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The Power of Local Networks: Returnee Entrepreneurs, School Ties, and Firm Performance Elena Obukhova* MIT Sloan School of Management Yanbo Wang* Boston University School of Management Jizhen Li Tsinghua University School of Economics and Management *The first two co-authors have contributed equally to the paper and their names appear in alphabetical order. Jizhen Li provided valuable contribution in field research, data collection and overall project development. For correspondence, please write to Elena Obukhova at <[email protected] > or Yanbo Wang at <[email protected] >. Acknowledgements: The research was partially funded by research support to Elena Obukhova from the Edward B. Roberts Entrepreneurship Center Fund, MIT Sloan and to Jizhen LI from National Natural Science Foundation of China (Project No. 71273152) and Tsinghua University. We received helpful suggestions on this paper from Olav Sorenson and participants in the MIT Economic Sociology Working Group.

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Page 1: Power oflocalnetworks

The Power of Local Networks:

Returnee Entrepreneurs, School Ties, and Firm Performance

Elena Obukhova*

MIT Sloan School of Management

Yanbo Wang* Boston University School of Management

Jizhen Li

Tsinghua University School of Economics and Management

*The first two co-authors have contributed equally to the paper and their names appear in alphabetical order. Jizhen Li provided valuable contribution in field research, data collection and overall project development. For correspondence, please write to Elena Obukhova at <[email protected]> or Yanbo Wang at <[email protected]>. Acknowledgements: The research was partially funded by research support to Elena Obukhova from the Edward B. Roberts Entrepreneurship Center Fund, MIT Sloan and to Jizhen LI from National Natural Science Foundation of China (Project No. 71273152) and Tsinghua University. We received helpful suggestions on this paper from Olav Sorenson and participants in the MIT Economic Sociology Working Group.

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The Power of Local Networks:

Returnee Entrepreneurs, School Ties, and Firm Performance

Returnee entrepreneurs—those who establish new ventures in their native developing countries

after studying or working in developed economies—appear to perform no better than

homegrown entrepreneurs. This is particularly surprising given the advantage they should gain

from the human and social capital they acquire abroad. While research has sought the solution to

this puzzle in institutional conditions in returnees’ home countries, little attention has been

devoted to the role of local social networks. In this study, we provide evidence that the lack of

social networks in the region where the venture is located contributes to this “returnee-liability.”

Using a unique, hand-coded dataset on Chinese high-technology firms in Beijing, we document

that ventures established by returnee entrepreneurs underperform homegrown ones and that

returnee entrepreneurs with more school ties in the region where their new ventures are located

are less disadvantaged, relative to homegrown entrepreneurs, than those who have fewer school

ties there. These findings expand our understanding of returnee entrepreneurs, as well as provide

important new evidence for the role of social networks in new venture creation.

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The Power of Local Networks:

Returnee Entrepreneurs, School Ties, and Firm Performance

Returnee entrepreneurs— those who establish new ventures in their native developing

countries after studying or working in developed economies—appear to perform no better than

homegrown entrepreneurs (Obukhova 2009; Li et al. 2012; see also Amsden and Chu 2003 and

Breznitz 2005). This is particularly surprising given the advantage they should gain from the

human and social capital they acquire overseas (e.g., Saxenian and Hsu 2001; Saxenian 2006;

Dai and Liu 2009; see also Drori, Honig, and Wright 2009). For example, a returnee’s overseas

experience might help her identify business opportunities that homegrown entrepreneurs have

missed. In addition, she had opportunities while abroad to develop tacit knowledge of advanced

technologies and management practices that are unavailable in the developing economies. She

might also have been able to build internationally recognizable credentials and develop personal

relationships that might make it easier back home to mobilize the resources needed for a new

venture.

Research has sought the solution to this puzzle in institutional factors in the returnee

entrepreneur’s home country (e.g., Chen 2008; Obukhova 2011, 2012; Li et. al. 2012). Some

scholars have argued that returnee entrepreneurs might lack legitimacy in the developing

economy (Obukhova 2011; also see Wang 2012). It is plausible that because of the time

returnees have spent overseas or their potential commitments to overseas actors (such as their

foreign investors), resource-controlling actors in the returnee’s home country might view her as a

less desirable exchange partner, which would make it harder for a returnee entrepreneur to

mobilize resources. Other scholars have documented the lack of fit between returnee

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entrepreneurs’ new ventures and the institutional environment in the home country (Chen 2008;

Obukhova 2012). It is plausible that because of their time overseas, returnees are more likely to

adopt strategies and organizational practices that are well suited to developed economies but

poorly suited to the institutional environments of their home countries, which might negatively

affect their new ventures’ performance.

While these institutional mechanisms have attracted the most attention, there is also a

strong theoretical rationale for expecting returnee entrepreneurs to be hindered by having smaller

or less effective social networks in the region where they establish their new ventures than their

homegrown counterparts. We know that entrepreneurs’ social networks are an important factor

in the performance of new ventures (Burton, Sorensen, and Beckman 2002; Shane and Stuart

2002; Stuart and Sorenson 2005, 2008). For nascent entrepreneurs, prior working experiences in

the region provide important opportunities to build social networks there (Sorenson and Audia

2000; Dahl and Sorenson 2012). However, those who are not in the region prior to establishing

their new ventures might miss out on opportunities to build local social networks. Thus, we

might expect that institutional differences aside, a venture established by an entrepreneur who

has been away from the region where she is starting that venture is likely to perform worse than

ventures established by those who have been in the region all along (Dahl and Sorenson 2012).

