.1 Perception of space In order to understand the Chinese perception of public space, one would have to understand how a culture perceives and formulates the idea of space and public. This is not the same in every culture. The essential differences in Western and Eastern cultures render superficial 'generic' appearances irrelevant. The cities of China are rooted in so-called 'Chinese values' - stress of a Confucian ethos, collectivity over individuality, consensus over dissent, pragmatism over ideology, state control over private enterprise, conservatism over radicalism and a profound attachment to the family as an institution. In terms of built form, this translates to a series of key elements and phrases that capture the essence of the way Chinese people perceive space. The main focus of the chapter is not a study of tradition, or on political systems, but it is trying to understand the fundamental perception of space that shaped China for centuries and still is affecting Chinese people’s everyday life. It aims at formulating some tangible building blocks for a spatial framework. Urban and rural China The development of Chinese architecture and its culture is the process of accumulated evolution, rather than outright revolution. This continu- ous tradition knows no bound. The specific pattern could take place any- where, whether on rural open land, a farm house or in a theatre, whether in an official building or a tea house in a common street. This chapter is based on Chinese literature about the cultural values and the conception of space (Miao, 2001; Miao, 2011; Miao, 1990; Gaubatz, 1996; Chen and Romice, 2009; Wang, 2008; Wang, 2002; Yang and Volkman, 2010; Gu and Whitehand, 2006; Xiaoxie, 1985; Li, 2002; Xiaodong and Kang Shua, 2007; Kostof, 1991). 3.4.2 Principles Zhouli and Feng Shui Based on the literature, two sets of theory about the Chinese city dominate. The first is recorded in Zhouli (Western Zhou dynasty, tenth to seventh BC). Its rational principles shaped most of China’s important cities which appear in several physical characteristics. The theory advocated a centralized government and Confucian philosophical and cultural traditions. Chi- nese culture is still deeply influenced by this. It therefore modelled a general city layout, building codes and the proportions of public space (♦ 3.13). The second theory is recorded in Guanzi (Zhou and western Han dynasty, fifth and first century BC). It is also known as Feng Shui (meaning wind and water). This document advocates a natural philosophy that ideal human settlements should be coherent with their environments. To the Chinese it is the art of living in harmony with nature. In building a city, ‘the natural conditions can be relied on, and the productive advantage of the land can be beneficial, which will support the people’s life there and provide for raising livestock’ (Xu, 2000, p. 40). An example is that cities and buildings should be built with mountains to the north. This protects the building ♦ 3.13 The generic model as documented in Kao Gong Ji. 5 5 5 154 155 ♦ 4.54 Valley. 162 163 Unity To develop the plots into urban blocks, the idea of collectivity is leading. The domesticity of a Chinese family is build up as a micro cosmos of Chi- nese private life, with walls serving to enclose, protect and define the dwell- ing, therefore the blocks need to provide private spaces. In contrary with Western blocks and High-rise free standing towers, private spaces should be distributed evenly throughout the block. The goal is to form a unity between manmade open space and nature and blending it into smaller pieces distributed evenly throughout a human scaled and horizontal city. Human scale By placing walls of 6 metres on the edges, which are steady soils of clay and sand, of the existing rice paddy structure, a possibility emerges to create these private spaces (♦ 4.63). The plots will be divided into manageable smaller plots in which individual units can be developed. On the smaller plots a maximum of 60% is allowed to build, no higher than 4 stories. Every house enjoys thus a piece of open private space. Since there is no direct sunlight in Chengdu, light will reach the ground floors easily. Developers are allowed to build within one block a maximum of plots including the walls at once. This prevents the emerging of large gated compounds and allows for a bottom-up development. Farmers who live on the site can sell their land to investors or government and buy a new walled house or can expand their existing house. Certain plots will be reserved for semi-public accessibility (♦ 4.64). 20% of these plots are allowed to be build, which results in small alleyways penetrating the block. Walls on these plots will be cut with holes which can be consciously experienced. Entrances of the individual units are located on these alleyways, with bamboo screens in front of the doors, to make a semi-private front. ♦ 4.62 Valley ♦ 4.62 Building plots ♦ 4.63 New walls. ♦ 4.64 Collective spaces 136 137 3.4.7 Enclosure The different perceptual principles of linearity, hierarchy, unity and human scale are synthesized with the key principle of enclosure, which aims to create an holistic environment. Even, the Chinese word for space itself, kongjian, represents ‘the creation and ordering of empty volumes as a result of the ‘enclosure’ or bounding, of three-dimensional elements (walls, win- dows, thresholds, screens, roofs)’. This works on every scale. From country to bedroom. Series of walled enclosures 3.25A building may be viewed as a city on a tiny scale, while the town is a huge building on a vast scale. Even the boundary between city and countryside and country and world was formed through enclosures, like the Great Wall. Chinese cities have internal walls, isolating forbidden cities, monas- imum of window openings are displayed. Not many activities happened in a residential street. The pre-industrial Chinese city always contained some form of private open space such as a courtyard between the main room of a house and the street. This meant that walls, not buildings, defined the residential street. Behind the walls, there was a minimum separation between rooms and private open space. 