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Despite the fact that the Ku Klux Klan of today is a splintered group marginalized by society, it has the name recognition of a Fortune 500 company. In stark contrast to the nation’s Nikes and Coca-Colas however, the Ku Klux Klan has no branding identity and therefore, no ability to either enhance or alter the existing peception of the group in the public eye. The lack of any cohesive branding on the part of the Ku Klux Klan has ensured that its power lies in its history, not in its present.
Citation preview
THE DIMINISHING
KU KLUX KLAN
EXAMINING THE BRANDING
OF A HATEGROUP
THE DIMINISHING KU KLUX KLAN
EXAMINING THE BRANDINGOF A HATE
GROUP
WRITTEN AND DESIGNED BY KATHERINE CARBERRY
This book is dedicated to my family
and my girlfriend, whose support,
understanding, and encouragement
made this work possible.
IN TROD
UCT ION
1
The Ku Klux Klan—It is a name that instantly conjures
up sinister images of white hooded figures, crosses
burning in the dead of night, and above all, a wellspring
of deep-seated hatred. “There was a weird potency
in the very name Ku Klux Klan,” John Lester wrote,
“The sound of it is suggestive of bones rattling together”
(qtd. in Bartoletti 25). The echo of those bones is still
heard today, despite the fact that the Klan is a mere
shadow of its former self. The Ku Klux Klan of today
is splintered into factions and marginalized by modern
society—yet the Klan has retained the name recognition
of a Fortune 500 company.
In stark contrast to the nation’s Nikes and Coca-Colas,
the power of the Ku Klux Klan name is not the result of
a cohesive and successful branding strategy, but instead
merely a legacy of the Klan’s horrifically violent past.
The Ku Klux Klan has no branding identity and therefore,
no ability to either enhance or, more importantly, alter
the existing public perception of the group.
An examination of the identity system of a group is
as revealing as a look at the habits, attitudes, and style
of an individual. Brands reflect the personality of an
organization. Examining the Ku Klux Klan through the
lens of branding reveals the true nature of the modern
Klan—it is a group bound together by fear and hatred
as opposed to any central organization. Its membership
and power have dwindled to a fraction of what they
once were and these days it is more
likely to appear in a punch line
than in a headline. The lack of any
cohesive branding on the part of
the Ku Klux Klan not only reflects
its current state but also ensures
that the power of the KKK lies in
its history, not in its present.
2
BR AN DIN G
Vintage Coca-Cola
advertisement from
the 1950s.
3
This is where the brand steps in.
“A brand is a ‘trust mark’,” writes
Tom Peters, author of best-selling
business and management books,
“It’s shorthand. It’s a sorting device”
(qtd. in Wheeler 3).
Though the brand may function as
a ‘trust mark’, it is important not to
conflate the notion of a company’s
brand with its logo or wordmark.
As graphic designer Milton Glaser
remarked, “A logo is the point of
entry to the brand”—it is far from
the brand itself (qtd. in Wheeler 4).
What, then, is a brand? The design
and marketing worlds are not short
of definitions. One of the most
intelligible answers to that question
lies in Jane Pavitt’s book Brand.new,
when she compares commodities
to brands. “Commodities are like
faceless brands—products or services
that achieve their functional aim
but do so without any distinctive
characteristics or identifiable
differences. Flour is a commodity.
Beer is a commodity. A plane
journey is a commodity. To under-
stand what a brand is we must
juxtapose Coca-Cola (a brand)
against a carbonated, caffeinated
beverage (a commodity)”(75).
Defining Brand
Each year the global brand consultancy firm Interbrand
ranks the world’s top 100 brands according to their
brand value. Brand value, also known as brand equity,
is “the value premium that a company realizes from a
product with a recognizable name as compared to its
generic equivalent” (“Brand Equity Definition”). More
plainly, brand value is the extra thirty-nine cents that
customers are willing to pay for a box of Kellogg’s
as opposed to a box of generic corn flakes. There is no
standard for calculating a company’s brand value but
many firms use a system similar to Interbrand’s, which
combines a company’s profit with an estimation of
the brand’s strength and the role it plays in a purchase
(“Best Global Brands 2011 Methodology Overview”).
According to Interbrand, the top five brands of 2011
(Coca-Cola, IBM, Microsoft, Google, and GE) are
valued at between $42 and $72 million (“2011 Ranking
of the Top 100 Brands”). These figures may appear
staggering but they’re not surprising considering the
influence wielded by these brands both in the global
market and in the mind of the consumer. Such brand
domination is summarized best by an excerpt from the
Coca-Cola Company’s official website: “In the remotest
comers of the globe, you can still find Coca-Cola”
(“Coca-Cola History: Coca-Cola Heritage Timeline”).
But what makes these companies so successful?
Certainly, a quality product helps. In the days of the
general store, quality was key—word-of-mouth and
the recommendations of store clerks and acquaintances
formed the basis of a product’s success or failure. The
brand was merely “a symbol of production” (Pavitt 73).
Today’s commercial landscape, however, is markedly
different—when a consumer enters a grocery store to
buy a tube of toothpaste, he is no longer greeted by
the smiling face of a trusted clerk, but instead by row
upon row of a seemingly infinite variety of toothpastes.
4
is so strong that new applications
of the brand can begin to serve as
shorthand—a glimpse of Coca-
Cola’s signature red and the mind
of the viewer fills in the rest.
The principles of branding are
often associated with commercial
output, however, they apply equally
to any group with visual representa-
tion. An identity system’s strengths
or weaknesses affects the public’s
perception of a group similarly
whether that organization is Nike
shilling shoes, the American Civil
Liberties Union campaigning for
justice, or even, as author Steven
Heller examines in his book Iron
Fists: Branding the 20th-Century
Totalitarian State, the Nazi Party
propagating genocide.
Design is, after all, primarily a
method of communication—“a
component that has been part of
every successful enterprise” since
the days of cave paintings (English
9). A designer functions much like
a bladesmith. A skilled bladesmith
creates a sharp, durable knife whose
sole function is to cut well, whether
it is cutting vegetables for a salad or
a victim’s flesh. A talented designer
constructs a branding system that
can communicate any message—
even one of hatred and violence.
In essence, a brand surpasses the physical output of
a company and instead attempts to encapsulate the
company’s spirit—its history, its attitude, its commit-
ment to the customer. The brand is “the promise, the
big idea, the reputation and expectations that reside
in each customer’s mind about the product and/or
company” (Wheeler 2). The brand is the personality
of the company—a personality calculated to sell.
Defining Brand Identity
If the brand is the spirit, the soul of the company, then
the brand identity is its skeleton—a carefully calculated
structure that serves as both a framework to help define
the brand and a vehicle to convey the brand into the
global marketplace. A strong brand identity system
works as a backbone for the company, ensuring that all
graphic output is in line with the brand personality and
retains a visual coherence specific to the brand. Coca-
Cola’s 2011 ‘Brr’ campaign in India is a prime example
of Coca-Cola’s brand identity at work (“Coca Cola
to Launch New Global Campaign ‘Brrr’ in India”).
Prominently displayed are the Coca-Cola logo, the
Coca-Cola glass bottle shape, and Coca-Cola’s
signature bright red. The soda itself leaps up out of
the bottle into the air, creating the word ‘Brrrr’ from
ice and insinuating that the drink is so dynamic and
refreshing that it defies both gravity and physics.
This combination of primary visual elements (logo,
bottle shape, and signature red) and implied emotion
(excitement, refreshment) is a cornerstone of Coca-
Cola’s brand identity. The true strength of Coca-Cola’s
identity system, however, lies in its consistency. The
visual and conceptual elements of the Coca-Cola brand
are transmitted so cohesively through a variety of
applications that even a sidelong glance at this adver-
tisement will implant the idea of Coca-Cola into
the viewer’s mind. A truly consistent brand identity
“Green Coca-Cola
Bottles”, Andy Warhol,
1962, oil on canvas.
Red overlay added
by author.
6
Key Components of Brand Identity
The principle considerations of an effective identity
system fall into two categories: the visual and the
conceptual elements.
The primary visual component of any brand identity
system is, of course, the logo—“the visual expression
of a brand”(Vaid 28). Other visual symbols can play
a large supporting role, however—consider the shape of
the Coca-Cola bottle which, though it does not share
the recognition afforded Coca-Cola’s logo, is a familiar
form to the global public. Choice and treatment of
imagery, use of color, and typography—all of these visual
elements function as both an enticement to the viewer
and an expression of the brand’s personality.
These visual aspects may serve to establish the brand’s
identity, but it is only through a strict adherence to a set
of overarching concepts that the identity can become a
system. As in all design work, content is king—a strong
identity system has a clear, concise message reinforced
through the content and style of all written copy.
Consistency and coherence are, in fact, essential in all
aspects of a brand identity system. Creating a unified,
consistent voice and visual style is integral to crafting
a brand that consumers know and trust. However,
identity systems must balance this consistency with
flexibility so that the brand can
adapt to different markets and new
applications with ease. Lastly, a
strong identity system will differen-
tiate a brand from its competitors.
a strong
brand identity
system works
as a
7
for a company, ensuring that all
graphic output is in line with the
brand personality and retains a
VISUAL COHERENCE specific
to the brand.
backbone
8
A proud Klansman stands
in front of a sign reading
“Welcome to Klan Country”.
