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The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
The Structure of HawaiianDay 7
Part 1: Possession MorphologyPart 2: Morpho-Syntax
David J. Medeiros
Cal State University, Northridgedavid.medeiros@csun.edu
July 28, 2017LSA Summer Institute
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
1 IntroductionWord Orders and Movement Types
2 Predicate MovementPredicate InitialVP-remnant formation
3 Head MovementComplementation in EnglishT & C interaction in Hawaiian
4 Syntax ConclusionConsequences for Inflectional Morphology
5 Real Conclusion
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Outline
1 IntroductionWord Orders and Movement Types
2 Predicate Movement
3 Head Movement
4 Syntax Conclusion
5 Real Conclusion
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
VSO From a TypologicalPerspective
• Verb-Subject-Object (VSO) word order is well-attested amonglanguages of the world, but uncommon
• Word order frequencies (Tomlin, 1986):
1 SOV 45%: Japanese, Latin2 SVO 42%: English, Mandarin Chinese3 VSO 9%: Hawaiian, Irish4 VOS 3%: Malagasy5 OVS, OSV - controversial, possibly attested
• Crucial Point: Subject intervenes between Object and Verb inVSO
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
VSO From a TypologicalPerspective
• Verb-Subject-Object (VSO) word order is well-attested amonglanguages of the world, but uncommon
• Word order frequencies (Tomlin, 1986):
1 SOV 45%: Japanese, Latin2 SVO 42%: English, Mandarin Chinese3 VSO 9%: Hawaiian, Irish4 VOS 3%: Malagasy5 OVS, OSV - controversial, possibly attested
• Crucial Point: Subject intervenes between Object and Verb inVSO
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
VSO From a TypologicalPerspective
• Verb-Subject-Object (VSO) word order is well-attested amonglanguages of the world, but uncommon
• Word order frequencies (Tomlin, 1986):
1 SOV 45%: Japanese, Latin2 SVO 42%: English, Mandarin Chinese3 VSO 9%: Hawaiian, Irish4 VOS 3%: Malagasy5 OVS, OSV - controversial, possibly attested
• Crucial Point: Subject intervenes between Object and Verb inVSO
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Why Subject Intervention Matters
• Verbs are in a particularly close relationship with objects:
(1) a. subj eat (anything edible/metaphorically appropriate)
b. Watson ate the house plant for breakfast.
c. * Watson ate justice for breakfast.
(2) a. subj die (Xa terrible death) (*anything else)
b. My house plant died a terrible death yesterday.
c. * My house plant died its life yesterday
(3) a. subj arrives (X∅) (*anything else)
b. I arrived at the station.
c. * I arrived the trip at the station.
• Movement can account for alternative word orders:
(4) What did you eat twhat? (possible answer = something edible)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Why Subject Intervention Matters
• Verbs are in a particularly close relationship with objects:
(1) a. subj eat (anything edible/metaphorically appropriate)
b. Watson ate the house plant for breakfast.
c. * Watson ate justice for breakfast.
(2) a. subj die (Xa terrible death) (*anything else)
b. My house plant died a terrible death yesterday.
c. * My house plant died its life yesterday
(3) a. subj arrives (X∅) (*anything else)
b. I arrived at the station.
c. * I arrived the trip at the station.
• Movement can account for alternative word orders:
(4) What did you eat twhat? (possible answer = something edible)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Primary Questions forInvestigation
• Q: What is really meant by VSO? Is this a useful, or evenaccurate, term?
• A: somewhat accurate, but also misleading
• Q: Can we understand VSO in terms of general principles thatare applicable to more familiar language types, such as SVO(English) or SOV (Japanese)?
• A: Yes!
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Primary Questions forInvestigation
• Q: What is really meant by VSO? Is this a useful, or evenaccurate, term?
• A: somewhat accurate, but also misleading
• Q: Can we understand VSO in terms of general principles thatare applicable to more familiar language types, such as SVO(English) or SOV (Japanese)?
• A: Yes!
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Primary Questions forInvestigation
• Q: What is really meant by VSO? Is this a useful, or evenaccurate, term?
• A: somewhat accurate, but also misleading
• Q: Can we understand VSO in terms of general principles thatare applicable to more familiar language types, such as SVO(English) or SOV (Japanese)?
• A: Yes!
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Primary Questions forInvestigation
• Q: What is really meant by VSO? Is this a useful, or evenaccurate, term?
• A: somewhat accurate, but also misleading
• Q: Can we understand VSO in terms of general principles thatare applicable to more familiar language types, such as SVO(English) or SOV (Japanese)?
• A: Yes!