3.4.6 Human scale Since the cities were formed with walls, this had influence on the scale and proportion of the city, which can be seen back in the traditional morphology (♦ 3.23). Horizontal city Courtyards, gardens, small open areas and other forms of open space are shallow hollows in the structure. The buildings around them were only one or two stories high (♦ 3.24). Since the dimension of the building mass between courtyards rarely exceeded 7 to 10 metres, the shallow hollows were distributed evenly in the urban fabric. Every house, thus enjoyed a piece of open private space, and since the streets were orientated on the south, the open spaces took full advantage of sunshine in winter and prevailing winds in summer. Deep eaves of the traditional architecture shel- tered the house from the sun in the summer. The city as a whole was cano- pied under trees rising out of the small open areas. A horizontal human scaled city was the natural outcome. This is fundamentally different than in the west. The west, starting with the enlightenment, emphasised core values of individuality and a devotion to heaven and god. The architecture reflects this with buildings that are elegant, open, impressive and vertical. From Gothic churches to modern skyscrapers. Dwellings in European pre-industrial towns were closely built to a height of at least three to four stories, and private open space was scarce. Mostly the solid buildings were not integrated with void garden spaces. The garden spaces were often consolidated in a large piece in the centre of each block. ♦ 3.24. The low building and evenly distributed small open spaces. ♦ 3.23 Traditional Courtyard House and Low-Rise High-Density. 5 5 138 139 The spaces that are enclosed by a series of walls are not perceived as fixed entities. Space is never an absolute ‘object’, and for this reason it necessitates 3.273.27Wall as key element By enclosing with boundaries a general public and private space becomes a particular place. A wall provides a key element in creating meaningful places for everyday life. It provides a structure for ones position in space, time and society and a tangible spatial reference for everyday life. It makes the infinite ‘natural space’ comprehensible, enabling meaningful human interrelation with it. This principle of enclosure is central to the perception teries, parks and other precincts. Even sometimes smaller walls further subdivide these places. It thus makes a series of walled enclosures. The variety and significance of walls is evident from the number of words in Chinese describing their different forms and meanings. For example, high walls around courtyards were called qiang, implying something used to shield oneself; house walls and part walls were called, bi, connoting something that warded off and resisted the wind and cold; and low walls were called, yuan, suggesting something one leaned on and thus took as protection. Even the Chinese word for city and wall (cheng) was the same. Sense of mystery Walls are the most prominent physical manifestation of enclosure, since they manage transitions across the threshold by means of openings that can be consciously experienced. Within a walled enclosure, the tangible pres- ence and solidity of the walls and the balance between space and mass, also impart a sense of security. A wall as a form of enclosure is differently perceived in the west where it was more a form of protection of its burghers. In China, the ‘wall’ operates also on the psychological level; an order that could be kept in accord with the ideal order of the cosmos. ♦ 3.25 Series of enclosed worlds in Wenzhufang, Chengdu. ♦ 3.26 Bamboo path, Dufu Cottage, Chengdu. 墙城 city/wall 146 147 6 TOWNSHIP What if we revive these principles as a basis for city form? A new township is being designed as part of e Wall. 128 129 voids behind the facades of the streets. These voids relieved the psychological pressure of the linearity of public space. This structure had a symbolism as well. Traditional Chinese people tended to view the world in a perceptual and intuitive way. The network of streets, for example, was thought of as ‘the arteries and veins of the human body,” where any choke point “will cause diseases in the nature and human society”. (Li et al., 1883, p. 43). This is similar to Western comparisons with the city and the human body. For example de Solá-Morales (1995) argues that the classical western theory is based on the Vitruvian notion that beauty of architecture, represents the beauty of the human body. In an urban environment or building there is harmony in which all parts are related, just like the parts in the human body. Linear public space A central ‘square’ is a type of public space, represented in western cities. It is a comparatively large open space, architecturally defined, with several buildings along it (♦ 3.15). Such a type of space was not in favour in pre-industrial Chinese cities. Here, the public realm was not centrally organized but took a linear form, that of a commercial street, with some smaller nodes along it. Motion The perception of these open public spaces was mostly that of forward or backward motion. ‘Static’ public activities took place in a different pattern, such as small nodes along the street, like the ends of a bridge or in front of a temple. Also semi-public places like teahouses and in courtyards of public institutions were meeting places. Public open spaces did exist, but were different from western squares. Their size was small and scattered through the urban fabric (♦ 3.16). Also unifying design elements, such as ground paving or similar treatment of facades, were absent. More importantly, the from cold winds and bad ghosts. A river to the south brings warm breezes and friendly wanderers with it. These two elements together represented the original meaning of yin and yang. Feng Shui is still an important part of today’s urban design and architecture. The rational and the natural principles emphasized by Zhouli and Feng Shui complemented each other and together they form the theoretical basis for traditional Chinese urban forms, and the cultural perception of it. Miao (1990) extracts five major values from this, and several perceptual principles can be associated with this: honouring the monarchy and relation to the public (), maintaining the social hierarchy (), strengthening the importance of family and kinship (Unity), making full use of natural opportunities (Human scale) and thus creating an holistic environment These five perceptual principles lay at the roots of the experience of public space in China. The meaning of these principles will be discussed, and to better understand, in contrast with Western forms. By understanding these principles, the building blocks for a spatial framework can be formulated. 