THE KU
KLUX KLAN
9
The Ku Klux Klan: A Brief History
In her book Designing Brand Identity: a Complete
Guide to Creating, Building, and Maintaining Strong
Brands, Alina Wheeler emphasizes the importance of
conducting an “internal audit” as the first step of the
branding process. The internal audit, Wheeler explains,
streamlines the company’s mission, values, and goals,
while giving both designers and company stakeholders
a stronger understanding of the organization’s strengths
and weaknesses (60). Accordingly, the first step in an
examination of the branding of the KKK should be
a look at the group’s history and stated goals.
The KKK was founded in Pulaski, Tennessee in May
of 1866 by a group of six disenfranchised Confederate
soldiers who decided to “get up a club” (Bartoletti
25). The Klan quickly became a popular prospect for
angry white Southerners who channeled their feelings
of defeat and fear into a new pastime—dressing up as
hooded figures and scaring or threatening with violence
the now-freed slaves. As the Klan gained members,
the group became more organized and the violence
escalated, directed towards any black man or woman
who struck the Klan as impertinent or dangerous,
as well as any white sympathizers.
In 1871, President Grant, struck
by the KKK’s horrific crimes and
the corrupt government officials
who looked the other way, signed
what has become known as the
Ku Klux Klan Act, which made it
illegal for groups to conspire or
wear disguises to intimidate or harm
individuals (Bartoletti 129). The
Ku Klux Klan Act effectively
brought the first wave of the Ku
Klux Klan to an end.
Soon the Klan experienced an
intense revival. Sparked by the
release of D.W. Griffith’s film
The Birth of A Nation in 1915,
the KKK again became a national
organization. During its 1925
march on Washington, the New
York Times estimated the number
of marchers to be between 50,000
and 60,000 (Chalmers 2; Bartoletti
154). This time around the Klan’s
10
list of enemies expanded to include immigrants, Jews,
Catholics, and anyone the Klan deemed immoral.
In many cases this meant “sexually adventurous women”
and illegal drinkers, as the Klan were virulent supporters
of Prohibition (Pegram 3). Though involvement
dropped off sharply by the beginning of the Great
Depression, the second wave of the Klan did not fully
dissolve until the late 1940s, when it was strained
by the federal government’s request for back taxes,
internal strife following the death of leader Dr. Samuel
Green, and the arrival of World War II (Pegram 20;
Chalmers 335; Chalmers 424).
The third significant wave of Klan activity evolved as
a response to the civil rights movement. “It was the
Supreme Court decision against public school segregation
on May 17, 1954, that gave the Invisible Empire
a new impetus and environment for action,” writes
historian David M. Chalmers in Hooded Americanism:
The History of the Ku Klux Klan. “In a South marked
by growing hysteria, the Klans burst into activity”
(343). And burst into activity they did—a 1959 report
detailing Klan activity during the four years after
Brown v. Board of Education “listed some 530 cases
of overt ‘racial violence, reprisal and intimidation’”(349).
Though Klan membership in the 1960s hovered around
fifty thousand members, the Ku Klux Klan no longer
acted as a single cohesive movement: “most Klaverns
(local units) remained stubbornly independent” (387;
“Ku Klux Klan— History”). In the meantime, the
American attitude towards the Klan had soured and
local and federal law enforcement agencies, including
the F.B.I., worked diligently to infiltrate and break up
the klaverns (“Ku Klux Klan— History”).
11
Clockwise from top:
The 2nd U.S. Artillery,
at Fair Oaks, VA,
June 1862.
Klansmen march in
Washington, DC, 1925.
Photograph by Walker
Evans during the Great
Depression.
Police officials watch
as barrels of liquor are
poured into the New
York sewer system at
the start of Prohibition.
12
Klansmen listen to a
speech given by their
Grand Wizard.
The Klan marches
down a city street
in the 1920s.
An unmasked Klans-
man holds a gun while
smoking a cigar.
A half-burned 6-foot
cross leans against
Florida church after
it was extinguished
by firefighters.
13
In the years between 1970 and 2000, the Klan continued
to splinter and decline, most especially in the public
eye. The Klan did experience a brief revival in the late
1970s and early 1980s, but with the exception of a few
national organizations, klaverns were locally-based and
operated independently of each other. In the 1970s
David Duke, Imperial Wizard of the Knights of the Ku
Klux Klan, radically altered the face the Klan presented
to the outside world. By avoiding the use of racial slurs
and emphasizing the ideas of pride, heritage, and family
values, Duke attempted to broaden the Klan’s appeal
and soften its image in order to enlarge its membership.
Several of these tactics were picked up by the few
national Klan groups still remaining, among them the
American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and the Knights
of the White Kamelia (“Ku Klux Klan— History”).
Near the end of the twentieth century, many American
cities were faced with “a significant influx of immigrants,
especially Hispanics, for the first time in their histories.”
In response to this rise in immigration, many klaverns
increased their focus on opposing immigration.
(“About the Ku Klux Klan”).
The Ku Klux Klan Today
According to the Anti-Defamation League, a civil rights
agency dedicated to fighting anti-Semitism, racism, and
bigotry, more than 40 distinct Klan groups are currently
in existence nation-wide. Many of these groups have
multiple klaverns, or chapters, and over one hundred
klaverns are currently operating around the country.
The ADL estimates the total number of Klan members
and associates to be roughly 5,000 individuals. Klan
members today often focus on issues like gay marriage,
immigration, and what they consider to be “assaults
on Christianity”(“About the Ku Klux Klan”).
The Klan today is a mere shadow
of what it once was. However, it is
still true that “of all the types of
right-wing groups that exist in the
United States, the Klan remains the
one with the greatest number of
national and local organizations
around the country”(“About the
Ku Klux Klan”).
14
VISUAL COM
PONE NTS
Overhead shot of
the Klan’s 1924 march
down Pennsylvania
Avenue in the District
of Columbia.
15
Visual Components of the KKK Brand
Al and Laura Ries, marketing professionals and
co-authors of The 22 Immutable Laws of Branding,
compare successful branding to occupying the mind
of the consumer. “If you want to build a brand, you
must focus your branding efforts on owning a word
in the prospect’s mind. A word that no one else owns.
What prestige is to Mercedes, safety is to Volvo”
(qtd. in Wheeler 65). An examination of the visual
components of the Ku Klux Klan brand reveals a desire
to own two words, specific to the consumer. In the
mind of the current or prospective Klansman, the KKK
aims to own the word “pride”. In the mind of its
enemies, “fear”. The visual aspects of the Klan brand,
its choice of symbols, imagery, color, and typography
all center around these two concurrent purposes—to
inspire a sense of pride and duty in its current and
prospective members and to instill terror in any and
all individuals who are at odds with Klan principles.
In some instances, the visual aspects of the Klan are
concise and striking; in others, they are convoluted
and clearly the spawn of individual egos. But all are
united by the fact that force of their visual effect is
the result of the bloodshed wrought by the Klan,
as opposed to any intrinsic power.
16
Klan Symbols: Klan Robes
The basis of the Klan regalia—the white robe and mask
that both inspire fear in the viewer and cloak the
wearer in anonymity—was the result of the first night
ride by the founding Klansmen in Pulaski, Tennessee.
“Bubbling over with the excitement of their new-found
plaything, the young members of the new Ku Klux Klan
decided to make a public manifestation of themselves;
so, borrowing the familiar idea of the easy Hallowe’en
disguise, they wrapped themselves in sheets, mounted
their horses and galloped through the streets of the little
town, greatly enjoying the sensation they created—
particularly the alarm and dismay of the negroes, to
whose superstitious minds the sight of white-sheeted
figures suggested nothing but spirits risen from the
grave, and who accordingly fled to their homes in
panic-stricken terror” (Horn 13).
Whether the Klansmen happened upon the white robes
and hoods or chose them purposefully in order to
resemble the ghosts of dead Confederate soldiers, the
members were undoubtedly pleased with the result
(32). Robes and hoods quickly became the Ku Klux
Klan uniform, though they were worn more often at
“raids, demonstrations or other group appearances in
public” than at regular meetings (Horn 58).
Klansmen took pride in their costumes. Style, color,
and ornamentation of robes differed greatly amongst
members though there were overlapping features.
“The matter of color and style was left largely to the
individual’s personal taste, although all [robes] were
of a grotesque nature calculated to impress and terrify
the ignorant and superstitious. White robes were
originally used by the Pulaski organizers of the Klan,
and were generally favored by other Klans at first…
There was, however, an early departure from the
popularity of the white robes, and black or red with
white trimmings seemed to be favored. Various schemes
of ornamentation were adopted in
different sections, governed chiefly
by the individual’s personal taste
and whim, and some of them
went in for ingeniously terrifying
appurtenances like the horns
popular in some states” (Horn 60).
Over time, klaverns began to
demand a mandatory robe
purchase in order to join and as
fewer Klan robes were sewn
by members’ wives, robes grew
to be less individualized (Pegram
16). Many klaverns, however,
developed their own systems to
indicate a Klansman’s ranking
using particular stripes and colors.