In this study, we provide empirical evidence that the lack of local social networks helps

explain why returnee entrepreneurs perform no better than homegrown ones. To do so, we

examine the variation in access to local social networks among returnee entrepreneurs. We

argue that those who before their time abroad had experiences in the region that were likely to

lead to formation of local social network, when they come back are more likely to have social

networks or will find it easier to create new social networks. In particular, we focus on school

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ties—relationships to students, faculty and administrators affiliated with the university a returnee

attended before going overseas—that can be an important resource for entrepreneurs (Roberts

1991; Lerner and Malmednier 2007; Kacperszyk 2011). Thus we expect that those returnee

entrepreneurs who had experiences in the region that were likely to lead to formation of school

ties in the region where their new ventures are located are less disadvantaged, relative to

homegrown entrepreneurs, than those returnees who did not have these experiences .

Our analysis proceeds in three steps. We begin by confirming that the returnee

entrepreneurs in our sample perform no better (and in fact, on average, worse) than homegrown

entrepreneurs. Then, we show that, consistent with our argument about the power of local social

networks, those returnee entrepreneurs who attended a university in the region—and whom we

might expect to have more school ties there—are less at a disadvantage compared to homegrown

entrepreneurs than those who attended a university elsewhere. To rule out the possibility that

institutional factors at the university level account for our results, we show that among returnee

entrepreneurs who attended an educational institution in the region where they start their new

ventures, those who attended educational institutions with larger alumni networks—and whom

we might expect to have more school ties in the region—are less disadvantaged, relative to

homegrown entrepreneurs, then those who attended educational institutions with smaller alumni

networks.

Our study uses a unique hand-coded dataset on Chinese high-technology firms in Beijing,

about a quarter of which were founded by returnee entrepreneurs. Our site has a number of

important advantages for this study. Beijing has the best institutional environment for high-tech

entrepreneurship in China, including China’s first high-tech park, generous government support,

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and plentiful human capital (Segal 2003; Fan, Wang, and Zhu 2010). This makes Beijing a

strategic site for our study, because the city attracts returnees from all over China, including

those who have attended universities elsewhere. This also means that Beijing is a conservative

site in which to evaluate our argument. We might expect that because Beijing has well-

developed formal institutions supporting entrepreneurship, entrepreneurs there would have less

need to rely on local social networks than in less developed cities. If we find that returnee

entrepreneurs need regional embeddedness to perform well even in Beijing, the same pattern is

likely to hold in the rest of the country where such institutions are less developed.

THEORY AND HYPOTHESES

Although early theoretical work has predicted that returnees should have important

advantages over homegrown entrepreneurs because of the unique resources acquired overseas

(e.g., Saxenian and Hsu 2001; Saxenian 2006; Dai and Liu 2009; see also Drori, Honig, and

Wright 2009), the weight of the empirical evidence to date suggests that returnees perform no

better, and frequently worse, than homegrown entrepreneurs. While some returnee-

entrepreneurs have established ventures with stellar performance attracting widespread media

attention, no systematic study has found that returnee entrepreneurs outperform domestic ones.1

Instead, research among Chinese returnee entrepreneurs suggests that returnee-firms might

actually underperform homegrown entrepreneurs’ firms (Obukhova 2009; Li et al. 2012).

Furthermore, even in the Taiwanese IT industry, which provided fertile ground for early

theorizing on the advantages of returnee entrepreneurs (e.g., Hsu 1997; Saxenian and Hsu 2001),

1 Dai and Liu (2009) claim to find that Chinese returnee entrepreneurs outperform homegrown ones, but the empirical results they present do not actually address this issue.

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both Amsden and Chu (2003) and Breznitz (2005) find little evidence suggesting that returnees

have been more successful than homegrown entrepreneurs.

Research has identified two related but distinct institutional mechanisms that seem to

contribute to this “returnee liability.” The first mechanism is the returnee entrepreneur’s lack of

legitimacy in the developing economy (Obukhova 2011).2 It is plausible that, because of the

time a returnee has spent overseas or her potential commitments to overseas actors (such as her

foreign investors), resource-controlling actors in the returnee’s home country might view her as a

less desirable exchange partner. For example, Obukhova (2011) argues that, in China, state

actors view returnee firms as less legitimate partners in achieving state goals such as

development, employment, technological self-sufficiency, and military security. As a result,

state actors might withhold resources from ventures established by returnee entrepreneurs unless

these returnee entrepreneurs demonstrate their commitment to the goals of the state. Consistent

with the institutional legitimacy argument, research finds that returnee entrepreneurs in China

who have connections to legitimacy-granting public educational institutions (Chen 2008) or to

state firms (Li et al. 2012) outperform those returnee entrepreneurs who do not.

The second mechanism is the lack of fit between returnee entrepreneurs’ new ventures

and the institutional environment in the home country (e.g., Chen 2008; Obukhova 2012).3 The

institutional environment in the countries where the returnees acquired knowledge and social

networks is considerably different from the institutional environment in the developing economy,

making it costly for returnees-entrepreneurs to adapt to the new environment. For example,

2 In a related stream of research, Wang (2012) shows that the effect of returnee-employees on organizational practices is larger in countries that have lower xenophobia (and vise versa). 3 Interestingly, the early work on returnees actually considered institutional differences as a potential asset for returnee entrepreneurs, because it predicted that returnees will engage in institutional arbitrage (Saxenian and Hsu 2001, Khanna 2007; see also Nanda and Khanna 2010).  

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Chen (2008) argues that many aspects of the industrial-district ecosystems that returnees might

have experienced in the West are largely absent in Beijing. Consistent with Chen’s argument,

Obukhova (2012) finds that, in Shanghai’s semiconductor design industry, returnee

entrepreneurs’ firms suffer from the lack of fit with the local institutional environment in two

ways. First, they often cannot locate skilled engineering labor—which was much easier to find

in the West—and are therefore forced to provide costly on-the-job training. Second, once they

have invested heavily in their labor force, they find it hard to retain workers because of the lack

of institutional support for stock options. Both problems take their toll on the new venture’s

performance.