3.4.3 Linearity Centrality in relation to the cities power and public life is differently perceived in the West than in China. In the west large central and static nodes play an important role in public life, while in China small, scattered places A patchwork against a network. Definition of two city centres Western pre-industrial towns often had two large major public open spaces, namely the market square and the square in front of the church. Both spaces were used daily by all residents. The two squares worked together to serve everyday public life. The two squares are however mostly physically connected, creating a two-part nucleus. Therefore one can speak of one central place which acted as a hub for political, cultural and religious life. Chinese pre-industrial city centres had however two squares, functionally and spatially separated (♦ 3.14). The local Yamen (administrative centre) was often placed in the geometrical centre. It lacked accessibility and was thus more symbolic to local residents. It was to honour the centralized monarchy. The civic centre, however was often a combination of commercial streets and a few public buildings. The commercial streets provided a good scale for pedestrians. Canopies along the street edge protected people from rain and hot summer sun. The more exclusive semi-private areas were placed in a back building behind a courtyard. This pattern created many ♦ 3.14 The two city centres in China. Today the cities are known for numerous centres. ♦ 3.15 Baziqiao, a commercial area in Shaoxing, Zhejiang Province. yamen civic center 5 156 157 Natural ventilator The valley, bamboo hills and water ponds will have an interesting effect on the everyday living quality and especially the air quality of the site. Since Chengdu has practically no winds, alternatives need to be fostered, the landscape can work as a natural ventilator for the new build areas. Build areas have higher temperatures, which is called the heat-island effect, and a lower air pressure, than the landscape. The water ponds will cool air and enforce circulation of air. From the landscape a cool and humid airflow will work as a natural ventilator in the city (♦ 4.56). So, the valley ,the bamboo hills and water ponds will form retreatment and refreshment areas, both socially as ecologically on the site. Upgrading existing network The existing roads connect places in the city and landscape. These well paved streets can be maintained and form an infrastructural framework for the site (♦ 4.57). The existing buildings along these roads, can be integrated in new blocks. These roads will form the primary arteries in the hierarchy. (♦ 4.58, p.159) Therefore a symmetrical profile with a clear distinction between private and public is prescribed. A continuity of the facade, no setback, a (semi-) public first floor and a maximum of 6 stories and mixed land use will provide a flow of people and goods. Bamboo hills and water ponds Another interesting feature of the site are the hills with bamboo forests (Moso bamboo or Phyllostachys pubescens) (♦ 4.55). Besides the spatial quality, bamboo has some major ecological benefits. With its fast growth rate and high annual regrowth after harvesting, the bamboo forest has a high carbon storage potential. A high annual rate of carbon accumulation means that the bamboo forests are one of the most efficient types of forest vegetation for carbon fixation. Bamboo forests have an extensive rhizome system (horizontal stems) , a thick litter layer, highly elastic culms, and a dense canopy. These characteristics give bamboo forests a high capacity for erosion control, soil and water conservation, landslide prevention, protection of riverbanks, and windbreak and shelterbelt potential. Since Chengdu is known for its rainfall and moisture, the bamboo forests can help with this, since they have a strong capacity for rainfall interception and moisture retention. Finally these bamboo hills will form natural ‘oxygen bars’ for the site, and can therefore clean the air and reduce noise. It maintains wildlife biodiversity by providing food and habitat for numerous species of insects in the soil and tree layers, as well as for spiders, butterflies, birds and other higher life forms (Lou et al., 2010). Socially, local residents harvest the bamboo, and use it for a wide range of products. This does not harm the ecological benefits described above. ♦ 4.55). The primary function is to collect water from strong rainfall. As an additional effect the evaporated water cools air and enforces a circulation of the air trough the city on warm summer days. This rain will be collected at the ponds and the vegetation (reed as halophytes) will purify this in a natural way. The sun evaporates this water again, but then cleaned, or the water infiltrates in the aquifer, also cleaned. O2 O2 O2 O2 O2 carbon evaporation water rain water collection polluted ground water in aquifer Grey water rainfall interception reducing moisture L L L H H H H valley water ponds ♦ 4.55 Bamboo hills and water ponds. ♦ 4.57 Existing network. ♦ 4.56 Natural ventilator. 164 165 ♦ 4.66 Different building typologies ♦ 4.65 Final model of development. ♦ 4.65 Rules for development. 