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
A Basic Syntax for English
CP
TP
T′
vP
vP
v′
VP
V′
advantage
DPV0
tV
v0
take
tsubj . . . all
DPoften
AdvP
T0
should
We
DP
C0
• Key points:
1 the subject moves2 verb stays within the verbal
domain
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
VSO - Flat Structure
• verb-subject-object, one hypothesis (Chung 1976)Sentence
obj
DP
subj
DPV
verb
• Semantic Problems
• Explanatory Problems
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
VSO - Flat Structure
• verb-subject-object, one hypothesis (Chung 1976)Sentence
obj
DP
subj
DPV
verb
• Semantic Problems
• Explanatory Problems
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
VSO - Flat Structure
• verb-subject-object, one hypothesis (Chung 1976)Sentence
obj
DP
subj
DPV
verb
• Semantic Problems
• Explanatory Problems
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Getting the Verb In Front - HeadMovement
CP
TP
T′
vP
vP
v′
VP
V′
the Renn Fayre
DPV0
visit
v0
tsubj
DPoften
AdvP
T0
will
We
DP
C0
• Head-Movement moves one ’unit’ (word orset of features) from one head-position toanother
• Head Movement occurs in Englishquestions
CP
TP
T′
vP
visit the Renn Fayre?
vP
often
AdvP
T0
twill
we
DP
C0
Will
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Getting the Verb In Front -Predicate/VP-Movement
CP
C′
TP
T′
vP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
did
tsubj
DPrarely
AdvP
T0
John
DP
C0
read the textbook
VP
• VP movement moves the entire VP
• Phrasal (XP) movement generally cannottarget heads (i.e. X0s)
• Problem - VP-movement doesn’t derivesubject intervention
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Proposal - Basics
CP
C′
TP
T′
DirP
vP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
. . .
XP
DP
subj
dir/asp
T0
tT0
V . . . tXP
VP
C0
[C+T]
3
2
1
• I derive the subject intervention, yieldingVSO, with VP-movement
• VP-movement can effectively be headmovement if we make the object leave VPbefore VP-movement
• Head movement also applies, but to tensemarkers
• VSO as a descriptive term obscures crucialaspects of Hawaiian syntax
• Hawaiian syntax can be understood interms of the same rules that apply to anyother language
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Outline
1 Introduction
2 Predicate MovementPredicate InitialVP-remnant formation
3 Head Movement
4 Syntax Conclusion
5 Real Conclusion
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Verb-initial or Predicate Initial?
Hawaiian can be understood as a predicate-initial, in additionto verb-initial:
(5) Hea
kumu-kulateacher-school
’osubj
Noelani.Noelani
Noelani is a teacher.
(6) Uapast
ha’isay
’osubj
KekoaKekoa
hea
kumu-kulateacher-school
’osubj
Noelani.Noelani
Kekoa said that Noelani is a teacher.
(7) Uapast
hau’olihappy
’osubj
Kekoa.Kekoa
Kekoa was happy.
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Predicate-fronting
• Similar data in Niuean led to the proposal that VP (i.e.the predicate) moves to sentence-initial position in thederivation of the Niuean clause (Massam, 2001).
• Predicate-fronting analyses have become popular to deriveverb-initial syntax (see Chung (2005) and Chung &Polinsky (2009) for review).
• VP-movement gets the predicate initial data right.
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Predicate-fronting
• Similar data in Niuean led to the proposal that VP (i.e.the predicate) moves to sentence-initial position in thederivation of the Niuean clause (Massam, 2001).
• Predicate-fronting analyses have become popular to deriveverb-initial syntax (see Chung (2005) and Chung &Polinsky (2009) for review).
• VP-movement gets the predicate initial data right.
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Predicate-fronting
• Similar data in Niuean led to the proposal that VP (i.e.the predicate) moves to sentence-initial position in thederivation of the Niuean clause (Massam, 2001).
• Predicate-fronting analyses have become popular to deriveverb-initial syntax (see Chung (2005) and Chung &Polinsky (2009) for review).
• VP-movement gets the predicate initial data right.
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Word-Order Challenge forVP-Fronting Derivation
CP
C′
TP
T′
DirP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
DP
subj
dir/asp
T0
tT 0
. . .
VP
C0
[C+T]
• I adopt Massam’s VP-fronting analysis
• But, the word order is wrong for VSO
• Massam’s solution to this problem isVP-remnant movement in VSO clauses.
• VP-remnant = a VP in which everythingexcept the verb has moved out of VP
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Massam’s Approach: ObjectMoves for Case
CP
TP
T′
ErgP
v′
AbsP
Abs′
tVP
Abs0
e
the taro
DP
v0
Sinoe
DP
T0
eat . . . tobj
VP
C0
2
1
(8) Nepast
kaieat
eErg
SioneSione
eAbs
taupl
talo...taro
Sione ate the taros ... (Massam2001, Seiter 1980)
• Q: Why does the object leave VP?
• A: Massam ties VP-remnantformation to case.