Toward a network explanation

While these institutional explanations have received the most attention in the literature,

little attention has been devoted to the role that social networks might play in this process. Such

an omission is puzzling because we know that entrepreneurs’ social relationships are an

important factor in the performance of new ventures (Burton, Sørensen, and Beckman 2002;

Shane and Stuart 2002; Stuart and Sorenson 2005, 2008). Having social networks in their

environment helps entrepreneurs to identify new business opportunities. Knowing exchange

partners and having relationships with them can help nascent entrepreneurs to overcome the

problems of information asymmetry and opportunistic behaviors in accessing external resources.

Furthermore, because nascent entrepreneurs often lack legitimacy, social relationships can be an

important signal of quality that helps a nascent entrepreneur mobilize critical resources.

Given the important role of social networks in entrepreneurship, we might expect that

lack of local social networks is one factor that contributes to the poor performance of returnee

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entrepreneurs compared to homegrown ones. We know that working experiences in the region

are an important source of local social networks for nascent entrepreneurs (Sorenson and Audia

2000; Dahl and Sorenson 2012). It is likely that because of their time away from the region,

returnee entrepreneurs have fewer local social networks than homegrown entrepreneurs

Specifically, by being abroad, returnees miss out on opportunities to form new local relationships

which might be useful to their local ventures (Qin 2008). It is also likely that some of their social

networks in the region became weakened or outdated. As a result, when they come back to their

home countries, they might find it difficult to identity business opportunities and mobilize

resources to exploit them.

The social networks arguments presented above provide a baseline prediction for our

research:

Hypothesis 1: Returnee entrepreneurs perform worse than homegrown entrepreneurs.

Because the baseline prediction of our social network mechanism does not differ from

that of two institutional mechanisms discussed above, to provide support for the network

explanation, we focus on the variation in the amount of local social networks among returnee

entrepreneurs. While we might expect that, on average, returnees have fewer social relationships

than homegrown entrepreneurs, we also have plausible reasons to expect that some returnees

have more local social networks than others. Specifically, we expect that a returnee

entrepreneur’s experiences in the region before she went abroad will influence the size of the

local social network she can reactivate once she comes back. Those who had experiences in the

region that were likely to lead to formation of local social network are likely to be less

disadvantaged compared to homegrown entrepreneurs than those who did not have these

experiences. As we discuss below, school ties— relationships to students, faculty and

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administrators affiliated with the university in the home country a returnee attended before going

overseas —provide an important opportunity to test our arguments.

Returnee entrepreneurs, school ties, and firm performance

For nascent entrepreneurs, university experiences are important sources of social

networks. To start, universities foster interaction among individuals, which encourages tie

formation. Specifically, through coursework, living arrangements, and extracurricular activities,

university students have repeated interaction with other students, professors, and staff. Social

relationships (including marriages) are likely to result (Feld 1981, 1982). Furthermore,

affiliation with a university tends to give people a sense of social similarity and common destiny

that can lead to the formation of ties even amongst people who never met while they were there

(Nann et al. 2010; Rider 2011). This means that by attending a university, individuals also

potentially gain access not only to those whom they directly interacted with, but also to a larger

network of those who have worked or studied at the university in the past or will work or study

there in the future.

We also have compelling reasons to expect that school ties can have important

consequences for subsequent entrepreneurship (Roberts 1991; Lerner and Malmednier 2007;

Kacperczyk 2011). University ties are an important source of advice, referrals, and resources—

such as investment and technical information that can shape both an entrerepenur’s strategy and

the subsequent performance of her ventures (Roberts 1991). Research also suggests that one’s

university peers exert social influence on one’s decision to enter entrepreneurship by promoting

transfer of information about new ventures and reducing the uncertainly associated with staring a

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new venture (Kacperczyk 2011). While we might expect that some of the similarities in

outcomes among people who attended the same university are due to selection (Manski 1993),

Lerner and Malmednier (2007) and Shue (2011) demonstrate substantively significant peer

network effects in the context of randomly assigned student groups.

Those returnee entrepreneurs who have attended a university in the region can potentially

re-activate their existing school ties, which should improve their new ventures performance.

Even though ties tend to decay with time (Burt 2000), some ties can remain dormant for a long

period of time and be reactivated when needed (Levin, Walter, Murninghan 2011). Leveraging

their “previously attained common understandings and feelings” (Granovetter 1992:34, cited in

Levin, Walter, Murninghan 2011), individuals can reconnect a past relationship and get access to

valuable resources associated with it. While we have reasons to expect that during their time

away returnees were not able to build new ties, those who have attended a university in the

region should have access to more actual and potential ties that they can re-activate. Because

those who had educational experiences in the region where they start their new ventures are more

likely to have school ties in that region than those who went to a university elsewhere, we

hypothesize that:

Hypothesis 2. Among returnee entrepreneurs, those who attended educational

institutions in the region where they start their new ventures are less disadvantaged, relative to

homegrown entrepreneurs, then those who did not attend educational institutions in that region.

Despite the theoretical reasons to expect that educational experiences help to create social

networks that can be useful in entrepreneurship, we need to consider an alternative institutional

explanation for Hypothesis 2. Many universities provide support for entrepreneurship by former

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alumni; for example, by sponsoring incubators or providing access to university technology.

Research suggests that these institutional supports might influence performance of new ventures

established by faculty and researchers (Murray 2002; Shane 2004; Colyvas and Powell 2006). It

is plausible that these factors would also affect performance of new ventures established by

former students. It is therefore possible that returnee entrepreneurs who have attended an

university in the region where they start their new ventures are better at overcoming returnee-

liability because of such institutional support.