1st floor min. 4 m. max. height 18.00 At least one side accessible to public One side at least a Wall min. 7 m.x 7m. court max. 80% build at least 5 m. distance 5m 6m max. 6 m.setback from street. max. 5 plots per developer on 50% max 23 m. 148 149 The Wall itself forms not only a way to accomodate future residents, but One part of the Wall will be worked out in detail in this chapter. The theory part of this thesis recom- mended to form places by enclosing spaces, and take the existing situation as a starting point for design. The building blocks formulated in the theory part form sustainable elements which can continuously take on new functions and can contribute to the ‘soul of the city’, or ‘sense of place’. In this way local people and communities may easier attach meaning to their envi- 6 ♠ Biggest parts of the Wall. 118 119 3.3 LOSS OF THE ORDINARY 3.3.1 Socio-spatial dialectic Heidegger’s notions and the discussed Western conceptions provide a framework to better understand the current Chinese situation in cities. Public places are constantly under social construction by people responding to the opportunities and constraints of their particular locality (Groth and Bressi, 1997; Jive and Larkham, 2003). As people live and work in places, they gradually impose themselves on their environment, modifying and adjusting it to suit their needs and express their values. At the same time, they gradually accommodate both to their physical environment and to the values, attitudes and behaviour of people around them: the socio-spatial dialectic (Soja, 2000). People are slowly but constantly modifying and reshaping places, and places are constantly coping with change and influencing their inhabitants. 3.3.2 Radical transformation in China This thesis argues that it is precisely at this point where problems start in Chinese public spaces. China’s urban development over the past five decades has been the direct outcome of national political strategizing, state articulation and reconfiguration, and shifts in global capital accumulation. In the last twenty years, some 225 million rural people have flocked to China’s coastal cities (McKinsey, 2008). As a result, the cities have been confronted with radical transformation on an unprecedented scale and at an extraordinary rate, mostly neglecting the existing context (♦ 3.7). In 1998 alone some 27 million people moved from the countryside to China’s cities, more than the sum of all European immigration to America between 1820 and 1920. In Shanghai alone, more than 80 million square metres of commercial floor space was erected between 1990 and 2004 – the equivalent of 334 Empire State Buildings (Campanella, 2009). This hasn’t come without a cost. Campanella recalls that ‘China has razed more old neighbourhoods ♦ 3.7 tills from the Urban void series by Ai Wei Wei. - and displaced more urban residents - than any nation in peacetime’. In Shanghai, ‘more people were displaced by redevelopment in the 1990s alone than by thirty years of urban renewal in the entire United States’, according to Campanella. Superimposing Le Corbusier Spatially this has led to an explicit rejection of the street (♦ 3.8) - the traditional public space in China - in favour of functionally distinct travel ways, dispersed towers and loosely defined open space. Inspired by the Modern Movement, the superblock is becoming the unit of inner-city development, even as the block itself begins to fragment and lose its definition. The street is reinterpreted as a set of distinct pathways segregated in space according to the speed and mode of travel they support (Abramson, 2008) (♦ 3.9 ♦ 3.10). It is in fact the superimposing of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin over the existing urban fabric, leading to a mix of contrasting urban forms. This process is associated with land speculation and physical planning controls. This results in scattered forms of land development, containing a heterogeneous mix of urban and rural employment and land-use. Traditional forms are closely situated next to high-rise apartment blocks: A Neo-Corbusion landscape. ♦ 3.8 42 storeys of apartments, Tung Chung, Hong Kong. 5 5 5 130 131 orientation. This overall orthogonal model, which was a result from the Zhouli theory, had as much influence as other more local factors such as topography, climate and population. Hierarchy on every scale This hierarchy was implemented on every scale (♦ 3.18). From city scale to the most private parts of the house. For example, this led to a fish-bone or tree-like structure in the hutongs in Beijing (Yang, 2004). These are hierarchical systems leading from the public to the very private. Lanes, usually running east-west, and alleyways are used to connect neighbourhoods, very few large open spaces were not used by the public. Commercial activities were prohibited, and the centralized government showcased there their power. The predominantly linear public space demanded transverse elements that could create manageable sections. Decorative gates were used to break the linearity. 3.4.4 Hierarchy Chinese pre-industrial cities are hierarchical organized. This hierarchy was the result of a written code which specified a set of rules for an ideal city. The rules were not only about general city lay out but also with specific dimensions, heights, materials, decorations and colours of the buildings. It reflected a ‘good’ society according to Confucian doctrine. Which in first sight seemed to be a chaos was in fact a very organized hierarchical system. Influence of an orthogonal model The general lay-out of ancient cities in Europe, like Athens and Rome were often a collage of highly individualized volumes and irregular left- over spaces. No overall spatial hierarchy could be found. Most medieval and renaissance towns shared some common elements. It displayed many non-orthogonal configurations of public space like amphitheatres, piazzas, radial streets. Overall the towns show a high variety of architecture and urban layout. In contrast, cities in China exhibited a certain similarity in general layout. Several features distinguishes it from European cities. Major circulation routes, like streets and canals, tended to form a orthogonal, hierarchical network in the shape of a “+”, “T”, or a “#” grid (♦ 3.17). Also the network was oriented toward the primary directions. The most important street, was a major axis which often ran north to south and the building orientation suggest that south was the most important side of the city. The administrative centre, was often located near the crossing point of the “+”, “T”, or a “#”. Finally buildings were quite uniform in their rectangular plan and primary ♦ 3.16 The linear public space. yamen church ♦ 3.17 The orthogonal model. ♦ 3.18 Hierarchy on every scale. 