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Problems for Case-Based RemnantFormation 1
• Niuean and Hawaiian differ in case marking pattern
• Case has been argued to not trigger movement in research followingMassam’s work on Niuean (Chomsky 2000, et alia)
• Most importantly: Case only applies to DPs (e.g. who vs whom), notentire sentences (sentence = CP)
• Therefore, Massam fails to predict V-S-CP word order in bothHawaiian and Niuean:
(9) Uapast
ha’itell
maidir/asp
kethe
haumanastudent
[ua[past
halapass
kathe
manawa].time]
The student said that the time had passed. (Hawkins, 1979)
(10) Nepast
manatuthink
eabs
MataginifaleMataginifale
[ko[pred
eabs
menathing
faihave
mata-fohiblade-scraper
...
...
Mataginifale remembered that she had the blade ... (Niue1982, Massam 2001)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Problems for Case-Based RemnantFormation 1
• Niuean and Hawaiian differ in case marking pattern
• Case has been argued to not trigger movement in research followingMassam’s work on Niuean (Chomsky 2000, et alia)
• Most importantly: Case only applies to DPs (e.g. who vs whom), notentire sentences (sentence = CP)
• Therefore, Massam fails to predict V-S-CP word order in bothHawaiian and Niuean:
(9) Uapast
ha’itell
maidir/asp
kethe
haumanastudent
[ua[past
halapass
kathe
manawa].time]
The student said that the time had passed. (Hawkins, 1979)
(10) Nepast
manatuthink
eabs
MataginifaleMataginifale
[ko[pred
eabs
menathing
faihave
mata-fohiblade-scraper
...
...
Mataginifale remembered that she had the blade ... (Niue1982, Massam 2001)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Problems for Case-Based RemnantFormation 1
• Niuean and Hawaiian differ in case marking pattern
• Case has been argued to not trigger movement in research followingMassam’s work on Niuean (Chomsky 2000, et alia)
• Most importantly: Case only applies to DPs (e.g. who vs whom), notentire sentences (sentence = CP)
• Therefore, Massam fails to predict V-S-CP word order in bothHawaiian and Niuean:
(9) Uapast
ha’itell
maidir/asp
kethe
haumanastudent
[ua[past
halapass
kathe
manawa].time]
The student said that the time had passed. (Hawkins, 1979)
(10) Nepast
manatuthink
eabs
MataginifaleMataginifale
[ko[pred
eabs
menathing
faihave
mata-fohiblade-scraper
...
...
Mataginifale remembered that she had the blade ... (Niue1982, Massam 2001)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Problems for Case-Based RemnantFormation 1
• Niuean and Hawaiian differ in case marking pattern
• Case has been argued to not trigger movement in research followingMassam’s work on Niuean (Chomsky 2000, et alia)
• Most importantly: Case only applies to DPs (e.g. who vs whom), notentire sentences (sentence = CP)
• Therefore, Massam fails to predict V-S-CP word order in bothHawaiian and Niuean:
(9) Uapast
ha’itell
maidir/asp
kethe
haumanastudent
[ua[past
halapass
kathe
manawa].time]
The student said that the time had passed. (Hawkins, 1979)
(10) Nepast
manatuthink
eabs
MataginifaleMataginifale
[ko[pred
eabs
menathing
faihave
mata-fohiblade-scraper
...
...
Mataginifale remembered that she had the blade ... (Niue1982, Massam 2001)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Problems for Case-Based RemnantFormation 2
CP
TP
T′
ErgP
v′
?P
?′
tVP
?0
∅sentence
CP
v0
subj
DP
T0
subj . . . tsentence
VP
C0
2
1
• sentences (=CP) do not need case
• Why is CP moving if it doesn’tneed case?
• Shouldn’t the same analysisaccount for both V-S-O andV-S-CP?
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 1:Subject/Non-Subject Asymmetry
• Chung (1998) observes a subject/non-subject asymmetryin Maori
• The same observation holds for Hawaiian, including inraising (under negation), topicalization, andwh-movement:
(11) Hea
akawhat
kathe
meathing
aposs
KekoaKekoa
ipast
ku’aibuy
ai.respro
What is the thing that Kekoa bought? (compare *What that didyou buy?)
(12) ’Osubj
waiwho
ipast
ku’aibuy
iobj
kathe
i’a.fish?
Who bought a fish?
• I argue that the subject/non-subject asymmetry can beextended to embedded CPs (i.e. embedded sentences)
• Bottom line: it is impossible to get a non-subject verbalargument (noun or sentence complement) in front of thesubject in Hawaiian
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 1:Subject/Non-Subject Asymmetry
• Chung (1998) observes a subject/non-subject asymmetryin Maori
• The same observation holds for Hawaiian, including inraising (under negation), topicalization, andwh-movement:
(11) Hea
akawhat
kathe
meathing
aposs
KekoaKekoa
ipast
ku’aibuy
ai.respro
What is the thing that Kekoa bought? (compare *What that didyou buy?)
(12) ’Osubj
waiwho
ipast
ku’aibuy
iobj
kathe
i’a.fish?
Who bought a fish?