To provide additional support for role of entrepreneur’s local social networks as a factor

that affect new venture’s performance, we examine how size of the alumni network affects

returnees’ new venture performance. that Alumni networks is one type of school tie that is

linked to performance of new ventures(Roberts 1991; Nann et al. 2010). We would expect that

entrepreneurs who attended universities with larger alumni networks have access to more social

capital than those who attended universities with smaller alumni network. However, there is no

reason to expect an association between the size of a university’s alumni network and the

university’s institutional support for entrepreneurship.4 Thus, to the extent that the size of an

alumni network in the region has a positive effect on the performance of the returnee

entrepreneur’s new venture, we might infer that the causal mechanism responsible for the effect

of educational experiences in the region on returnee entrepreneur firm’s performance is

entrepreneur’s local social networks and not the university’s institutional support for

entrepreneurship.

4 In some context this association might be more likely, if for example successful entrepreneurial alumni donate to their alma maters. However, alumni philanthropy is a relatively new phenomenon in China, so this is not a significant factor in our context.

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Hypothesis 3. Among returnee entrepreneurs who attended an educational institution in

the region where they start their new ventures, those who attended educational institutions with

larger alumni networks are less disadvantaged, relative to homegrown entrepreneurs, then those

who attended educational institutions with smaller alumni networks.

DATA

To test our hypotheses, we use a hand-coded dataset of small and medium-sized high-

technology firms in Beijing that had applied in 2005 for prestigious funding awards granted by

the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST). The Innofund is modeled after the U.S. Small

Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program. It was established in 1999 and, by 2010, had

financed 25,855 projects with a total investment of RMB 16.66 billion.5 To qualify as an

applicant, a firm must have business activities in an area of “intensive technology content,” a top

management team composed of scientists or engineers, a minimum of 20 percent of employees

with college degrees, and at least three percent of sales dedicated to R&D activities (Innofund

2010). Over the past decade, most of the grant has gone to companies active in such areas as

electronics and information, biopharmaceuticals, new energy, advanced materials and technology

services. Among the most noteworthy companies to have received financing from fund are some

of China’s industry giants, including Lenovo, Huawei and Suntech Power.

5 The exchange rate in November of 2012 was 1 US$ = 6.24 RMB.

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While our data does not represent a random sample of all high-tech firms in Beijing, it

provides a fairly accurate representation of most active firms engaged in high-technology

activities. Our interviews with grant administrators and firms that have applied for the grant

suggest that firms have both financial and non-financial reasons for applying. The grant amount

for each project generally ranges between RMB 500K and RMB 1 million, with a maximum of

RMB 2 million for key projects. The Innofund is set up in such a way that its recipients

automatically receive matching funds and other contributions from the provinces, the

municipalities and even the science parks in which the firms are located. Once matching funds

and contribution from local government are taken into consideration, grant recipients receive a

considerable financial wherewithal. Furthermore, the award conferees on the firm national

recognition that makes it easier to approach potential customers and investors, negotiate with

local officials, and even to recruit high-skilled labor.

The main advantage of this data source is that, in comparison to other datasets on

returnees (e.g. Dai and Liu 2009; Li et al 2012), Innofund data is has relatively detailed

biographical information about the individual entrepreneur. No previous study of returnee

entrepreneurs had information about the entrepreneur, using the use information about a firm’s

legal representative in lieu of it. In contrast, Innofund applications ask for one individual to be

listed as the entrepreneur, regardless of whether or not she is the firm’s legal representative. In

addition, previous studies have tended to collect information whether this individual is legally

considered as a returnee (in China an individual can apply to be certified as a returnee if she has

spent at least 12 months abroad). In contrast, Innofund application has a biographical

information for each entrepreneur that allows us to identify whether she studied or worked

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abroad. We can use this information to perform a variety of robustness checks on our returnee

variables.

Lastly, we expect that our data is as accurate as other datasets that are based on

information the firms report to government offices. Specifically, each 40-60 page application

that each firm completes includes information about its ownership structure, statistic on R&D

performance, and several measures key indicators of a firm’s financial performance. The

financial statement included in the application reporting a firm’s assets and revenues for both the

year of the application as well as for two years prior to the application, has to be audited by an

accounting firm. Our interviews with Innofund administrators and firms that have applied for

the grant suggest that firms make pain-taking efforts to prepare the application form. We found

that some firms hired outside consultants for help fill out the application. Innofund

administrators told us that they are not concerned about fraud in applications for the grant

because of the high stakes involved in applying for the project.

We employed a team of 5 trained undergraduate students at Tsinghua University to hand-

code these rich data. Hand-coding was necessary because each firm used a different format to

provide biographical information about its entrepreneur; for example, some listed information by

date while others as a short bio sketch. We spent more than 15 hours in training sessions with

students, repeatedly going over problematic data coding cases.

VARIABLES

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We use a firm’s revenue as a proxy of its performance. Revenueln is measured as a natural

logarithm of sum of the total revenue the firm reported in the year of grant application and 1.

While it is important to recognize that firm performance is multidimensional in nature

(Chakravarthy 1986; Venkatraman and Ramanujam 1986), revenue is an ideal measure in our

context for both theoretical and substantive reasons. Theoretically, most startups start their lives

with zero revenue base; this makes revenue a unique and useful way to capture a young firm’s

growth (Eisenhardt and Schoonhoven 1990). Substantively, growing revenue is a common goal

of many entrepreneurs (Eesley and Roberts 2012). Endowed with little resources and legitimacy,

startup firms need revenue to gain financial independence and to signal customer endorsement to

stakeholders (Schoonhoven, Eisenhardt and Lyman 1990).