5 158 159 4.4.2 Series of enclosed worlds What results is a framework build up from the existing situation. The next steps will interpret the building blocks formulated in the theory part in this particular site. Linearity The main intervention is adding new lanes to the infrastructural network, by placing these in a east-west direction (♦ 4.59). These lanes will follow the terraces, and will mimic the rice paddies. These south facing streets will take full advantage of sunshine in winter and prevailing winds in summer. These roads will form the secondary arteries focused on the flows of daily life. An asymmetrical profile emphasizes this (♦ 4.60, p.150). A transition zone of 5 metres which can contain porches, veranda’s and front yards, with in the street public spaces consisting of sitting elements, planting, vendors and street stalls. To improve the interaction between street and block within every 7 metres there need to be an entrance. First floors are accessible with shops, restaurants, teahouses or other semi-public facilities. The blocks are recognizable and controllable entities. 3 2 5 1 7 3 2 7 - symetrical profile - continuity facade - no setback - transparency 1st floor - max 5 stories - land use mix - max 12 m between each entrance - max 25% open space on plot ♦ 4.59 Secondary arteries. ♦ 4.58 Primary arteries. 166 167 ♦ 4.65 Final model of development. 140 141 Misinterpretation The cause of these problems may be a misinterpretation of the Chinese perception of space and the ignoring of the tangible signs of the past. The result is a loss of meaningful public places. The misinterpretation seem to be derived from a Western perception of public space, hence the baroque axis, the Parisian boulevards, the mod- ernistic extensions with apartment blocks, symmetric and uniform designs of squares and the popularity of big architectural western manifestoes (Yang and Volkman, 2010; Miao, 2011; Yu and Padua, 2007; Ren, 2011; Abramson, 2008; Olds, 2001). There is however a fundamental difference that cannot be ignored. Western culture makes a separation between built environment and nature and breaks it up into bigger pieces, distributing it on important nodes in the vertical city. Thus strengthening the importance of individuality. On the contrary, when learning from Chinese culture, Confucian values, which are still deeply rooted in today’s society, prescribe Therefore it can also be argued that, the ‘Vertical Cities Asia’ as a starting point of the competition, is a contradiction, biased by western perspectives on cities (♦ 3.33). Cultural perceptions of space, like linearity, hierarchy, unity, human scale and enclosure are being neglected. 3.4.8 Understanding Chinese cities Overall it can be concluded that Chinese traditional cities are conceived both as a whole, tend to look like a chaos, but are usually based on a plan which is consistently applied on the existing topography. It is a collective work of art, in contrast with the individual way of building in western cities. A few principles are systematically applied following precedents established long before. This has evolved for centuries. Only until recently, they have been exposed to foreign models. Even the modern word for city changed from cheng (wall) to chengshi, which is a composite of the words walls and market. Almost as an expression of the new found relationship with the global market. Although this new found relationship has brought variations and freedom influencing what has been an almost closed architectural style, it also produced a difficult relationship between the traditional principles and the contemporary forms (Hee, 2007). A few examples illustrates this. Contemporary urban projects in China have since 1980 been characterized by large-scale demolition of existing buildings and pedestrian streets (♦ 3.28). Public space is not linearly orga- large dimensioned squares to showcase the governments accomplishments (♦ 3.29 ♦ 3.30). A study found that the 12 squares in the largest Chinese cities had an average of nearly 13 hectares (Wang, 2002). The relation towards the street is also fundamentally different, with parking lots and high-rise apartments (♦ 3.31). The buildings itself are more conceived as individual objects, instead of being part of an urban context (Zhu, 2003, p. 9). ♦ 3.30 1.4 km long Olympic Boulevard Beijing. ♦ 3.31 Sidewalk condition Shanghai. ♦ 3.29 versized open space Changzhou. ♦ 3.28 Ignoring existing topography. ♦ 3.32 The basic premise of the Vertical Cities Asia is 'Vertical'. 5 152 153 4.4.1 Existing context Public transport parameters The first parameters in the design are based on the public transport as backbone of the wall (♦ 4.52). On the particular site there are 3 metro stations planned. A radius of 500 metres sets the maximum allowed building area, in order to maintain a maximum of 10 minute walk from house to metro station. Valley The second step is to build up a framework based on the existing landscape and building structure on the site (♦ 4.53). The landscape on the chosen part of the wall has some interesting features. It is made up of a terraced agricultural landscape which produces rice, wheat, vegetables, beef, pork, tea, medicinal herbs, tobacco and silk. The site has a significant difference in heights which goes from 560 metres to almost 610 metres. Central on the site is a valley with a high production in grain (♦ 4.54). The first articulation of the framework is articulating the topography. This valley will be maintained and will form a new green and lush backbone on the site. During summer this valley will form impressive yellow colours, due to the growing of the grain, while in winter a nice green valley will emerge. It changes colour with the harvesting. The valley can form a natural park system throughout the site. ♦ 4.52 Public transport parameters. ♦ 4.53 Landscape structure. ♦ 4.54 Valley. 