• I argue that the subject/non-subject asymmetry can beextended to embedded CPs (i.e. embedded sentences)
• Bottom line: it is impossible to get a non-subject verbalargument (noun or sentence complement) in front of thesubject in Hawaiian
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 1:Subject/Non-Subject Asymmetry
• Chung (1998) observes a subject/non-subject asymmetryin Maori
• The same observation holds for Hawaiian, including inraising (under negation), topicalization, andwh-movement:
(11) Hea
akawhat
kathe
meathing
aposs
KekoaKekoa
ipast
ku’aibuy
ai.respro
What is the thing that Kekoa bought? (compare *What that didyou buy?)
(12) ’Osubj
waiwho
ipast
ku’aibuy
iobj
kathe
i’a.fish?
Who bought a fish?
• I argue that the subject/non-subject asymmetry can beextended to embedded CPs (i.e. embedded sentences)
• Bottom line: it is impossible to get a non-subject verbalargument (noun or sentence complement) in front of thesubject in Hawaiian
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 1:Subject/Non-Subject Asymmetry
• Chung (1998) observes a subject/non-subject asymmetryin Maori
• The same observation holds for Hawaiian, including inraising (under negation), topicalization, andwh-movement:
(11) Hea
akawhat
kathe
meathing
aposs
KekoaKekoa
ipast
ku’aibuy
ai.respro
What is the thing that Kekoa bought? (compare *What that didyou buy?)
(12) ’Osubj
waiwho
ipast
ku’aibuy
iobj
kathe
i’a.fish?
Who bought a fish?
• I argue that the subject/non-subject asymmetry can beextended to embedded CPs (i.e. embedded sentences)
• Bottom line: it is impossible to get a non-subject verbalargument (noun or sentence complement) in front of thesubject in Hawaiian
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Interlude: Why Linear OrderConstraints are Interesting
• We’ve been told that syntax does not work this way:
(13) The Blue Bridge, which is on campus, is awesome!
(14) Is the Blue Bridge, which is on campus, awesome?
(15) *Is the Blue Bridge, which on campus, is awesome?
• Usually, syntax is all about structure, not linear order
• But if we find that linear order does matter, how can we linksyntax to pronunciation?
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Interlude: Why Linear OrderConstraints are Interesting
• We’ve been told that syntax does not work this way:
(13) The Blue Bridge, which is on campus, is awesome!
(14) Is the Blue Bridge, which is on campus, awesome?
(15) *Is the Blue Bridge, which on campus, is awesome?
• Usually, syntax is all about structure, not linear order
• But if we find that linear order does matter, how can we linksyntax to pronunciation?
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Interlude: Why Linear OrderConstraints are Interesting
• We’ve been told that syntax does not work this way:
(13) The Blue Bridge, which is on campus, is awesome!
(14) Is the Blue Bridge, which is on campus, awesome?
(15) *Is the Blue Bridge, which on campus, is awesome?
• Usually, syntax is all about structure, not linear order
• But if we find that linear order does matter, how can we linksyntax to pronunciation?
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 2: CyclicLinearization
• Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearizationanalyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), Muller (2007), et alia)
• Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structureinto a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! -languages)
• Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals.My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything
• The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but notrearrange as you build:
(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4
(17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4
• Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible tothe linearization algorithm.
• No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do instages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epsteinet al. 1998, et alia)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 2: CyclicLinearization
• Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearizationanalyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), Muller (2007), et alia)
• Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structureinto a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! -languages)
• Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals.My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything
• The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but notrearrange as you build:
(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4
(17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4
• Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible tothe linearization algorithm.
• No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do instages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epsteinet al. 1998, et alia)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 2: CyclicLinearization
• Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearizationanalyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), Muller (2007), et alia)
• Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structureinto a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! -languages)
• Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals.My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything
• The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but notrearrange as you build:
(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4
(17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4
• Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible tothe linearization algorithm.
• No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do instages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epsteinet al. 1998, et alia)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 2: CyclicLinearization
• Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearizationanalyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), Muller (2007), et alia)
• Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structureinto a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! -languages)
• Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals.My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything
• The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but notrearrange as you build:
(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4
(17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4
• Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible tothe linearization algorithm.
• No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do instages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epsteinet al. 1998, et alia)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 2: CyclicLinearization
• Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearizationanalyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), Muller (2007), et alia)
• Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structureinto a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! -languages)
• Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals.My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything
• The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but notrearrange as you build:
(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4
(17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4
• Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible tothe linearization algorithm.
• No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do instages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epsteinet al. 1998, et alia)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Solution, Part 2: CyclicLinearization
• Surface order relationships can be captured with cyclic linearizationanalyses (Fox & Pesetsky (2005), Muller (2007), et alia)
• Linearization is the ’compression’ of the 2-dimensional syntactic structureinto a 1-dimensional stream (necessary for all spoken - but not signed! -languages)
• Linearization is cyclic when this compressing happens at regular intervals.My proposal: linearize whenever you do anything
• The grammar takes a ’snapshot’ of the structure - you can add but notrearrange as you build:
(16) X1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-2-3-4
(17) *1, 1-2, 1-2-3, 1-3-2-4
• Additional Proposal: Elements in intermediate positions are not visible tothe linearization algorithm.