Today Klansmen often wear
open-faced hoods or cover their
face with a removable cloth.
Current Klan robes also feature
the Ku Klux Klan logo sewn
prominently over the left breast.
The robes and hoods worn by
Klansmen had the practical
function of uniting Klan members
and protecting their identities
so that acts of intimidation and
violence could not be attributed to
any particular individual. But they
also had a deeper, more sinister
effect perhaps best explained by
historian and civil rights activist
W.E.B. Du Bois.
“The method of force which hides
itself in secrecy is a method as old
as humanity. The kind of thing that men are afraid or
ashamed to do openly, and by day, they accomplish
secretly, masked, and at night. The method has certain
advantages…it shields itself in the mob mind and then
throws over all a veil of darkness which becomes
glamor. It attracts people who otherwise could not be
reached. It harnesses the mob” (Bartoletti ii).
The Klan robe is one of the strongest visual elements
of the Ku Klux Klan brand. Like Coca-Cola’s signature
red, the Klan regalia instantly evokes the KKK and all
of the violence and terror associated with it. Since the
Ku Klux Klan’s inception, the robe and hood have
retained their chilling effectiveness to communicate
the presence of the Klan.
The KKK aims to represent
the word PRIDE in the
mind of prospective
Klansmen and
the word FEAR
in the mind of
its enemies.
Two Klansmen display
the wide variety of
personalization among
individual regalia.
19
Klan Symbols: Burning Cross
The KKK’s involvement with the burning cross
originates, oddly, in medieval Scotland. Known as the
“Fiery Cross”, or in Gaelic “Crann Tara”, the flaming
cross was used by Scots to alert nearby clans of
impending danger (“History of Crann Tara”). It was
not until 1905 that the burning cross was first affiliated
with the Ku Klux Klan when author Thomas Dixon
claimed the practice as an early Klan tactic, despite
the lack of any correlating evidence (Chalmers 430).
Dixon’s novel The Clansman became the inspiration for
D.W. Griffith’s 1915 film Birth of A Nation, whose
sympathetic portrayal of the Klan and glorification of
cross burnings inspired an Atlanta klavern, led by
Grand Wizard William J. Simmons, to hold the first
Klan cross lighting ceremony on Thanksgiving Eve,
1915 (Chalmers 430, Koerner).
Cross burnings continued throughout the Klan’s
resurgence during the 1920s. Klansmen used the cross
lightings as both an intimidation tactic and an excuse
for a community gathering. “Cross burnings were
the Klan’s most spectacular and entertaining public
displays…[They] reinforced the fraternal bonds among
Klansmen, and, according to eyewitness testimony,
thrilled the often large crows of onlookers attending the
events” (Pegram 3). “‘Oh, it was fun’ to burn a cross,
recalled a woman from Indiana’s female Klan auxiliary.
‘The way they wrapped it in gunny sacks and soaked it
in oil and then those guys went up and lit it, it was
just a fun thing to do’” (Pegram 24). In this way, the
Klan cross burning ceremonies bring to mind the sense
of spectacle Hitler first admired at a demonstration of
Marxists in Berlin and later adopted himself during as
the head of the Nazi regime (Iron Fists 16).
Ku Klux Klan members often refer to cross burning as
“cross lighting” and base its importance on religious
20
significance. From kkk.bz, the website of the Knights
of the Ku Klux Klan—”We don’t burn the cross, we
Light the cross…The light of the cross symbolizes the
Light of Christ dispelling darkness and ignorance. It
is the fire of the cross that reminds us of the cleansing
‘fire’ of Christ that cleanses evil from our land” (“The
Christian Cross Lighting Ceremony”).
But to the Klan’s enemies, who had flaming crosses
placed on their lawns as a warning or a precursor to
violence, “the fiery cross of the 1920s was a threat”
(Pegram 3). The burning cross’ impact was summarized
by editor-in-chief James L. Swanson in the 2003
edition of the Cato Supreme Court Review: “For the
past eighty-eight years, ever since the first recorded
cross burning in the United States in 1915, that flaming
object has been the trademark of one group—the Ku
Klux Klan. To the members of the Klan, that symbol
represents an ideology of white supremacy and racial
solidarity. To African Americans, the burning cross
symbolizes a sinister history of toxic racism reaching
back to the Civil War. To this audience, a cross aflame
also symbolizes danger: threats, arson, violence, robed
night riders, lynchings, and murder” (82).
Swanson was writing about Virginia
v. Black, the 2002 Supreme Court
Case concerning the constitutional-
ity of a Virginia statute banning
the burning of crosses. In April of
2003 Supreme Court Justice Sandra
Day O’Connor ruled that states
have the constitutional right to ban
“cross burning carried out with the
intent to intimidate,” though the act
of lighting a cross itself cannot be
considered prima facie evidence of
this intent to intimidate. Citing
the Ku Klux Klan’s “reign of terror
throughout the South”, Justice
O’Connor stated, “…the burning
of a cross is a ‘symbol of hate’…
While cross burning does not
inevitably convey a message of
intimidation, often the cross burner
intends that the recipient of the
message fear for their lives. And
when a cross burning is used to
A Klansman douses
the flames of a burning
cross with water at
the close of an evening
Klan meeting.
21
intimidate, few if any messages are more powerful”
(“Virginia v. Black”). Despite this ruling, the use of
burning crosses as a threat has continued to this day.
In 2007, the Federal Bureau of Investigation reported
twenty incidents of cross burnings in the United States
during the previous two years (“Decidedly Uncivil:
Cross Burnings in the 21st Century”).
As a branding component, a fiery cross is a striking
visual, even when divorced from the context of Klan
history. Fire is an agent of destruction; it transforms
all that it touches to ash. Yet it was the discovery of fire
that propelled men from caves and into the world
of electricity. In this sense, fire could be interpreted in
a positive sense. But just as the swastika was transformed
from an ancient Sanskrit symbol representing good
fortune to a symbol of genocide due to the horrific
violence perpetuated by the Nazi regime, the burning
cross, once a cry for help from medieval Scots became
a signal of racially-motivated hatred, violence, and even
murder (The Swastika 19).
22
“…there is
no mistaking
its meaning…
even if the KKK
logo were not
associated with
the burning
cross, that
drop of bloodwould still indicate a violent ideology.”
23
Klan Symbols: Pure Blood Logo
Known as the pure blood symbol, the Klan logo
appears on countless Klan websites, merchandise, and
official robes. It is often referred to as the “M.I.O.A.K.”
or “Mystic Insignia of a Klansman” by Klan members
(“MIOAK”; “MIOAK Blood Drop Patch”). Despite
the splintering of the Ku Klux Klan into various factions
across the country, it is a consistent symbol and for
all intents and purposes functions as a logo for the Klan.
Much like Nike’s swoosh or Coca-Cola’s logotype,
the pure blood logo acts as a central branding element.
Internally, it unifies the KKK members, declares their
allegiance to the Klan, and stands as a symbol of the
principles the Ku Klux Klan was founded on. To those
on the outside, it serves the same purpose as the Klan’s
white robes and hoods—a visual representation of
the hate group, shorthand for the Klan itself.
Unfortunately, little scholarly information exists about
the origin of the pure blood logo, though considering
the level of secrecy surrounding many aspects of the
Ku Klux Klan, this is hardly surprising. In Volume
12 of the AIGA Journal of Graphic Design, Steven
Heller proposed that the logo was the outcome of the
“mixed marriage of Christian and pagan iconography,”
citing the use of black and red and the outline of a
“slabbed cross” (“Designing Hate”). The logo is actually
composed of several simple geometric shapes. The
white slabbed cross lies in the center of a red circle with
a black stroke. This outer circular shape unifies the
composition and reinforces the idea of a group. Inside
the white cross sits a black diamond that holds the only
organic shape in the composition—a drop of blood.
The Anti-Defamation League reports that, “According
to the Klan, the blood drop represents the blood shed
by Jesus Christ as a sacrifice for the White Aryan Race”
(“Hate Symbols: Ku Klux Klan”). However, like much
Klan mythology, this fact is highly debated, even by
members of the Klan themselves.
According to the anonymous writer
of kkklan.com, a self-proclaimed
Klan member, the current Klan
logo is actually an alteration of the
Imperial Seal of the KKK, instituted
by Grand Wizard Simmons in the
1920s. “You should be able to spot
the ‘mioak’ part of the seal right
away. You’ll notice in the center that
it looks like the oriental yin and
yang symbol, and that’s what it is.
The dates are 1915, in the white
part (the date the KKK was revived)
and 1866, in the dark part (the
date the revival Klan recognized as
the first official year of the original
Klan)…Now, you can see quite
plainly that all they did next was
to take the K’s and the yin yang
and place it on a round patch and
add the Klan colors of red, white,
and black…[This] was called the
MIOAK by the revival Klan and
not the blood drop cross. However,
it was hard to sew on the dates in
the center so they could be seen
and read. So, they were not put on
the patches. Also, the white part of
the yin yang could not be seen
against the white background of
the patch. So only the dark part
showed up in red…There was no
cross or blood of Christ connection
to it at all” (“The Mystic Insignia
of a Klansman”).