124 125 To the contrary, several other authors argue that modernization of Chinese cities more and more ignores to form a tangible framework ‘to dwell’. The relationship of people and their interactions with it. For example Chen & Romice (2009) and Abramson (2008) argue that it leads to a decline of the quality and use of ordinary public places, and on a subconscious level to a feeling that cities are becoming ‘placeless’. Byung-Eon (2011, p. 4) diagno- ses that ‘the capitalized modernization of China leads to a loss of authen- tic meaning in the characters’ daily lives, thus distancing them from their social and natural environments.’ Echo of 80s and 90s This recent Chinese critique can be seen as an echo of earlier Western critiques in especially the 80s and 90s with a more negative tone on the modern metropolis (♦ 3.12). Several authors linked the latest developments in modern urban space to a rhetoric of the loss of place. For example, Cac- ciari (1993) means that a radical alienation, the alienation from a place, is the basis of all developments within modernism. According to Virilio (1982) cities become more and more ‘passages, as it were permanent transit spaces’. A network space replaces thus the logics of a place. Augé (1992) confirms this diagnosis of increasing placelessness, by stating that recognizable places, that are meaningful for her inhabitants, come under pressure due to the increasing importance of non-places, like airports and parking places. Sorkin (1992) as well means that recent developments de-attach cities from their geographical location. The new city, according to Sorkin, is based on a ‘disappearance of stable relations with a physical and cultural geography of a place’, on a ‘weakening of the ties with any particular place’. This wave of publications has made it seem as if (public) places has suffered permanent erosion and loss of quality, and is no longer a matter of concern to designers. However, several authors discussed in this chapter acknowledged the crucial importance of a place for everyday life. But is it still possible to design ‘places’, especially in a radically transforming Chinese urban society, with more and more ‘non-places’? How to escape from this paradoxical situation? Or in Heideggers terms, how to re-unite the body and the material world? 3.3.4 Body and environment One of the clues to answer this question is the notion that, the way people (Aravot, 2002). Therefore, in order to improve or create ‘places’, a broader view on the environment and the human body becomes significant. The significance of perception of space is underpinned by Merlau-Ponty. He stated that rather than a mind and a body, man is a mind with a body, a being who can only get to the truth of things because its body is, as it were, embedded in those things (Merleau-Ponty, 2004). Merleau-Ponty emphasized the fundamental role of perception in understanding the world as well as interacting with it. Our body becomes the medium to know and experience our surrounding physical environment and therefore the experience is dependant to each individual. Not only our own body, but previous experiences, cultural background and expectations influence significantly our spatial perception as well. Perceptual experience of space Therefore the perceptual experience of space represents a key issue in the success of any urban design. This is even more important since according to several authors Chinese people, more than Western people, tend to see the world in a perceptual and intuitive way (Xiaodong and Kang Shua, 2007). The quality of urban space is ultimately determined by the extent to which it is able to provide answers to specific questions at all levels of scale. Space and the perception of it is the starting point of urban design. This is different than the recent urbanization in the Neo-Corbusion landscape where ♦ 3.12 The cover illustration on Cullen's book shows a man in a 'non-place' environment drawing a compact city. Cullen: 'A victim of the prairie planning traces out his public protest, the reminder of a properly concentrated town,' And 'the diagram city has been split into parts ( ... ) all that remains is to join them so that we can build the house of man.' 5 160 161 Hierarchy What results is a hierarchical system leading from the public to the very private. The hierarchy is emphasised by varying the width of the lanes so that, in general, they become narrower as they become shorter and closer to the houses. Within this framework building plots can be pointed out (♦ 4.61). This framework makes the spatial and social readable and transparent. Different programs can emphasise this hierarchy, with around the valley a mixed program of living and leisure (♦ 4.62). The main arteries carry com- merce, offices and dwellings, while the secondary arteries are mainly dwellings. At strategic spots, meaning where landscape, main arteries and metro stations come together, special buildings can form focus points. - transition zone 5 m ( porches, veranda’s, frontyard) - 3-4 stories - asymetrical profile - height differences - max 7 m. between each entrance - sitting elements - land use mix - vendors and street stalls - planting as space- makers yamen ♦ 4.60 Secondary arteries, asymetrical profile. ♦ 4.61 Building plots. ♦ 4.62 Program. Linearity ♣ ♣ ♣ Principles for designing public space yamen Hierarchy ♣ ♣ Unity ♣ ♣ Human scale ♣ ♣ Enclosure ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 110 111 Research question Therefore it is crucial to learn from the current state of knowledge about and what makes it meaningful for everyday life. Both in existing situations as in new urban designs. Therefore this chapter aims to answer the question what are recommendations for designing public places that serve local residents’ and community everyday needs, in order to improve the spatial quality of these places in Chinese cities? 