To test hypothesis 1, we construct a dummy variable returnee entrepreneur equal to 1 if

the entrepreneur studied or worked abroad and 0 otherwise. Because our theoretical focus is on

the time returnees spent away from China, we consider as returnee entrepreneurs those who have

spent time away from China either due to study or due to work. This definition is consistent with

the existent literature (Dai and Liu 2009; Obukhova 2009; Li et al. 2012). Even though fine-

grained information such as the length of overseas tenure is more desirable to capture a

returnee’s loss of embeddedness in the home country, such information is not systematically

available from the Innofund application material.

To test hypothesis 2, we construct a dummy variable - College in Beijing- equal to 1 if

the entrepreneur attended college in Beijing and 0 otherwise. To test hypothesis 3, we construct

a continuous variable Alumni Sizeln measured as the natural logarithm of the sum of the current

undergraduate enrollment of the entrepreneur’s alma mater in Beijing and 1, if the college was

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located in Beijing and 0 otherwise. As Chinese universities rarely publish information on their

alumni size, we use current undergraduate enrollment as a proxy for (relative) alumni size.

Firm performance may be subject to several other influences aside from those arise from

the entrepreneur’s local social networks. Specifically, at the firm level, we control for Assetsln,t-1,

as the natural logarithm of firm asset in a year preceding the year for which performance data

were collected; R&D Expenditureln, as the natural logarithm of the R&D expenditure of the firm

at time t-1; Employeesln, measured as the natural logarithm of the number of employees; Venture

Age, as number of years since founding; Investorsln, as the natural logarithm of the number of

investors; and TMT Sizeln as the natural logarithm of the number of individuals listed in the

application section on top management team.

We also include a number of controls for entrepreneur’s characteristics that could affect

venture performance. We measured Educational Level on a four point-scale coding PhD degree

as “3”, masters degree (including an MBA) as “2”, bachelors degree as “1” and less than a

bachelors degree as “0”. Male was coded as 1 if the founder was male and 0 otherwise.

Entrepreneur Age was coded based on the information about the founder’s birth date. To control

for the quality of the education that an entrepreneur received, we created an ordinal variable

School Ranking on scale of 1 to 10, where the value of 10 was assigned to universities that were

ranked among the top 10 in any of the three popular university rankings in China.6

Lastly, because it is plausible that new venture performance and the importance of local

social networks may vary across industries, we include a series of industry dummy variables for

6 These three rankings are conducted by China Academy of Management Science, NetBig.Com in Shenzhen and China University Alumni Association.

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industry fixed effects. We also add a series of dummy variables in our analysis to control the

type of grant that each firm was applying for, as the applied grant might reflect some otherwise

unobservable firm level characteristics.

RESULTS

The descriptive results provide preliminary support for our hypotheses. Figure 1 shows

the distribution of revenue across different types of entrepreneurs. Given that firms in our

sample are early-stage technology ventures it is not surprising that the distribution of revenue is

skewed downward from a normal distribution.7 The figure also suggests two patterns that are

broadly consistent with our expectations: First, firms established by returnee entrepreneurs

perform worse than those established by homegrown entrepreneurs. Second, firms established

by entrepreneurs with no college experience in Beijing perform worse than those established by

entrepreneurs who attended college in Beijing.

Bivariate correlations presented in Table 1 corroborate these impressions. Consistent

with the existence of “returnee-liability,” we find that the correlations between a entrepreneur’s

returnee status and the firm’s financial performance are negative (-0.173).Consistent with our

expectation that local social networks improve performance, we find that the correlations

between entrepreneur’s attendance of college in Beijing and a firm’s performance are positive

(0.088). Similar positive correlations are also found between firm revenue and other measures of

local school ties.

7 It’s worthwhile of mention that the natural logarithm of revenue is characterized by a normal distribution.  

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We proceed to use ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions to test our hypotheses,

reporting the main results in Table 2. Our Hypothesis 1 stated that returnee entrepreneurs

perform no better than homegrown entrepreneurs. Consistent with this hypothesis, we find that

on average returnee entrepreneurs perform worse than the homegrown ones. Specifically, Model

1 shows that, net of entrepreneur’s and firm’s characteristics, firms established by returnee-

entrepreneurs have lower revenue than firms established by homegrown ones (B = -1.175, S.E.

= 0.574). We also find that larger firms, or firms with more employees and assets in the year

prior to the grant application, have better performance (B = 1.322, S.E. = .358 for Employeesln;

B= .307, S.E. = 0.047 for Assetsln,t-1). We also find that older firms are associated with a higher

level of revenue (B = 0.138, S.E. = .070 for Venture Age).

Hypothesis 2 stated that among returnee entrepreneurs, those who attended educational

institutions in the region where they start their new ventures are less disadvantaged, relative to

homegrown entrepreneurs, then returnees who did not attend educational institutions in that

region. Our results provide support for this hypothesis. Specifically, Model 2 suggests that firms

established by entrepreneurs who attended college in Beijing perform better than firms where the

entrepreneurs did not attend college in Beijing (B = .859; S.E. = 0.453). In Model 3 we add the

interaction term between a returnee entrepreneur and whether she attended college in Beijing. As

predicted by our hypothesis, this interaction effect is positive and statistically significant (B =

2.358; S.E. = 1.021), indicating that returnee entrepreneurs who went to college in Beijing

perform significantly better than returnee entrepreneurs who did not. Additional F-test indicate

that returnee entrepreneurs who went to college in Beijing perform no worse than homegrown

entrepreneurs.

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Furthermore, the comparison between Models 2 and 3 suggests that social networks are

more important for returnee entrepreneurs than for homegrown ones. In contrast to Model 2

where the coefficient for college in Beijing is positive and statistically significant (B=0.859; S.E.