• No surface structure level of syntax - phonology is told what to do instages. Syntax is built piece-by-piece, bottom-up (Chomsky 1995, Epsteinet al. 1998, et alia)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Recall - Hawaiian vs. EnglishStructure
We often all eat Pok PokTP
T′
vP
vP
v′
VP
V′
Pok Pok
DPV0
tV
v0
eat
tsubj . . . all
DPoften
AdvP
T0
We
DP
• EPP requires a syntactic item inSpec, TP: VP moves in Hawaiian,DP in English
Subject moves in English, but stays in-situ in Hawaiian
(18) Holoholocruise
maualways
’osubj
KehauKehau
mein
kethe
kaono.town
Kehau always cruises in town. (Cleeland, 1994)
TP
T′
vP
vP
v′
VP
tVPin the town
PP
v0
’o Kehau
DPalways
AdvP
T0
cruise
VP
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Forcing Remnant Formation inHawaiian 1
subj < XP
vP
v′
VP
V′
XPV0
v0
DP
subj
• Subject stays in place (allfeatures relevant forpronunciation aresatisfied)
• My proposal: linearizationis sensitive to this fact
• XP (which could be DP,PP, or CP) also has fullfeature satisfaction
• When we take our’snapshot’, both subjectand XP are visible
• VP-movement to Spec,TP violates S < XP orderunless XP first leaves VP
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Forcing Remnant Formation inHawaiian 2
XV-S-XPTP
T′
vP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
...
XP
DP
subj
T0
tT 0
V . . . tXP
VP
*V-XP-STP
T′
vP
v′
tVP
v0
DP
subj
T0
tT 0
V . . . XP
VP
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Allowing XP-Movement in English
subject will move . . .
vP
vP
v′
VP
V′
...
XPV0
v0
subj
DP...
XP
CP
C′
TP
T′
vP
vP
v′
VP
V′
...
XPV0
v0
subj
DP...
XP
T0
subj
DP
C0
...
XP
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Conclusions for VP-Mvmt Analysis
• VP-fronting can explain a range of data in Hawaiian
• The case-based analysis of remnant formation faces empiricaland theoretical challenges
• The cyclic linearization approach, which refers to surface stringsin addition to structure, can account for V-S-O and V-S-XPword order
• This model also derives the general inability for VP-internalelements to escape VP in VP-fronting languages (Aldridge2004, Chung 2005, Oda 2005, Polinsky & Potsdam 2007)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Conclusions for VP-Mvmt Analysis
• VP-fronting can explain a range of data in Hawaiian
• The case-based analysis of remnant formation faces empiricaland theoretical challenges
• The cyclic linearization approach, which refers to surface stringsin addition to structure, can account for V-S-O and V-S-XPword order
• This model also derives the general inability for VP-internalelements to escape VP in VP-fronting languages (Aldridge2004, Chung 2005, Oda 2005, Polinsky & Potsdam 2007)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Conclusions for VP-Mvmt Analysis
• VP-fronting can explain a range of data in Hawaiian
• The case-based analysis of remnant formation faces empiricaland theoretical challenges
• The cyclic linearization approach, which refers to surface stringsin addition to structure, can account for V-S-O and V-S-XPword order
• This model also derives the general inability for VP-internalelements to escape VP in VP-fronting languages (Aldridge2004, Chung 2005, Oda 2005, Polinsky & Potsdam 2007)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Conclusions for VP-Mvmt Analysis
• VP-fronting can explain a range of data in Hawaiian
• The case-based analysis of remnant formation faces empiricaland theoretical challenges
• The cyclic linearization approach, which refers to surface stringsin addition to structure, can account for V-S-O and V-S-XPword order
• This model also derives the general inability for VP-internalelements to escape VP in VP-fronting languages (Aldridge2004, Chung 2005, Oda 2005, Polinsky & Potsdam 2007)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Innovations and Future Directionsfor VP-Mvmt Analysis
• I proposed a visibility condition on linearization
• I argued that linearization should occur maximally cyclicly, i.e.whenever anything happens within the syntax
• I plan on applying the linearization system to several newdomains, including:
• Subject/object asymmetries formerly understood in terms of theEmpty Category Principle
• Derivational cyclicity and the Proper Binding Condition
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Outline
1 Introduction
2 Predicate Movement
3 Head MovementComplementation in EnglishT & C interaction in Hawaiian
4 Syntax Conclusion
5 Real Conclusion
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
T-C Head Movement
CP
C′
TP
T′
DirP
vP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
. . .