3.1.2 Theory structure Remarkably, according to several scholars, there is a common urgent notion, but still a lack of contemporary Chinese literature and research about this subject (Miao, 2011; Zhu, 2003; Chen and Romice, 2009). However, several Western authors have written about making meaningful places and also China has a profound collection of classic architectural literature about the subject. In 2000 oped its perception of space, both in urban as in rural settings, and its meaning for everyday life. Therefore classic Chinese literature about the perception of public space will be discussed. Public places are in this thesis understood as spaces that mainly serve local residents’ and community everyday needs. The places do not necessarily have important landmarks, icons or other major symbolic structures, or are serving one dominant function, like highways and shopping malls. Accord- ing to Miao (2011), these places in China are predominantly small places (<2 ha) in large amounts scattered through the urban fabric, such as pocket parks (♦ 3.1), small squares and courtyards. It can also be a linear space like a pedestrian street. ♦ 3.1 A Pocket park in Hong Kong. 5 spatial quality of public places, has not been improved proportionally ‘the main cause is tactless reconstruction’. piece of open private space, A horizontal human key principle of enclosure, hills with bamboo forests the everyday living quality natural ventilator rainfall interception and moisture ‘oxygen bars’ for the site, infrastructural framework The main intervention is adding new lanes t south facing streets hierarchical system leading from the public to the very private. collectivity By placing on the edges, bottom-up development. The existing water ponds form water storages and air purifiers vegetation for carbon fixation. Space is fundamentally perceived like a series of enclosed worlds, and the smaller units repeat on a reduced scale the forms of the larger one ( ♦ 3.25 ). ♦ 3.25 Series of enclosed worlds. It thus makes a series of walled enclosures. Chinese word for city and wall (cheng) was the same. Walls are the most prominent physical manifestation of enclosure, Space is never an absolute ‘object’, and for this reason it necessitates movement, a going into space itself, rather than a viewing of space from the outside and from a distance. The enclosing of space is appreciated in terms of movement from one space to another; it is dynamic. Space is therefore experienced trough a crossing of various enclosures and different spatial sequences. The next space is always unpredictable which creates a sense of mystery ( ♦ 3.26 ♦ 3.27 ). It thus presents space little by little ( ♦ 3.27 ). This principle of enclosure is central to the perception and appreciation of ordinary public space. ♦ 3.27 Presenting space little by little. both as a whole, tend to look like a chaos, the existing topography. It is a collective Public space is not linearly orga - ception of space public space, a unity between manmade open space and nature and blends it into smaller pieces distributed evenly throughout a human scaled and horizontal city. It thus strengthens the importance of family and kinship. the ‘Vertical Cities Asia’ contradiction, biased by western e based on the public transport build up a framework based on the existing landscape valley natural park system derived from a Western perception of a misinterpretation of the Chinese per - nized anymore, mostly neglecting existing topography and designed with large dimensioned squares scaled city individuality absolute deathblow of public life how to foster public life in urban places and to understand what is a ‘place’ In 2000 years of architectural history, China progressively devel - oped its perception of space small places it is precisely at this point where problems start confronted with radical transformation radical urbanization has not only changed the environment, but also the relationship of people and their interactions with it. ordinary public places, distancing t echo of earlier Western But is it still possible to design ‘places’, especially in a radically transforming Chinese urban society, One of the clues to answer this question is the notion that, the way people use and value places is highly influenced by their perception of space perceptual experience of space represents a key issue in the success of any urban design. spectacle and the object, than on space itself. ‘image’. d how a culture perceives and formulates the idea of space The essential differences 'Chinese values' - Confucian p harmony with nature. series of key elements accumulated evolution, ( Linearity ), ( Hierarchy ), ( Unity ), ( Human scale ) ( Enclosure ). roots of the experience of public space in China. small, scattered places and linear streets are crucial. a linear form, backward motion. forward or hierarchical organized. d on every scale - and displaced more urban residents - than any nation in peacetime’. explicit rejection of the street ( Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin People are slowly but constantly modifying and reshaping places, and places are constantly coping with change ♦ 3.3 T'ao Ku Presenting a Lyric to Ch'in Jo-lan T'ang Yin (1470-1532), Ming Dynasty. 2.4 metres 144 145 Linearity ♣ small scattered ♣ network of streets ♣ public space is the street Principles for designing public space yamen Hierarchy ♣ hierarchical system ♣ similarity in volumes Unity ♣ collective inward ♣ focus on family Human scale ♣ small scattered private spaces ♣ horizontal city Enclosure ♣ space is perceived as a series of walled enclosures ♣ presenting space little by little ♣ form meaningful places by enclosing spaces ♣ local context determines outcome The Wall | Jasper Nijveldt | Archiprix | 003 ♠ Photos of the site. 5 168 169 New township within the Wall adaptable to the market. It offers a series of enclosed worlds with humanly scaled courtyards, gardens, and small open areas. The township looks rather chaotic from a bird’s-eye perspective, but at eye-level shows a movement 182 183 ♦ 4.73 Birds eye of the spine. 214 215 ♦ 4.90 Small public space and teahouse. 