24
The anonymous Klansman goes on to explain the
presence of the white slabbed cross, which is often
surrounded by black lines of varying thicknesses in
variations of the symbol. “…Look at the black bracket
and black “arms” stretching out on each of the four
sides. These are four “K’s” symbolically facing the
four points of the compass. The four “K’s” stand for:
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan” (“The Mystic Insignia
of a Klansman”). For this reason, the author insists
that the correct placement of the pure blood symbol
is with the arms of the cross set at an angle as opposed
to straight up and down.
Historical accuracy or inaccuracy aside, it is clear that
there is some confusion among Klansmen as to proper
placement of the M.I.O.A.K. The pure blood symbol,
which also appears on newsletters, websites, and
memorabilia, is seen most consistently on official Klan
robes. The logo, in the form of a patch, is always sewn
on the upper left chest, above the heart. This common
placement ensures that the mark has proper “contrast
from its surroundings” (Budelmann, Kim, and Wozniak
28). However, the rotation of the robe patch, as well
as the other incarnations of the symbol, seems to vary
from one klavern to the next.
As a visual symbol, the “pure blood”
logo is quite striking. Red, which
features prominently in the design,
has been long-recognized as the
most attention-grabbing of hues.
The blood red is contrasted with the
cross’ brilliant white, reinforcing
the Klan ideals of purity and the
supremacy of the white race.
The use of flat colors and simple
shapes help to create a strong,
memorable symbol. As Steven
Heller observes, “[It is not] as
geometrically precise, or as aestheti-
cally pure, as the swastika, but
there is no mistaking its meaning…
Even if the KKK logo were not
associated with the burning cross,
that drop of blood would still
indicate a violent ideology”
(“Designing Hate”).
The current pure blood
logo originates from
this “MIOAK” badge.
The pure blood logo,
shown here in both
the incorrect (top)
and correct (bottom)
positions.
25
Klansmen in uniform
cuddle ferrets in front
of a Confederate flag.
The movie poster for
The Black Klansman,
a 1966 film directed by
Ted V. Mikels.
A Klansmen holds his
young daughter in uniform
on the cover of a 1965
edition of The Saturday
Evening Post.
Klansmen salute the
cross.
A Klansmen rides on
horseback.
Klansmen kneel before
their Grand Wizard
during a ceremony.
26
Appropriated Symbols: Confederate Flag
In contrast to white robes and the burning cross, the
Confederate flag (also known as the “rebel”or “Dixie”
flag) is not a symbol associated solely with the KKK.
To individuals of different races and upbringings, it may
signal anything from Southern heritage and pride to
racially-motivated hatred and violence. As strong as the
divide is between these two viewpoints, they are often
held with an equally fierce strength. As David Sansing,
Professor Emeritus of History at the University of
Mississippi, succinctly explains, “There are at least
five or six different groups to whom the flag is very
important, but for very, very different reasons”
(“The Confederate Flag: Current Controversies”).
There are several misnomers concerning what is
referred to today as “the Confederate Flag”. First,
it is often mistakenly called the “Stars and Bars”,
a nickname that actually belongs to the first national
flag of the Confederate Congress, adopted in 1861
(McWhirter D3). Second, the rectangular flag seen
today on belt buckles and the backs of pickup trucks
never officially represented the Confederate Army
during the Civil War. As detailed in a 2003 article
from The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, the use of the
Confederate national flag, so close in appearance to
the American flag, created confusion on the battlefield
(McWhirter D3). The design of a flag specific for use
during battle fell to William Porcher Miles, one of
“the most vehement supporters of slavery” (McWhirter
D3). Miles was said to have been inspired by South
Carolina’s secession flag, a red field divided into quad-
rants by a blue St. George’s cross holding fifteen
white stars. A white crescent and a white palmetto
tree (South Carolina’s state tree) sit in the upper
left (“Confederate Battle Flag”). A square flag, Miles’
design features thirteen white stars (representing the
thirteen states of the Confederacy) aligned within a
“blue saltire, or X shape, with a
white border” on a red field
(“Confederate Battle Flag”).
Though a saltire is also known
as a “St. Andrew’s Cross”, in
Miles’s design it was not intended
to have any religious significance.
The majority of Confederate armies
adopted Miles’s battle flag, however,
a few divisions created a variation
of the flag by reformatting it into
a rectangular shape. It is this version
of the Confederate battle flag which
has endured today, due in part
to advertising companies that began
to use the Confederate battle flag
as a “generic symbol for the Southern
states” in the 1920s (Balloch B5).
The beginning of the Confederate
flag’s popularity began in the
1940s at college football games,
where students and fans would
wave them in the stands. This was
especially true at University of
Mississippi games (Balloch B5).
It was not until the civil rights
movement of the 1950s that Klan
groups began to display the
Confederate flag as, according
to one Klansman, “an act of
defiance to the federal violations
of State’s Rights” (Balloch B5;
“The True Flag of the Ku Klux
Klan”). During this period the
flag grew increasingly entwined
with issues of racial prejudice.
27
an
emblem
of southern
pride
or a
symbol of
racism?
28
The Anti-Defamation League comments, “Although
the flag is seen by some Southerners simply as a symbol
of Southern pride, it is often used by racists to represent
white domination of African-Americans” (“Hate Symbols:
Confederate Flag”).
Today the Confederate flag can be seen as a symbol of
racism and the Klux Klan as much as an emblem
of Southern pride. The image of the Confederate flag
appears on countless Klan websites and merchandise
and has been waved by Klansmen during marches and
rallies. The Klan’s adoption of the Confederate flag
has become so pervasive that members of the Sons
of Confederate Veterans, a group dedicated to “preserving
the history and legacy” of Confederate soldiers have
begun to stage protests against the KKK’s use of the
Confederate flag (Scv.org). During a protest on the steps
of the Owensboro Federal Building in Kentucky, Sons
of Confederate Veterans members carried placards
“that read ‘Ban the Klan, not the flag’ and ‘Confederate
flag is not a Klan flag’”(Lawrence 1).
The Sons of Confederate Veterans seem to believe that
it is the Ku Klux Klan’s usage that has transformed the
Confederate flag into a racist symbol, but it is important
to remember that the flag’s original intent was to unite
the thirteen states that chose to secede from the Union
rather than ban the horrific oppression and slavery of
black people. A Confederate flag does not necessarily
need to be in the hands of a man in a white hood in
order to be deemed a threat by a person of color. What
remains inarguable, however, is the malice with which
the Klan yields the Confederate flag and the fact that
the proliferation of Confederate flag images associated
with the Klan will only increase its reading as symbol
of racially-motivated violence and hatred.
Nazi flags hang in the
streets of Germany.
Spreads from the Nazi
pamphlet on branding
and iconography.
29
Appropriated Symbols: Swastika
In the first few pages of The Swastika: Symbol Beyond
Redemption? Steven Heller comments on the visual
impact of the swastika. “…It is one of the most visually
powerful symbols ever devised. Just set aside for a
moment what is known about it and compare the
swastika to other great signs of the past and present:
No other mark—not even variations of the cross or,
for that matter, the Nike swoosh—are as graphically
potent” (The Swastika 3).
Heller goes on to explain his fascination with the
symbol, remarking on its “geometric purity”, maximum
legibility and “illusion of movement” when balanced
on an edge. Indeed, the swastika seems to have held
a visual fascination for many civilizations throughout
history. “The word swastika comes from the Sanskrit
svastika, which means “good fortune” or “well-being.”
The motif (a hooked cross) appears to have first been
used in Neolithic Eurasia, perhaps representing the
movement of the sun through the sky. To this day it
is a sacred symbol in Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism,
and Odinism…Swastikas also have an ancient history
in Europe, appearing on artifacts from pre-Christian
European cultures” (“History of the Swastika”).
At what point did the swastika
transform from a symbol of good
will and benediction into a symbol
of the Nazi regime and its millions
of victims? According to Thomas
Wilson, a Smithsonian curator
who received federal support to
research the swastika in the late
1800s, “the swastika emerged in
both hemispheres and throughout
virtually every landmass, continent,
and country” (The Swastika 21).
The swastika took different forms
depending on its culture of origin
with some variations involving
dots, thicker bars, or more curved
edges. The “normal” swastika
however, according to Wilson, had
straight bars “of equal thickness
throughout [that] cross each other
at right angles, making four arms
of equal size, length, and style…
all the ends are bent at right angles
and in the same direction, right
or left” (Wilson 767).
30
In 1874, during an archaeological dig of Hissarlik
(the site of ancient Troy), Dr. Heinrich Schliemann
discovered multiple artifacts adorned with swastikas
(Wilson 771). Schliemann incorrectly interpreted his
findings as proof of Germans’ Aryan heritage, and these
views were published as fact by German writers and
scientists who were expounding on German racial
dominance and eugenics at the time (“History of the
Swastika”). By the end of the nineteenth century,
“German racist mystics and occultists adopted the
swastika as their sacred icon of racial purity and
invented a heritage and lore to support it” (The Swastika
38). In the years leading up to the formation of the
National Socialist German Workers Party (also known
as the Nazi party), the flat-edged swastika had been
adopted by several right-wing occult and political groups
and was even in fashion with German youth “much
in the same way the Egyptian Ankh was popular among
hippies during the 1960s” (The Swastika 59; 53).