= 0.453), in model 3 once the interaction term between returnee entrepreneur and school ties is

added, whether a founder attended local college or not does not have statistical significance any

longer, even though the coefficient sign remains positive (B=0.267; S.E. = 0.479). This reduction

in the magnitude of the coefficient suggests that social networks as measured by founders

attending a university in Beijing matters most to the returnee entrepreneurs who due to their time

abroad were not able to cultivate local social networks. It is likely that those homegrown

entrepreneurs who did not attend a university in Beijing had worked in Beijing prior to their

entrepreneurial decisions, which gave them an opportunity to develop local social network there.

Hypothesis 3 stated that among returnee entrepreneurs who attended an educational

institution in the region where they start their new ventures, those who attended educational

institutions with larger alumni networks are less disadvantaged, relative to homegrown

entrepreneurs, then those who attended educational institutions with smaller alumni networks.

Our results provide support for this hypothesis. Specifically, Model 4 examines the alumni

network size of each entrepreneur in Beijing and finds empirical evidences supporting our

hypothesis – the coefficient for the interaction term between returnee entrepreneur and the

natural logarithm of his alma mater’s undergraduate enrollment in Beijing is 0.239 and is

statistically significant at the .05 level (S.E. = .110), adding further evidence that school network

is a mechanism through which returnee entrepreneurs overcome their liability.

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ROBUSTNESS CHECK

Our models are robust to a number of alternative specifications for both our dependent

and independent variables (see Table 3). Specifically, we repeated out analyses using the cube

root of profit as an alternative measure of firm performance. We use a cube root instead of a

logarithmic transformation, because many firms in our sample had reported negative profits,

rendering a logarithmic transformation of profit meaningless. As Models 1-4 in Table 3 indicate,

out results remain substantively identical to those using revenue as proxy for firm performances.

We also repeated our analysis using alternative specifications for our key independent

variables. First, we examined alternative definitions of a returnee. Specifically, we coded as

returnees only those individuals who studied abroad, excluding those who only worked abroad. It

is plausible that this second group of individuals might have more qualities that should be

associated with successful entrepreneurship (such as risk-taking and human capital) and thus

they might not suffer from return liability or need local social networks. Model 5 suggests that

these individuals are not exempt from returnee liability and that local school ties help their

venture performance: the coefficient for Returnee Entrepreneur is -1.544 and for the interaction

term Returnee Entrepreneur x Local School Tie is 2.573; they are statistically significant at 0.10

and 0.05 levels respectively.

Second, we examined alternative measurements of local school ties. Model 6 reruns the

analysis of Model 3 in Table 2 but broaden the definition of local school ties by coding an

entrepreneur as having local school ties if he had ever attended any higher education program in

Beijing. Model 7 uses an ordinal measure of school ties to capture potential tie strength

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variations among alumni coming out of different programs. In the Chinese education system,

undergraduates of the same class spend four years together, taking the same classes and living in

the same dormitory; the requirements for graduate programs are much less rigid and thus ties

between graduate students of the same class could be much weaker than ties between the

undergraduate counterparts. Thus, we assigned a score of 2 to founders who attended colleges in

Beijing and 1 to founders who only attended graduate programs but not colleges in Beijing. For

the rest, we assigned a baseline score of 0.

Third, using the location and enrollment size of each entrepreneur’s undergraduate

program, Model 8 classifies entrepreneurs’ local alumni networks into 5 size categories and

rerun the analyses in Model 4 in Table 2. To be specific, we create an ordinal variable that varies

from 0 to 4, with 0 assigned to colleges that are located outside Beijing, and 1 to 4 to Beijing-

based colleges based on the quartile of their undergraduate enrollment among all the Beijing-

based colleges in our sample. In Model 9, we repeat the same exercise but at the cofounder team

level – once again, taken into consideration of potential school overlap among cofounders, and

reruns the analysis in Model 8 in Table 2. While the magnitudes of the coefficient vary across

regressions, all these analyses confirm our main hypothesis that school ties help returnee

entrepreneurs to overcome the liability that arises from their being uproot from the local

environment while being overseas.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Our study has sought to address an important puzzle in out understanding of returnee

entreprneurs: why despite the fact that given the human and social capital returnees build

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overseas is helpful in creation of new ventures in their home countries, returnee entrepreneurs

perform no better than homegrown ones (Obukhova 2009; Li et. al. 2012). While most research

has sought the solution to this puzzle in institutional conditions in returnees’ home countries (e.g.

Chen 2008; Obukhova 2011, 2012; Li et. al. 2012), the key contribution of this paper was to

offer theoretical rational for the relatively novel mechanism that accounts for returnee-liability –

returnee’s lack of social networks in the regions where they start their new ventures. To provide

empirical support for this mechanism, we focused on Chinese high-technology firms in Beijing.

Consistent with our theoretical expectations, we found that while on average ventures established

by returnee entrepreneurs underperform homegrown ones, returnee entrepreneurs who had

experiences in the region that were likely to lead to formation of local social network are less

disadvantaged, relative to homegrown entrepreneurs, than those who did not have these

experiences.

While local social networks are likely to be important for nascent entrepreneurs

regardless of institutional context (Sorenson and Audia 2000; Dahl and Sorenson 2011), it is

important to emphasize that we have reasons to expect that institutional characteristics of China

as a developing economy magnify the importance of local social networks that our research has

identified. Because market institutions in developed economies are not fully developed, access

to critical resources, such as information, capital or raw materials, can be complicated, non-

transparent or simply limited (Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson 2005). Because they can’t rely

on markets, entrepreneurs in developed economies need to maintain extensive social networks to

access these resources (Peng and Heath 1996; Batjargal and Liu 2004; Wang 2009; Taussig

2010). Thus, we might to expect that the in institutional context where local social networks are

less important for new venture success, homegrown entrepreneurs have a smaller advantage

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compared to those whose tenure in the region was interrupted. More research outside of China is

needed to explore the relationship between institutional context and “returnee-liability.”