XP
DP
subj
dir/asp
T0
tT 0
V . . . tXP
VP
C0
[C+T]
• In this section I argue that T-C headmovement also applies in addition toVP-fronting
• The evidence consists of morphologicalalternations in sentence-embedding
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
The Morpho-Syntax of C & T inEnglish
CP
C′
TP
T′
. . .
vPT0
tense
. . .
DP
C0
that
• C and T are morphologically independentin English:
(19) I know that you go/went toVollum everyday.
• C can vary by context, e.g. standardembedding vs. relative clause:
(20) a. I think that you know.
b. The griffin is an animal whichis the king of all creatures.
• T moves to C in certain environments, e.g.questions:
(21) Do you ttense enjoy the Oregoncoast in the winter?
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
C & T in Hawaiian 1
• There’s a well known alternation in pre-verbal particles in (at least) EasternPolynesian languages like Hawaiian, Maori, Tahitian, etc. (Otsuka, 2006):
(22) a. Uapast
kokuahelp
kathe
maka’iofficer
iobj
kethe
keiki.child
The police officer helped the child.
b. Kethe
keikichild
ipast
kokuahelp
airespro
kathe
maka’i.officer
The child whom the police officer helped. (Hawkins, 1982)
• The conditioning factor has generally been taken to be independent vs.subordinate clause (Elbert & Pukui 1979, Hawkins 2000, Otsuka 2006)
• An identical alternation holds for present tense ke which appears as e inrelative clause contexts
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
C & T in Hawaiian 1
• There’s a well known alternation in pre-verbal particles in (at least) EasternPolynesian languages like Hawaiian, Maori, Tahitian, etc. (Otsuka, 2006):
(22) a. Uapast
kokuahelp
kathe
maka’iofficer
iobj
kethe
keiki.child
The police officer helped the child.
b. Kethe
keikichild
ipast
kokuahelp
airespro
kathe
maka’i.officer
The child whom the police officer helped. (Hawkins, 1982)
• The conditioning factor has generally been taken to be independent vs.subordinate clause (Elbert & Pukui 1979, Hawkins 2000, Otsuka 2006)
• An identical alternation holds for present tense ke which appears as e inrelative clause contexts
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
C & T in Hawaiian 1
• There’s a well known alternation in pre-verbal particles in (at least) EasternPolynesian languages like Hawaiian, Maori, Tahitian, etc. (Otsuka, 2006):
(22) a. Uapast
kokuahelp
kathe
maka’iofficer
iobj
kethe
keiki.child
The police officer helped the child.
b. Kethe
keikichild
ipast
kokuahelp
airespro
kathe
maka’i.officer
The child whom the police officer helped. (Hawkins, 1982)
• The conditioning factor has generally been taken to be independent vs.subordinate clause (Elbert & Pukui 1979, Hawkins 2000, Otsuka 2006)
• An identical alternation holds for present tense ke which appears as e inrelative clause contexts
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
C & T in Hawaiian 2
• However, no alteration is observed in ’plain’ embedding:
(23) Uapast
ha’itell
maidir/asp
kethe
haumanastudent
uapast
halapass
kathe
manawa.time
The student said that the time had passed. (see also (1) above andfurther examples in Hawkins, 1979)
• The difference between relative clause and plain embeddingsuggests that the morphological alternation is conditioned bytype of subordinate clause
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
C & T in Hawaiian 2
• However, no alteration is observed in ’plain’ embedding:
(23) Uapast
ha’itell
maidir/asp
kethe
haumanastudent
uapast
halapass
kathe
manawa.time
The student said that the time had passed. (see also (1) above andfurther examples in Hawkins, 1979)
• The difference between relative clause and plain embeddingsuggests that the morphological alternation is conditioned bytype of subordinate clause
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
C & T in Hawaiian 3
• This suggests that the C0 position in Hawaiian encodes featuresof both clause type and tense.
• In the case of past tense ua, this appears as ua in all ’plain’contexts, which includes all matrix clauses, and i in somesubordinate clauses, e.g. relative clauses.
• This can be modeled by head movement, i.e. the T-head movesand adjoins to the C-head.1
1see Massam (2010) for similar arguments w.r.t. Niuean
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Head Movement in Hawaiian
CP
C′
TP
T′
. . .
vPT0
past-tense
V . . . tXP
VP
C0plain
ua
CP
C′
TP
T′
. . .
vPT0
past-tense
V . . . tXP
VP
C0rel
i
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
T-C Head Movement Wrap-Up
CP
C′
TP
T′
DirP
vP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
. . .
XP
DP
subj
dir/asp
T0
tT 0
V . . . tXP
VP
C0
[C+T]
• The T-C movement analysis allows us toderive another fact about the verbalsystem in Hawaiian, namely that tenseparticles precede the verb.
• The verb is not initial. Instead, anindependent tense head - also present inmore familiar languages like English -precedes the verb.