Thus, the swastika was highly present in German culture
during the time when Adolf Hitler began searching for
a symbol to represent the 1918 German Workers Party
(renamed the National Socialist German Workers Party
in 1920). Most likely, the adoption of the swastika was
first suggested by Dr. Friedrich
Krohn, a dentist and member of the
German Workers Party who in
1919 submitted a report titled “Is
the swastika suitable as the symbol
of the National Socialist Party?”
which detailed a design involving a
clockwise swastika a color scheme
of red, black, and white (The
Swastika 64). As he did in many
other instances, Hitler took credit
for this idea, writing in Mein
Kampf, “I myself, after innumer-
able attempts, had put down a final
form: a flag with a background of
red, with a white circle, and in its
center, a black swastika” (qtd. in
The Swastika 64). As Heller notes,
“Hitler’s major contribution was
to reverse the direction of the
swastika” (The Swastika 65).
The blatant appropriation of the
once benevolent swastika by the
Nazi Party would perhaps have not
31
been successful had it not been supported by such a
strict branding policy. Under Hitler’s rule, the swastika
became the centerpiece of the Nazi identity system,
which “is a textbook case of how successful critical
mass communication can become. The legacy of the
Nazi’s branding campaign is its diabolical durability”
(Iron Fists 75).
In 1952, Germany passed a constitutional law that
banned the public display of the swastika or any other
Nazi symbology (Iron Fists 75). There is no such
corresponding law in America, where the swastika is
used often by “neo-Nazis, racist skinheads and other
white supremacist groups” (“Hate Symbols: Neo-Nazi
Swastika Flag”). As Klan members share many of the
same ideals as these groups—a hatred of immigrants
and a focus on white supremacy—as well as attend
many of the same events, it is hardly surprising that the
swastika also appears on several Klan websites and
in personal photographs of Klansmen.
32
33
34
A toddler dressed in
Klan regalia touches
the riot shield of a state
trooper.
Imagery
An examination of several Klan websites showcases
the prevalence of imagery in the Klan branding system.
Out of eight websites (belonging to the United Northern
and Southern Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the
Brotherhood of Klans, the Church of the National
Knights, the Empire Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the
Imperial Klans of America, the Knights of the Ku Klux
Klan and two divisions of the Georgia Knight Riders),
five devote a section to an image gallery or photo album.
All eight websites feature multiple images prominently.
Selection and style of imagery is an important aspect
of any successful identity system. Consumers tend to
prefer visuals—whether they be relatable, humorous,
exciting, or artists—as opposed to text. The style and
content of a company’s imagery is, in essence, the face
of the brand, a key component in the visual representation
of the brand’s “personality”.
An examination of the images that appear on the Klan
websites specified above clearly demonstrates the
weaknesses in the KKK identity system. Often, the
images featured on these sites are photographs of
individuals or small groups taken with personal digital
cameras. These photographs lack proper lighting and
are clearly taken by a fellow Klansman or a friend as
opposed to a professional photographer. If one were to
remove the Confederate flags, Klan logos, and Nazi
salutes from the images, they might be of a group of
average middle-aged Americans gathering in a backyard
or rec room. One could argue that this is exactly the
impression the Klan is hoping to make, one of a
convivial fraternity, but these images are at odds with
the Klan’s professed ideals and self-image as strong
defenders of white family values.
TEND TO PREFER vISUAlS AS
OPPOSED TO
CONSUMERS
TEXT
36
of Ku Klux Klan imagery
symbols: the pure blood logo, the
Confederate flag and other imagery
related to the Confederacy, and
religious imagery. These pixelated,
clearly handmade creations under-
score the Klan’s lack of funding
and national organization.
The greatest flaw of the Ku Klux
Klan imagery is that it reveals far
too much about its subjects. Far
from creating the impression of
a successful and coordinated
organization, the imagery that
appears on these websites shows
each Klan to be an individual
unit with straggling numbers and
a lack of funding and professional
marketing experience. These
are not images that could inspire
fear in the Klan’s enemies or
instill confidence in their potential
members and therefore constitute
a very weak point in the brand of
the Ku Klux Klan.
Images of Klan rallies, marches and cross burnings are
no more impressive. Far from creating an impression
of a large, cohesive group united in their dedication
to preserve the “sanctity of the white race”, the images
show straggling, isolated groups that appear to be
poorly organized and badly funded. In part, this effect
is caused, once again, by a lack of professional photo-
graphy. Better composition, angles, and lighting can
help create a mood for the scene as well as bolster an
impression of a group’s funding and strong foundation.
The photographs taken at Klan rallies reveal a glaring
distinction between the number of Klansmen and the
number of spectators present at these protests—a
distinction that perhaps could have been masked by
shooting from a different angle or not including these
images on an official web site at all.
Other visual aspects of these Klan websites seem
inexplicably dated and poorly designed. The websites
of both the Georgia Knight Riders and the Arizona
Realm Church of the National Knights of the Ku Klux
Klan feature repeating background imagery that
overwhelms the page. Many of the websites include
collages in their photo galleries. These collages are
typically poorly Photoshopped combinations of Klan
37
is that it
far too much about its subjects.
these are not images that could
The greatest flaw
of Ku Klux Klan imagery
or instill CONFIDENCE
reveals
inspire FEAR in the klan’s enemies
in its members.
38
Color
Color is a key component of a strong brand identity.
It is responsible for capturing attention as well as
establishing a consistent visual brand that differentiates
one group from another. “The brain responds to color
the same way it responds to pleasure or pain. It’s
immediate, primal (Budelmann, Kim, and Wozniak 16).
Though not every organization can “capture” a color
to the extent of Coca-Cola or Tiffany & Co., color is
nevertheless a strong visual indicator that can serve as
a cohesive branding element.
The primary color scheme of the Ku Klux Klan is white
and red, a striking duo. Accompanied at times with a
deep black, this dominant color combination is evident
both in the pure blood logo (largely red and white with
outlines of black) and in Klan robes, which are often
a pure white accented with blood red. An early pamphlet
published by Mr. and Mrs. William B. Romine of
Pulaski, Tennessee explained the emotional reasoning
behind the Klan’s choice of colors concerning robes.
“As the Klan stood primarily for the purity and preserva-
tion of the home and for the protection of women
and children, especially the widows and orphans
of Confederate soldiers, white, the emblem of purity
was chosen for the robes. And to render them startling
39
and conspicuous red, emblem of the blood which
Klansmen were ready to shed in defense of the helpless
was chosen for the trimmings. Also a sentimental
thought probably was present in adopting the color
scheme, as white and red were Confederate color”
(qtd. in Randel 8).
The physical attributes of color most likely played
a role in this decision as well, though perhaps only on
a subconscious level. “Colors on the red end of the
spectrum are focused slightly behind the retinas in your
eyes. Therefore, a red color appears to move toward
your eyes while you’re looking at it…Because of
these physical reasons, red is the color of energy and
excitement. Red is an in-your face color. Which is
why red is the dominant color in 45 percent of all
national flags” (A. Ries and L. Ries 86).
Indeed, the Klan’s red, white and black logo is highly
reminiscent of the Nazi flag, an equally arresting visual.
The sharp contrast created by the use of red, white,
and black cause the colors to almost leap off the page
towards the viewer.
Less effective, however, is the Klan’s use of red, white,
and blue. Though these colors are not utilized as
purposefully as red, white, and
black, the KKK’s frequent display
of both Confederate and American
flags causes this combination of
colors to become a secondary color
scheme. Red, white, and blue,
especially when appearing in the
form of the flag, are a clear signal
of patriotism to American citizens.
This is certainly a useful symbol
for the Ku Klux Klan, which aims
to represent itself as the last bastion
of American ideals, however the
use of red, white, and blue as a
device to represent respect for the
United States is ubiquitous. The
colors of the American flag appear
so frequently and often with more
connection to commerce than to
patriotism that the Klan’s intended
message is hopelessly diluted.
Klansmen cluster
around their Grand
Wizard.
A lone Klansman
stands in front of
a burning cross.
40
Typography
In Designing Brand Identity: A Complete Guide to
Creating, Building, and Maintaining Strong Brands,
Alina Wheeler explains the role typography plays
in the creation and sustainability of a strong brand.
“Typography is a core building block of an effective
identity program. Companies such as Apple, Mercedes-
Benz, and Citibank are immediately recognizable
in great part due to the distinctive and consistent
typographical style that is used with intelligence
and purpose throughout thousands of applications over
time. A unified and coherent company image is not
possible without typography that has a unique
personality and information hierarchy…The typeface
needs to be flexible and easy to use, and must provide
a wide range of expression. Clarity and legibility are
the drivers” (88).
A brief survey of several Klan websites reveals that
the Ku Klux Klan has no discernible typographic system
in place. There is no consistency in style between
various chapters and most, if not all, of the websites
lack a clear typographic hierarchy and feature type
that borders on illegible.