Our results have important lessons for the literature in international business. It is well-

documented that multinationals companies (MNCs) operating abroad face additional costs,

which can make them less competitive than homegrown firms, a phenomenon referred to as

“liability of foreignness” (Hymer 1960; Zaheer 1995). We know that “liability of foreignness”

is partially due to the institutional differences between MNCs home and host environments and

partially due to the MNC’s lack of familiarity with the environment in the host country (Henisz

and Delios 2004). Consistently with research on MNCs, the results of our study suggest that

local social networks of entrepreneurs, and also likely managers, can be a significant way to

reducing “liability of foreignness” that is due to MNC’s lack of familiarity with the environment

in the host country. Also, somewhat surprisingly, we show that “liability of foreignness” can

occur even among those who had previous exposure to the country, unless these individuals

maintain a viable social network in the host country that can help them to re-embed themselves

once they return.

Lastly, our study has important lessons for the literature on social networks and

entrepreneurship. One of the most enduring findings in this literature has been that most

entrepreneurs start their firm in regions that “spawned” them, the places where she had worked

and lived prior to establishing their new venture (Katona and Morgan 1952; Dahl and Sorenson

2009). This is puzzling since the region that had “spawned” an entrepreneur is likely to be less

favorable for starting a new venture (Sorenson and Audia 2000; Figueiredo et al. 2002). Dahl

and Sorenson (2012) proposed one solution to this puzzle: that starting a firm in the region that

“spawned” her allows the entrepreneur to benefits from her local knowledge and social

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relationships, enhancing her venture’s performance. Our study points to another complimentary

reason: by starting a firm in a region geographically distant from the region that spawned her,

even it is a region where she has previously lived, the entrepreneur runs the risk of lacking

necessary local knowledge and social networks, potentially hurting her ventures performance.

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Figure 1a: Comparison of Revenue between Returnee and Homegrown Entrepreneurs

01

02

03

04

0R

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nue(

Uni

t: M

illon

Yu

an)

HomeGrown Returnee

Figure 1b: Comparison of Revenue between Entrepreneurs with College Experience in Beijing and

Entrepreneurs without College Experience in Beijing

01

02

03

04

0R

eve

nue(

Uni

t: M

illon

Yu

an)

Non-BJ Beijing

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Table 1: Correlation Matrix and Descriptive Statistics for Key Variables (N = 515)

Key Variables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 1 Revenueln 1.000 2 Returnee Entrepreneur -0.173 1.000 3 College in Beijing 0.088 -0.014 1.000 4 College in BeijingTMT 0.094 -0.006 0.536 1.000 5 College in BeijingCofounder 0.123 -0.016 0.773 0.516 1.000 6 Alumni Sizeln 0.084 -0.010 0.994 0.532 0.768 1.000 7 Alumni Size ln,TMT 0.087 0.002 0.479 0.793 0.620 0.479 1.000 8 Alumni Size ln,Cofounder 0.122 -0.023 0.773 0.510 0.993 0.771 0.620 1.000 9 Assetln,t-1 0.548 -0.078 -0.005 0.040 -0.001 -0.007 0.033 0.002 1.000 10 R&D Expenditureln 0.375 -0.081 0.054 0.028 0.015 0.057 0.007 0.021 0.433 1.000 11 Employeesln 0.448 -0.151 0.011 0.007 -0.008 0.019 0.023 -0.001 0.428 0.578 1.000 12 Venture Age 0.376 -0.185 0.043 0.056 0.013 0.047 0.010 0.023 0.503 0.250 0.410 1.000 13 Investorsln 0.050 0.040 0.035 0.029 0.143 0.040 -0.017 0.147 -0.007 0.108 0.048 -0.011 1.000 14 TMT Sizeln 0.024 -0.069 -0.006 0.117 0.038 -0.013 0.079 0.032 0.029 0.104 0.061 -0.008 0.032 1.000 15 Male 0.058 0.073 0.068 0.004 0.050 0.067 0.063 0.060 0.023 0.068 0.082 -0.016 0.060 -0.024 1.000 16 Entrepreneur Age 0.097 -0.075 -0.054 -0.022 -0.072 -0.056 -0.031 -0.078 0.221 0.060 0.128 0.271 0.007 0.107 -0.049 1.000 17 Educational Level -0.089 0.404 0.010 -0.019 -0.060 0.023 -0.080 -0.061 -0.050 -0.002 -0.004 -0.128 0.050 -0.029 0.064 -0.142 1.000 18 School Ranking 0.021 0.099 0.481 0.251 0.349 0.500 0.228 0.366 -0.023 0.035 -0.007 -0.019 0.069 0.042 0.031 -0.045 0.119 1.000

Mean 12.512 0.247 0.318 0.619 0.439 2.934 6.516 4.112 11.34 4.382 3.615 4.243 1.400 1.449 0.889 42.80 1.658 4.445 Standard Deviation 5.666 0.431 0.466 0.486 0.497 4.325 4.501 4.688 6.898 1.357 0.849 3.110 0.423 0.370 0.314 8.664 0.830 3.818 Minimum 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.693 1 0.693 0 0 28 0 1 Maximum 19.281 1 1 1 1 10.19 10.86 10.62 19.58 8.294 6.171 21 3.828 2.564 1 72 3 10

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Table 2: The Effect of Attending College in Beijing on New Venture Performances by Returnee

and Homegrown Entrepreneurs (n = 515) Model 1 Model 2 Model3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Model 7 Model 8 DV: Revenue, natural logarithm