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Conclusions for Head MvmtAnalysis
• Tense and the verb are separated in Hawaiian as in English
• Tense precedes the verb due to head movement
• The descriptive term VSO fails to capture the tense-initialsyntax of Hawaiian
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Conclusions for Head MvmtAnalysis
• Tense and the verb are separated in Hawaiian as in English
• Tense precedes the verb due to head movement
• The descriptive term VSO fails to capture the tense-initialsyntax of Hawaiian
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Conclusions for Head MvmtAnalysis
• Tense and the verb are separated in Hawaiian as in English
• Tense precedes the verb due to head movement
• The descriptive term VSO fails to capture the tense-initialsyntax of Hawaiian
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Outline
1 Introduction
2 Predicate Movement
3 Head Movement
4 Syntax ConclusionConsequences for Inflectional Morphology
5 Real Conclusion
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Structure of Hawaiian: Conclusion
CP
C′
TP
T′
DirP
vP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
. . .
XP
DP
subj
dir/asp
T0
tT0
V . . . tXP
VP
C0
[C+T]
3
2
1
• VSO separates the verband object in pronouncedstructure
• We can allow the verb andits complement to be aconstituent at some level,upon adopting aderivational analysis ofVSO
• Two sub-analysesmotivated the proposedsurface structure: i)VP-fronting, and ii) T-Chead movement
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Are all VSO languages createdequal?
• Hawaiian: VP-remnant fronting
TP
T′
DirP
vP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
. . .
XP
DP
subj
dir/asp
T0
V . . . tXP
VP
• Irish: Head Movement (Guilfoyle 1990,McCloskey 1991 & 2005, slightly modified)
TP
T′
vP
v′
VP
V′
object
DPV0
verb
v0
v0
subj
DP
T0
T0
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Morphological Consequences forSyntactic Analysis 1
• The different syntactic analyses for e.g. Hawaiian and Irishmakes a prediction:
• Hawaiian verbs, ’buried’ in a phrasal projection, should beunable to host inflectional morphology. In fact, Hawaiian verbsbear no inflectional morphology, as predicted.
• Irish verbs, moving head-to-head, should be able to ’pick up’pieces of inflection, just like verbs in unambiguous head-raisinglanguages, e.g. French (Pollock 1989).
• Irish verbal inflection includes morphology for a number ofcategories, including tense, person, and mood (McCloskey &Hale 1984):
(24) cuirim (I put), cuireann (you put)
(25) chuirfinn (I would put), chuirfea (you would put)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Morphological Consequences forSyntactic Analysis 1
• The different syntactic analyses for e.g. Hawaiian and Irishmakes a prediction:
• Hawaiian verbs, ’buried’ in a phrasal projection, should beunable to host inflectional morphology. In fact, Hawaiian verbsbear no inflectional morphology, as predicted.
• Irish verbs, moving head-to-head, should be able to ’pick up’pieces of inflection, just like verbs in unambiguous head-raisinglanguages, e.g. French (Pollock 1989).
• Irish verbal inflection includes morphology for a number ofcategories, including tense, person, and mood (McCloskey &Hale 1984):
(24) cuirim (I put), cuireann (you put)
(25) chuirfinn (I would put), chuirfea (you would put)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Morphological Consequences forSyntactic Analysis 1
• The different syntactic analyses for e.g. Hawaiian and Irishmakes a prediction:
• Hawaiian verbs, ’buried’ in a phrasal projection, should beunable to host inflectional morphology. In fact, Hawaiian verbsbear no inflectional morphology, as predicted.
• Irish verbs, moving head-to-head, should be able to ’pick up’pieces of inflection, just like verbs in unambiguous head-raisinglanguages, e.g. French (Pollock 1989).
• Irish verbal inflection includes morphology for a number ofcategories, including tense, person, and mood (McCloskey &Hale 1984):
(24) cuirim (I put), cuireann (you put)
(25) chuirfinn (I would put), chuirfea (you would put)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Morphological Consequences forSyntactic Analysis 1
• The different syntactic analyses for e.g. Hawaiian and Irishmakes a prediction:
• Hawaiian verbs, ’buried’ in a phrasal projection, should beunable to host inflectional morphology. In fact, Hawaiian verbsbear no inflectional morphology, as predicted.
• Irish verbs, moving head-to-head, should be able to ’pick up’pieces of inflection, just like verbs in unambiguous head-raisinglanguages, e.g. French (Pollock 1989).
• Irish verbal inflection includes morphology for a number ofcategories, including tense, person, and mood (McCloskey &Hale 1984):
(24) cuirim (I put), cuireann (you put)
(25) chuirfinn (I would put), chuirfea (you would put)
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Morphological Consequences forSyntactic Analysis 2
HawaiianTP
T′
DirP
vP
vP
v′
tVP
v0
. . .