222 223 ♦ 4.94 Private courtyard. 206 207 ♦ 4.87 Model 196 197 ♦ 4.80 1:200 192 193 ♦ 4.78 1:500 170 171 ♦ 4.66 Existing terraced landscape structure with paddy fields. 186 187 ♦ 4.75 Birds eye 216 217 ♦ 4.91 Alley 224 225 ♦ 4.95 Bedroom. 172 173 ♦ 4.67 New possible development. 190 191 ♦ 4.77 Inzoom 218 219 ♦ 4.92 Overlooking water pond and existing building. 7 REFLECTION As a Western designer it is almost impossible to fully understand the evolution of Chinese cities and to fix its value for today’s rapidly changing projecting a radical idea of the Wall around the city, but also tried to understand the complexity and evolution of Chinese cities in order to 198 199 Also in materialization this can be emphasised. Rainwater runs on 1 metre wide water gutters in public space trough the enclosed worlds to the water catchment ponds (♦ 4.81). These water gutters are filled with stones and marbles, therefore intensifying the sound of the streaming water (♦ 4.82). This has a cooling and calming effect on micro level. The walls itself can be build from white concrete blocks. This maximizes sunshine reflection and keeps the adjacent spaces cool in the summer. Indigenous plants like Ligus- trum wallichii, Liriope spicata and Aconitum carmichaeli and herbs like Gentiana scabra, Duchesnea indica contain healing effects for body and air and function like natural incense (♦ 4.83 p.190). Bamboo screens can further subdivide spaces. By planting differently in colour and effect in each space, the sequence of enclosed worlds will also be emphasised with touch and smell. The pavement can be made of brick baked from the local soil. This results in a colour range from dark brown to yellow and grey. Grey water Water tank Wall water transport system Black water Clarification plant Storage + first filter Primary sedimentation Clean gutter Planted trench filter Chinese citronella grass Chengdu water system hylophytes and gravel Clean air Helophytes Storage ponds ♦ 4.81 Water cleaning system 210 211 4.4.3 Walking from metro to bedroom From eye-level this results in a sequence of walled enclosures. Movement through these walled world forms the key experience of space. Space is experienced trough a crossing of various enclosures and different spatial sequences. The next space is always unpredictable which creates a sense of mystery. It thus presents space little by little. 174 175 ♦ 4.69 Birds eye perspective 220 221 ♦ 4.93 Collective space with water gutter. 204 205 ♦ 4.85 Public space section water gutter ♦ 4.86 Public space section Bamboo screen The township is formed by the existing characteristics of the location, and holds an interpretation of fundamental perceptual principles of Chinese culture. This new township can grow or even shrink easily and is highly adaptable to the market. It offers a series of enclosed worlds with humanly scaled courtyards, gardens, and small open areas. The township looks rather chaotic from a bird’s-eye perspective, but at eye-level shows a movement of mystery and a human experience of space. little by little. The next space is always unpredictable, which creates a sense from the very public all the way to the private bedroom. Space is presented rienced via a crossing of various enclosures and different spatial sequences; through a clearly understandable series of enclosed worlds. Space is expe - intensifying the sound of the streaming water cooling and calming effect o This maximizes sunshine reflection natural incense with touch and smell. The pavement From eye-level this results in a sequence of walled enclosures. Movement through these walled world forms the key experience of space. Space is experienced trough a crossing of various enclo - sures and different spatial sequences. The next space is always unpredictable which creates a sense of mystery. It thus presents space little by little. 194 195 ♦ 4.79 Section 1:500. Movement through enclosed worlds. 228 229 7 REFLECTION As a Western designer it is almost impossible to fully understand the evolution of Chinese cities and to fix its value for today’s rapidly changing society, but somehow current urbanization tends to neglect some principles that shaped Chinese cities for centuries. Today, public space is not organized in a linear way, and tends to neglect existing topography with a view to designing large over-dimensioned spaces. The relation towards the street is also often problematic. The buildings themselves are more and more conceived of as individual objects, instead of being part of an urban context. Is falling back on historical city-forming principles a useful step in the rapid modernization of urban China? In China the re-creation of traditional districts is becoming widespread, but mostly with local identity becoming an ornament displayed to attract tourists rather than to shelter communities. Space is seen as an autonomous phenomenon that does no more than form a static ‘image’ that looks historical. This often leads to closed, sometimes authoritarian, and brittle places. This project did not consider the historical image as being useful, but rather the older perceptual principles. Overall, my project tried to not only deal with global urgent issues by projecting a radical idea of the Wall around the city, but also tried to understand the complexity and evolution of Chinese cities in order to render a present-day spatial experience of public spaces. It thereby attempts to contribute to the discussion about the state and future of Chinese cities and its public spaces. I believe the one solution does not exist, but the attitude of investigating with a certain rigor current issues and connecting at the same time our knowledge and design skills to a local context, the designer can play a crucial role again in the process of creating our cities. The Wall | Jasper Nijveldt | Archiprix | 004 CRUCIAL DETAIL Coated steel gutter let water fall from walls. When it rains small waterfalls appear Concrete Gravel Helophytes Prefab concrete with constructed gutter Water Gravelbed ♦ 4.82 Inzoom water cleaning system. ♠1:10 Catchment and natural cleaning of rainwater. Materialization