H1: Returnee liability

H2: The role of entrepreneur’s local

school tie

H3: The role of entrepreneur’s

alumni network size

H4: The role ofteam’s local ties

H5: The role of team’s alumni network size

Returnee Entrepreneur -1.175** -1.811*** -1.760*** -1.851* -2.263*** -2.648** -2.194***(0.574) (0.674) (0.668) (0.967) (0.791) (1.077) (0.783)

College in Beijing 0.859* 0.267 (0.453) (0.479)

Returnee Entrepreneur x College in Beijing

2.358** (1.021)

Alumni Sizeln 0.024 (0.052)

Returnee Entrepreneur x Alumni Sizeln

0.239** (0.110)

College in BeijingTMT 0.442 (0.474)

Returnee Entrepreneur x College in BeijingTMT

1.088 (1.098)

College in BeijingCofounder 0.599 (0.428)

Returnee Entrepreneur x College in BeijingCofounder

2.551*** (0.977)

Alumni Sizeln,TMT 0.004 (0.050)

Returnee Entrepreneur x Alumni Sizeln,TMT

0.221* (0.120)

Alumni Sizeln, Cofounders 0.059 (0.046)

Returnee Entrepreneur x Alumni Sizeln, Cofounders

0.260** (0.104)

Assetln,t-1 0.307*** 0.304** 0.307*** 0.307*** 0.306*** 0.303*** 0.306*** 0.304***(0.047) (0.047) (0.047) (0.047) (0.047) (0.046) (0.047) (0.046)

R&D Expenditureln 0.190 0.176 0.166 0.165 0.184 0.174 0.170 0.175(0.259) (0.260) (0.255) (0.255) (0.252) (0.251) (0.250) (0.252)

Employeesln 1.322*** 1.387** 1.376*** 1.363*** 1.341*** 1.381*** 1.340*** 1.382***(0.358) (0.361) (0.356) (0.357) (0.358) (0.355) (0.356) (0.356)

Venture Age 0.138* 0.147** 0.129* 0.128* 0.130* 0.123* 0.133* 0.123*(0.070) (0.070) (0.069) (0.070) (0.070) (0.069) (0.070) (0.069)

Investorsln 0.532 0.521 0.502 0.499 0.505 0.287 0.508 0.303(0.480) (0.479) (0.479) (0.479) (0.479) (0.474) (0.485) (0.474)

TMT Sizeln -0.075 0.029 0.013 0.014 -0.147 -0.092 -0.096 -0.074(0.649) (0.666) (0.636) (0.638) (0.669) (0.612) (0.646) (0.616)

Male 0.448 0.301 0.343 0.357 0.460 0.366 0.450 0.317(0.725) (0.733) (0.724) (0.723) (0.727) (0.711) (0.737) (0.716)

Entrepreneur Age -0.025 -0.026 -0.023 -0.022 -0.025 -0.018 -0.024 -0.017(0.024) (0.024) (0.024) (0.024) (0.024) (0.024) (0.024) (0.024)

Educational Level -0.237 -0.436 -0.265 -0.257 -0.217 -0.141 -0.206 -0.138(0.287) (0.267) (0.286) (0.286) (0.285) (0.283) (0.284) (0.284)

School Ranking 0.044 -0.012 -0.009 -0.007 0.020 -0.012 0.029 -0.012(0.050) (0.056) (0.055) (0.057) (0.050) (0.051) (0.049) (0.051)

Industry Fixed Effects YES YES YES YES YES YES YES YESGrant Type Fixed Effects YES YES YES YES YES YES YES YES

Constant 4.144** 4.048** 4.087** 4.150** 3.950* 3.931** 4.108** 3.892**(1.993) (2.014) (1.978) (1.982) (2.012) (1.948) (1.998) (1.952)

Adjusted R2 0.381 0.378 0.389 0.387 0.384 0.397 0.387 0.395D.F. 20 20 22 22 22 22 22 22

Note: Robust standard errors are presented below the coefficients; * p<0.10, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01 for two‐tailed tests.  

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Table 3: The Effect of Attending College in Beijing on New Venture Performances by Returnee and Homegrown Entrepreneurs, Robustness Check (N = 515)

DV: Profit, cube root DV: Revenue, natural logarithm Model 1 Model 2 Model3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Model 7 Model 8 Model 9 Entrepreneur

attended college in Beijing

Entrepreneur’s alumni network size

Cofounder attended college in Beijing

Cofounders’ alumni network size

Returnee entrepreneur redefined: only entrepreneurs who studied abroad counted

School ties redefined: entrepreneur ever attended college or graduate program in Beijing

School ties redefined: Assigning weight to different programs in Beijing

Entrepreneur’s alumni network redefined: 5-group classification

Cofounders’ alumni network redefined: 5-group classification

Returnee Entrepreneur -15.162* -14.760* -17.993** -15.907* -1.544* -1.747** -1.881** -1.692** -1.801** (7.877) (7.761) (9.019) (8.964) (0.858) (0.775) (0.742) (0.676) (0.743) Local School Tie -5.124 4.075 0.483 0.521 0.249 (7.346) (6.398) (0.466) (0.467) (0.256) Returnee Entrepreneur x 28.899** 25.794** 2.573** 1.693* 1.137** Local School Tie (12.127) (11.618) (1.207) (0.994) (0.536) Alumni Network Size -0.545 0.502 0.027 0.147 (0.781) (0.676) (0.131) (0.137) Returnee Entrepreneur x 3.017** 2.283* 0.509* 0.592* Alumni Network Size (1.278) (1.212) (0.260) (0.316) All other controls YES YES YES YES YES YES YES YES YES Adjusted R2 0.540 0.540 0.543 0.541 0.383 0.388 0.390 0.385 0.387 D.F. 22 22 22 22 22 22 22 22 22

Note: Robust standard errors are presented below the coefficients; * p<0.10, ** p<0.05, *** p<0.01 for two-tailed tests.