XP
DP
subj
dir/asp
T0
*number
V . . . tXP
VP
2
1
IrishTP
T′
vP
v′
VP
V′
object
DPV0
verb
v0
v0 mood
subj
DP
T0
T0 tense, number
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Conclusions forMorphology/Syntax Interaction
• VSO can be derived in at least 2 ways
• Choosing the ‘right’ derivation for VSO has been seen as aproblem for linguistic theory (McCloskey 2005, et alia)
• Consideration of morphology and its interaction with syntaxreveals that VP-remnant movement and head movement areboth motivated, depending on the language
• The coexistence of 2 derivational possibilities for VSO is not aproblem, but in fact desirable
• Thank you!
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Selected References
• Aldridge, Edith. 2004. Ergativity and word order in Austronesian languages. Ph.D. Dissertation,Cornell University.
• Chapin, Paul. 1974. Proto-Polynesian *ai. Journal of the Polynesian Society 83: 259-307.
• Chomsky, Noam, 2000. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. In: Martin, R., Michaels, D.,Uriagereka, J. (Eds.), Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honour of H. Lasnik. MITPress, Cambridge, pp. 89155.
• Chung, Sandra. 1998. The design of agreement: Evidence from Chamorro. University of ChicagoPress, Chicago.
• Chung, Sandra. 2005. What fronts? On the VP-raising account of verb-initial order. In Verb first:on the syntax of verb-initial languages, eds. Andrew Carnie, Heidi Harley, and Sheila Ann Dooley,930. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
• Chung, Sandra and William Ladusaw. 2004. Restriction and Saturation. Boston: MIT Press.
• Chung, Sandra and Maria Polinsky. 2009. Introduction (to special issue on Austronesian Syntax).Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 27, 659-673.
• Elbert, Samuel and Mary Pukui. 1979. Hawaiian grammar. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
• Fox, Danny, and David Pesetsky. 2005. Cyclic linearization of syntactic structure. TheoreticalLinguistics 31, 1-45.
• Hawkins, Emily. 1979. Hawaiian Sentence Structure. Pacific Linguistics Series B No. 61.
• Hawkins, Emily. 1982. Pedagogical grammar of Hawaiian (Revised). Honolulu: University of Hawai’iPress.
• Hawkins, Emily. 2000. Relative clauses in Hawaiian. In Fischer, S.R., Sperlich, W.B. (Eds.), LeoPasifika: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Oceanic Linguistics. The Institute ofPolynesian Languages and Literatures, Auckland, pp. 127141.
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
References
• Massam, Diane, 2001. Pseudo noun incorporation in Niuean. NLLT 19 (1), 153197.
• Massam, Diane. 2010. V1 or V2?: On the left in Niuean. Lingua 120, 284-302.
• Massam, Diane and Yves Roberge. 1997. Operator bound clitics and Niuean ai. In James Black andVirginia Motapanyane (eds.), Proceedings of AFLA 4, p. 273-299.
• McCloskey, James. 2005. A note on predicates and heads in Irish clausal syntax. In A. Carnie, H.Harley, A.D. Sheila (eds.), Verb first: On the syntax of verb-initial languages. John Benjamins,Amsterdam, 155-174.
• Medeiros, David J. 2010. Extension and locality: A case study on Hawaiian. In Proceedings of the12th Seoul International Conference on Generative Grammar. p. 173-213.
• Medeiros, David J. 2013. Hawaiian VP-remnant movement: A cyclic linearization analysis. Lingua127, 72-97
• Muller, Gereon. 2007. Towards a relativized concept of cyclic linearization. In Sauerland U. andGrtner, H. (Eds) Interfaces + Recursion = Language? 61-114. Mouton de Gruyter: Berlin.
• Oda, Kenji. 2005. V1 and Wh-questions: a typology. In Verb first: On the syntax of verb-initiallanguages, ed. by Andrew Carnie, Sheila Dooley-Collberg, and Heidi Harley, 65-90. Amsterdam:John Benjamins.
• Otsuka, Yuko. 2006. Niuean and Eastern Polynesian: A View from Syntax. Oceanic Linguistics45.429-56.
• Polinsky, M., Potsdam, E., 2007. Questions and word order in Polynesian. Paper presented at COOL7.
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Outline
1 Introduction
2 Predicate Movement
3 Head Movement
4 Syntax Conclusion
5 Real Conclusion
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Where to go now:
• Learn Hawaiian (at home):
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Where to go now:
• Learn Hawaiian in Honolulu (field trip!):
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Where to go now:
• Learn Hawaiian in Honolulu (field trip!):
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Where to go now:
• Learn Hawaiian in Hilo (field trip!):
The Structureof Hawaiian
David J.Medeiros
Outline
Introduction
Word Ordersand MovementTypes
PredicateMovement
Predicate Initial
VP-remnantformation
HeadMovement
Complementationin English
T & Cinteraction inHawaiian
SyntaxConclusion
Consequencesfor InflectionalMorphology
RealConclusion
Where to go now:
• Other Polynesian languages:
• Marquesan• Tuvaluan• etc.
• Many open theoretical & descriptive questions
Thank you!
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