The “Activism” page of the Empire Knights of the Ku
Klux Klan website, for example, is a black screen nearly
filled with bright red text—not a highly legible color
combination under ordinary circumstances, but made
increasingly worse by the small type, tight leading,
and lack of paragraph separation. The two (presum-
ably) most important phrases on the page, “Contact
Congress” and “Contact Senate” are a medium blue
and set at the same size as the rest of the type, two
factors which contribute to the two links being nearly
indistinguishable from the background. The Georgia
and Arizona chapters of the Church of the National
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan also sacrifice legibility
by putting their text in bright red, yellow, and blue.
and feature type that
ille
gib
le
The
websites
lack
a clear
typographic
hierarchy
borders
on
THE KlAN HAS NEvER BEEN
SIMPlY ABOUT FRATERNITY
43
The homepage of cnkkkk.net, the general website of the
Church of the National Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, is
representative of many of the Klan’s errors in handling
text. Type appears in six different colors and three fonts
are employed: Arial, Times New Roman and an ornate
display font used for both group’s title and a subhead
reading “Klansmans Kreed”. This use of an assortment
of fonts is reflected in the material of other klaverns.
The Imperial Knights of America, the Georgia Knight
Riders, and the Empire Knights of the Ku Klux Klan all
employ a serif, sans serif and display font. The serifs
and sans serifs tend to be the most generic available,
and the use of one over the other seems to be almost
arbitrary. For example, in a United Northern and
Southern Knights of the KKK flier, the street address
of the organization is written in a sans serif typeface
while the city and state information is set in a serif face.
Display fonts employed by the KKK tend to be
excessively decorative and often have a medieval or
gothic feel, perhaps in reference to an era in which
knights were hailed as heroes and protectors of what
was just and moral.
The KKK’s inappropriate employment of typography
is one of the weakest facets of the Ku Klux Klan brand.
“Legibility, flexibility, and consistency” are the pillars
of successful typography and the majority of the Klan
websites struggle to accomplish even one of those
components (Budelmann, Yang, and Wozniak 46). The
mixture of font styles, large blocks of text, and issues
of legibility reveal the Klan’s divisiveness and create a
convoluted message that even dedicated Klansmen may
not be able to decode.
STOP RACISM!There are thousands of groups working for the interests of blacks andother non-whites, but how many groups stand up for the culturalvalues of whites? Not many! As a result, we are faced with reversediscrimination in jobs, promotions and scholarships-high taxes fornon-whites welfare- a black and Hispanic plague of crime- guncontrol- anti white movies and TV shows. In short, a society orientedto the wishes of non-whites!
We of the United Northern & Southern Knights of the Ku Klux Klan areun-apologetically committed to the interest and values of the whiterace! We are determined to maintain and enrich our cultural and racialheritage! We are growing fast and strong because we have NEVERcompromised the truth! Want to learn more?
For more Information write to:
National Office
P.O. Box 26506
Fraser, MI 48026
OR VISIT OUR WEBSITE AT
WWW.UNSKKKK.COM
44
COM PONE
OVER ARCHING
NTSA young child lies
down on a wooden
cross as Klansmen
prepare to light it
on fire.
45
Overarching Components of the KKK Brand
A brand cannot subsist on visual elements alone. Just
as the logo must be supported by “a visual language
and a vocabulary”, this visual language must rest upon
a conceptual framework, one that takes into account
the organization’s primary goals (Wheeler 81). “The
best identity programs embody and advance the
company’s brand by supporting [its] desired perceptions.
The identity encompasses every tangible expression
of the brand and becomes intrinsic to a company’s
culture—a constant reminder of its core values and its
heritage” (Wheeler 12). Without a clear and defined
message, as well as a consistent approach to represent-
ing that message, a brand is without an identity as
well as a system. The Klan’s splintering into a multitude
of distinct chapters has ensured that the KKK is unified
in name only. Klaverns have conflicting views and
visual styles, and while several have made concerted
efforts to remain in the public eye, the Klan remains
deflated, unsupported by a central identity system.
OVER ARCHING
46
47
Message
W.E.B. Du Bois once referred to the Ku Klux Klan as
the “Shape of Fear”, an apt description for a group that
has so often coalesced during periods of upheaval in
American history (qtd. in Pegram 11). The Ku Klux
Klan, writes historian David Chalmers, “was part of
an enduring tradition, an available vehicle for the social
and racial anxiety of at least part of a stratum of Ameri-
can society” (Chalmers 7). For many Klansmen, their
decision to join the Klan was based less on political
motives and more out of a desire to be part of a group.
“The nature of the psychic value which the Klan offered
went far beyond night riding, reform, economic gain,
or political advantage. It provided recreation and a
sense of belonging. Probably the greatest strength of
the Invisible Empire lay not in its creed but in its
excitement and its in-group fraternalism…merely
belonging to the Invisible Empire solved many of the
Klansman’s problems” (Chalmers 115).
This sense of fraternalism mixed with an exotic
mysteriousness is the most successful aspect of the KKK
brand. “The best brands tend to symbolize something
in a culture beyond the specific, pragmatic offer…
Brands that are as much about belonging as they are
about buying tend to build the greatest value over time”
48
(Budelmann, Kim, and Wozniak 42). If one were to
disregard the Klan’s horrendous acts of violence and
racist theories and speech, the Klan, with its inner
structure of “Wizards” and “Dragons”, coded greetings,
night expeditions, and secret handshakes would sound
like a children’s club. Certainly a great deal of the Klan’s
appeal to prospective members is due to its unsaid
promise to provide a sense of camaraderie, fellowship,
and self-importance.
Yet the Klan has never been simply about fraternity,
however cleverly it may present itself as such. The
KKK’s history is stained with acts of egregious violence
and its “rhetoric, both in public and within the
klavern, was frequently acrid, confrontational, and
by its very excess suggested the possibility of violence”
(Pegram 18). For years, the Klan’s violence and
intimidation went unpunished, but after time society
began to see the KKK as the “divisive force it actually
was in the community” (Chalmers 4). Between the
resulting federal investigations and the rising societal
disapproval, the Klan was forced to alter its message (at
least outwardly). Many Klan websites now specifically
state their objections to violence. The Church of
the National Knights’ site proclaims, “CNKKKK ARE
Spectators line
the streets during
a Klan march.
Illustrations of the
Klan by Branford
Clark, 1925.
49
Christianity and lambasting the
“Jewish media”. There is some
overlap between different factions.
For example, immigration, gay
marriage, and the election of Barack
Obama, are discussed on many
sites—yet the distinctions in content
and editorial style are large enough
that the discrepancy is clear. While
the Ku Klux Klan may be able to
successfully purport an image of
brotherhood and secrecy, its own
divisiveness convolutes the brand’s
message, undermining the identity
of the Klan.
100% LAW ABIDDIN [sic.] AND HAVE ZERO
TOLERANCE ON VIOLENCE, DRUGS AND ABUSE
OF ELDERS, WOMEN, CHILDREN, AND ANI-
MALS” (cnkkkk.net). The Knights of the Ku Klux
Klan was established by David Duke in 1975 with the
intention of creating a “kinder, gentler” Klan which
would promote its ideals through the media and court
system (“Knights of the Ku Klux Klan”). David Duke’s
efforts continue today, as evidenced by the Knights
Party’s website, whose primary visual is a large banner
image of a white American family set against a backdrop
of the American flag, gazing at the words “Welcome to
the Ku Klux Klan; Loving Our Family!” (kkk.bz).
The Knights Party’s website may be the most obvious
example of a “kinder” KKK online, but most other
Klan websites use equally “positive” language, emphasiz-
ing family values, pride, and patriotism as opposed to
hatred and desire for violence. It is at this point,
however, where the messages from various Klan chapters
diverge. The websites of some chapters have page
upon page of information specific to their members
with little general information about the Klan. Some
sites feature galleries of horribly racially offensive
cartoons and imagery while others focus on promoting
50
the
greatest
failing
consistency is its LACK of
of the KKK’s identity system
51
Consistency
The greatest failing of the KKK’s identity system is its
lack of consistency. In order for a brand to be successful,
it must be considered dependable. An identity system is
about forging a bond of trust between the organization
and the consumer—“Brands are promises, and keeping
promises is all about being consistent” (Budelmann,
Kim, and Wozniak 66).
The Ku Klux Klan’s identity system is inherently flawed
because the Klan is separated into multiple factions that
have opposing views, objectives, and visual styles. As
the Anti-Defamation League notes, “there is no ‘one’
Ku Klux Klan”—more than 40 Klan groups, broken
down into over one hundred chapters, currently exist
in the United States (“About the Ku Klux Klan”). All
of these groups operate under some form of the KKK
name and yet there is no overarching organization or
even a central registry for Klansmen of all KKK affiliates.
Worse still, the klaverns themselves are shoddily
assembled and are subject to infighting.
This absence of structural coherence is echoed by a lack
of visual consistency among the chapters. The varied
factions of the Klan draw upon many of the same symbols
and elements—the burning cross, the pure blood logo,
the colors red and white—yet they are applied in a
different fashion from website to website.
The Klan’s lack of cohesion, both structurally and visually,
is a huge impediment to the establishment of a strong
identity system. If one were to compare it to an organiza-
tion, it would be as if Nike split into separate groups
based on each county in which a Nike store was located.
Although each Nike group retained a connection to
the Nike name and “swoosh”, they were applied in a
multitude of ways depending on the local group. A lack
of cohesion can do nothing but dilute a brand.
52
Flexibility
In order for a brand to be successful, it must be
flexible. Flexibility refers to the ability of an identity
to be applied with equal force across any application,
as well as the ability of an identity system to alter itself
according to the changing market.
As previously examined, the Klan’s online presence
is extraordinarily weak. Klan sites are often dated in
appearance, overwhelmed with illegible text, and
provide no link from one Klan chapter to another.
The online Klan follows none of the prescribed rules for
strong web design—“Graphics should be eye-catching,
but not confusing…Typography should be simple but
unique…As a rule of thumb, designers should use few
typefaces, and avoid clashing colors, or colors that are
difficult to read against the background” (Vaid 102).
This is especially damaging to the success of the Klan
considering that the Internet, as described by Helen
Vaid, is a form of “pull” rather than “push” media.
Push media refers to print material, radio, and television,
while “the World Wide Web conform[s] to the ‘pull’
model, in that consumers actively seek specific informa-
tion and ‘pull’ it from whichever sources provide it
in the most authoritative, accessible, and visually
attractive manner”.
The Ku Klux Klan has attempted to
stay relevant through other means
as well, primarily through capturing
the attention of the media.
In 1994, Missouri Klansmen gained
national attention by applying to
participate in the “Adopt-A-High-
way” program. Citing the KKK’s
“racist membership policy and history
of ‘unlawful violence’”, the Missouri
Department of Transportation
refused their application, a decision
which the U.S. Supreme Court later
ruled to be unconstitutional (Reaves).
Four years later, the Missouri
branch of the Knights of the Ku
Klux Klan attempted to underwrite
NPR’s “All Things Considered”
(“Public Radio Versus the Klan”),
a move which generated a great
deal of controversy. More recently,
a Virginia branch of the Ku Klux
Klan called the Knights of the
Southern Cross was involved in
A Klansman kneels
during an initiation
ceremony.
Two married Klansmen
lean on each other
during a Klan meeting.
53
a counter-protest of the Westboro Baptist Church, a
group known for picketing the funerals of American
servicemen with anti-gay placards. While the Klansmen
did not seem to draw much attention at the event itself,
the resulting news coverage was extensive (Ure).
The Klan may be skilled at keeping its name in the
public eye but in all other ways it has been unable
to alter its presentation to conform to the expectations
of today’s consumers. Modern corporations target
individuals through market research, engaging and
professional imagery, and a dynamic use of new
technologies. While the Klan’s publicity-garnering
stunts point to at least a modicum of media savviness,
in the end it is only further evidence of the Ku Klux
Klan resting on the legacy of their name as opposed
to a formulated branding strategy.
Two Klansmen and a
Grand Wizard stare
directly at the camera.
56
Differentiation
The ultimate purpose of a brand is to distinguish one
organization from another; to establish in the consumer’s
mind one enterprise as the premier manufacturer of a
particular commodity, be it athletic footwear or racist
diatribes. While the number of national and local Ku
Klux Klan groups is greater than that of any other
American right-wing hate group, the ideals of the KKK
are hardly unique to the Klan alone (“About the Ku
Klux Klan”). The late 1970s began a period of rapid
growth for the American neo-Nazi movement and
today racist skinheads flock to groups like the White
Aryan Resistance, the American Nazi Party, Aryan
Nations, and American Front (“Ku Klux Klan—
Ideology”; The Swastika 124-127).
The Southern Poverty Law Center contends that
stormfront.org, an internet forum founded in 1995 by
former Klan leader Don Black, “may be the Western
world’s most popular forum for so called ‘white
nationalists’ to post articles, engage in discussions,
and share news of upcoming racist events” (“Storm-
front”). “One of the secrets to Stormfront’s success is
its focus on community building. Whereas typical hate
sites function as one-way transfers of information—
rather like a brochure that can be read but not responded
to — Stormfront has always been organized as a
message board. Members can post opinions, listen
to others respond, then post more feedback for
all to read” (“Stormfront”).
In this way Stormfront is vastly superior to any Klan
websites, which perhaps forms the basis for its banning
by the Church of the National Knights, whose website
proclaims, “CNKKKK WILL NOT BE APART [sic.]
OF NAZI OR NEO CON COMMUNITIES”
(“KLARION CALLS”).
57
Other branches of the KKK seem less conflicted about
joining forces with neo-Nazi groups. The headquarters
of the Imperial Klans of America in Kentucky is the
location of Nordic Fest, an annual festival of white
supremacist groups and music (“Imperial Klans of
America”). The Brotherhood of Klans, who often
connects with outside
white supremacists,
“most notably racist
skinheads and outlaw
bikers”, has chapters
who have participated
in Aryan Guard
rallies. (“Brother-
hood of Klans”).
There are several
differences between
the Ku Klux Klan
and the neo-Nazi
movement—the Klan
tends to focus its
hatred on African-
Americans and
immigrants, while
neo-Nazi groups are
known for their anti-Semitism, and Klansmen tend
to be deeply Christian while many neo-Nazis are
atheists or pagans (“Ku Klux Klan— Ideology”). The
principle of white supremacy, however, remains in
the forefront and many Klans have begun to take
advantage of this fact in order to gain larger appeal.
The ADL notes, “Many white supremacists, especially
younger ones, viewed the Klan as old-fashioned com-
pared to these newer movements. Some Klan groups
adapted to this challenge by imitating neo-Nazi and
skinhead groups, adopting their symbols, regalia,
tattoos, slogans, and even music.
A number of Klan groups have
abandoned the use of the traditional
hoods and robes, eschewing them
altogether or only using them
during ceremonies. As a result,
the modern Klansman might just
as easily resemble a racist skinhead
in dress and appearance as he
might the traditional hooded and
robed figure that most people
associate with the Klan” (“Ku
Klux Klan— Ideology”).
In the face of competition, the
Ku Klux Klan is merging with
other groups instead of working
to differentiate their brand.
Relating the story of Coca-Cola
versus Pepsi-Cola Al and Laura
Ries note, “Not only should
the dominant brand tolerate
competitors, it should welcome
them. The best thing that happened
to Coca-Cola was Pepsi-Cola…
choice stimulates demand” (56).
The KKK’s joining ranks with
neo-Nazi groups is the equivalent
of Pepsi-Cola merging with
Coca-Cola on the basis that they
both sell soda. By joining forces
with other white supremacists, the
Klan may increase its ranks but
only through further sacrificing
their already weakened brand.
Early Klan members
marching in full regalia.
A female Klan member
heads a local march.
Door of the Wheels
of Soul clubhouse,
an African-American
motorcycle club in
West Philadelphia.
58
CON CL
USI ON
59
In 1924, sociologist John M. Mecklin published The
Ku Klux Klan: A Study of the American Mind and
summarized the root of the Klan’s quandary. “Were the
Klan more closely organized and animated by a more
definite and comprehensive program it might become
a force to be reckoned with in national life. There is,
however, little danger that the Klan as a whole will ever
be able to utilize all its strength in a political or social
program. This is due to the essential local nature of the
Klan, its singular lack of able and statesmanlike leaders,
its planless opportunism, and, above all, its dearth
of great unifying and constructive ideals. In the language
of Freudianism, the Klan is essentially a defense mecha-
nism against evils which are more often imaginary
than real. It is for this reason negative rather than
constructive in its influence” (qtd. in Chalmers 296).
It is evident that Mecklin’s words are true to this day.
The Klan’s complete lack of an identity system, its
“dearth of great unifying and constructive ideals”, only
underscores the hollowness that pervades the Klan.
Brands have been explored in many ways, and explained
by many people. “A successful brand is all about detail,”
writes Alina Wheeler. “It’s an emotional connecting
point that transcends the product” (Peters 26). “Brands
are promises, and keeping promises is all about being
consistent” (Budelmann, Kim, and Wozniak 66). All of
these observations are true but they neglect to mention
what is more important that what a brand is—what
a brand can do.
“Branding,” writes Naomi Klein in her seminal book
No Logo: No Space, No Choice, No Jobs, “in its truest
and most advanced incarnations, is about corporate
transcendence” (21). Thanks to the brand, Nike is not
about shilling shoes, it’s about amazing feats of athletic
performance. Apple does not manufacture computers,
it makes ways to connect with friends, family, and the
60
world. Mercedes-Benz is not in the business of selling
automobiles, it is opening an avenue to luxury. And
thanks to the brand, the Ku Klux Klan could be not
about racial hatred, but about community and strong
family values.
Detractors could disagree. They could point to the
Klan’s legacy of violence and say that the blood on its
hands could never be washed clean, no matter how
well-designed the identity system. To this I would say:
I agree. As Paul Rand once said, “A logo doesn’t sell, it
identifies. A logo derives its meaning from the quality
of the thing it symbolizes, not the other way around.
A logo is less important than the product it signifies;
what it means is more important than what it looks
like” (Cass). No matter how cleverly and consistently
an identity system was applied, the Klan would not
be able to deny its heritage or the basic inhumanity
of its views. But could a well-designed and promoted
brand interest those who would not have been inter-
ested previously? Could it sway the opinions of those
on the edge of applying for membership? Absolutely.
This is the double-edged sword of branding—simply,
that it works. When we are speaking of our fledgling
company, this is exactly what we want to hear. When
we are discussing radical groups intent on eliminating
certain races from the Earth, the effect is chilling. Yet
after the horrific success of the branding of the Nazi
party during World War II, this should come as no
surprise. “Even the most vociferous opponents of
Nazism agree that Hitler’s identity system is the most
ingeniously consistent graphic program ever devised”
wrote Steven Heller in The Swastika: Symbol Beyond
Redemption? (68).
61
Branding and success go hand-in-
hand. “Why have brands become
so important?” Alina Wheeler asks.
“Bottom line: good brands build
companies. Ineffective brands
undermine success” (2). It is with
relief, therefore, that we should
conclude this examination of the
branding of the KKK. Not only
is its lack of an identity system a
reflection of the poor state the Klan
is in, it points to the future of the
Klan—a continual disintegration.
A woman watches as
robed KKK members
walk in downtown
Montgomery, AL, prior
to a cross-burning that
night, November 1956.
IN TERV IEW
63
KC: In The Swastika: Symbol Beyond Redemption?
you write about the swastika being used as shorthand
on the covers of books and movies about World War
II. Is there a danger in recycling symbols in such a way?
And if so, how would you encourage designers to
avoid relying on such devices?
SH: Well, I mean the danger is ultimately you get used
to a symbol and by getting used to it, it no longer has
its power. But the paradox is you need the symbol to
indicate what you’re selling—in this case a film, or
a book, or something else. And it’s the most logical
option that somebody has. So you see an awful lot
of swastikas and, contrary to what I just said, it still
strikes fear in me, so I presume it strikes fear in others
of a particular generation. I don’t know what it means
to people of my son’s generation. It may have much less
of an impact and it might have less of an impact inevitably,
not simply because it’s plastered on movies or books.
KC: You mentioned in the book that Fraktur was for
a while the official typeface of the Nazi party and it’s
used by a lot of heavy-metal groups and skateboarding
companies and I was curious about how you felt about
that as well, and whether it has the
same problem of losing its potency.
SH: Well, Fraktur’s just a typeface.
It happened to be to used as the
Volk typeface or the people’s
typeface in the Nazi era for a short
time, and now it’s used again in
a different context. I think on one
hand, in terms of the book that
I wrote, my point was to make
a statement about the power of
symbols—and particularly that
symbol, and how it needs to be
remembered for what it was.
Not for what it was before the
Nazis, but what it was during
the Nazi period and to respect
that—that evilness of it. But I take
a much more liberal view when I’m
just looking at something. It really
depends on how it’s used. If it’s
used in a benign manner, it’s benign.
If it’s used in an aggressive manner,
then it’s aggressive. So, I don’t have
STEvEN HEllER HAS PlAYED
MANY ROlES IN THE DESIGN
COMMUNITY.
For 33 years, he worked as an art director at the New
York Times. He is currently co-chair of the MFA
Designer as Author program at the School of Visual
Arts in New York. He has contributed scores of articles
to design magazines such as Print, Graphis, Eye, and
I.D. In addition he has authored, co-authored, or
edited over 100 books. His works The Swastika: Symbol
Beyond Redemption? and Iron Fists: Branding the
20th-Century Totalitarian State were especially useful
during the research of this book.
64
a rigid principle on this. Fraktur type goes back to
Gutenberg. It wasn’t always a Nazi type, it’s not
entirely owned by the Nazis. When it’s in the Nazi
context, it definitely exudes that sense of power
and ultimately what we know about the Nazis. But
when it’s done for Ketel One advertising or a logo
on the bottle of vodka, it’s a bottle of vodka and the
logo is handled very nicely.
KC: In the epilogue you make a strong case for
swastika control. I see some interesting parallels
between the swastika and the Confederate flag, which
is used today by a lot of hate groups including the
KKK, but it’s still sold as a symbol of Southern pride
and used on a lot of merchandise. Would you advocate
for Confederate flag control as well?
SH: No. In the best of all possible worlds there would
be education that explains to people why certain
symbols have dual meanings, or triple meanings, or
why their single meaning may offend others. I’m a
Libertarian in the sense that I don’t want there to be
too many controls over something because that just
puts us in the same position as the things that we’re
fighting against. In terms of the Stars and Bars, it does
have a very strong symbolism and until people say and
act upon that thing, that it doesn’t represent slavery,
it doesn’t represent a grotesque inhumanity to other
human beings, it has to be looked at with a certain
jaundiced eye. But it also represents, as you say, Southern
pride. And it’s hard to distinguish that. They’ve taken
it off of most state flags in deference to the negative
stereotypes. But you can’t just take it out of people’s
lives if they feel that it’s important to them. And not
everybody that shows the Stars and Bars is a racist.
KC: How does the branding of a movement differ from
that of a corporation?
SH: It doesn’t. I mean the outcomes
are essentially different, but the
branding of something is the same
across the board. A brand is there
to identify and create a bond between
the company or the movement and
the receiver of that information so
realistically speaking, you can’t
really separate out in a general way
one from the other. You can talk
about specifics, you know, certain
companies want to be friendly and
certain movements want to be
authoritative and vice versa. So in
that sense it’s the way branding
is applied, but branding in general
is similar on both ends.
KC: I’ve noticed in my research that
certain sects of the Ku Klux Klan
have attempted to present a friendlier
image—do you believe it’s possible
for the KKK to replace their image
of violence with one of patriotism
and family values?
SH: Well, the KKK has a history and
it would be very difficult to expunge
that history and, in fact, ill-advised.
But there are groups that have started
out more militant and have become
more community or charity-based.
The Black Panther movement, which
people were quite terrified of in the
sixties, did an awful lot of community
work. So one aspect of their brand
was this defiance against white
mainstream society and the other
65
part of their brand was aimed at their consumers
basically and that was as a benevolent group that
would help people survive. The KKK, as far as I’m
concerned, is a racist organization and when it tries
to put on a happy face, through David Duke or
somebody like that, it doesn’t work. Their underlying
ethos is pretty disgusting. And there’s just so much
anti-KKK propaganda out there that it would be very
difficult to convince people who do not subscribe
to that, that they are a wonderful organization. Now
they might convince people who are tempted to join
them for the wrong reasons—the wrong reasons being
white supremacy, but will also be wearing ties instead
of hoods.
KC: I’ve noticed a lot of, in my opinion, poor design
when it comes to Ku Klux Klan groups and their
websites and materials. Is it possible that a poor visual
language can at times be effective for an audience?
Whether poor design and an emphasis on hatred is
in some ways its own brand?
SH: Well, it’s an interesting and complex question and
the fact is, what is good design? What’s good design
to you at the Corcoran is not good design necessarily
to somebody else. Or let’s put it this way, what’s bad
design for you at the Corcoran is not bad design for
that particular constituency. They don’t care whether
the typeface is too smushed together or not, all they
want is an affiliation. And the KKK brand supersedes
all of the design. Their primary design motif is the cross,
and as long as you have the cross with a little drip
of blood, you’re not going to get too much better or worse
than that, basically. So you have to watch out, I think,
when you’re analyzing this stuff, what perspective you’re
analyzing it from. If you’re analyzing it from the position
of “I am a designer and I work in a sophisticated
world of typography and imagery and I’m going to
look at this stuff and take it apart
on those grounds,” then you have
to state that up front. But you also
have to be cognizant that it’s not
going to matter to a lot of people.
KC: Are there any aspects of the
Ku Klux Klan identity that you
think have a broad appeal or are
particularly strong in terms of a
visual or branding sense as opposed
to the message they send?
SH: There’s nothing positive about
the KKK. What could be considered
positive in a negative sense is that
they created an image that you can’t
get out of your mind and speaks to
the issues that they wanted to create.
They wanted to create terror and
fear and whenever you see that white
hood and robe, that’s the terror.
There are other groups that wear
white, like nurses, but none so
terrifying as the KKK. And part of
that is what they wear and the other
part of it is what they do. So they
put the two things together and the
calculus is pretty horrible.
Children of Klansmen
paint placards reading
“White Pride”.
A Klansmen prepares to
light a cross.
Klansmen in Jack-
sonville, FL, protest
the film Island in the
Sun, which features
interracial relationships.
August, 1957.
67
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Typefaces used in this publication
include DIN and Sabon. The
publication was printed on Finch
Fine paper and printed at Global
Printing in Alexandria, VA on an
HP Indigo Press.
A sincere thank you to Alice Powers,
Antonio Alcalá, and Maria Habib
whose input and suggestions helped
me immensely. To my team of fellow
students, I’m grateful to have spent
four years with such a smart,
talented, and most importantly,
hilarious class.
Corcoran College of Art + Design
Spring 2012
76
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