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The editors of HABITUS would like to thank the Yale Department of Sociology
for its unwavering support and encouragement.
HABITUS is published by undergraduates of Yale College; the University is not
responsible for its contents.
yale.edu/habitus
yalehabitus@gmail.com
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Welcome to HABITUS.
You hold in your hand an invitation to a conversation.
HABITUS is a new publication of undergraduate work in the social sciences, with a central
focus on sociology, that seeks to render the social world more comprehensible. Through both
theoretical dialogue and empirical inquiry, sociologists problematize the obvious and interro-
gate our assumptions about seemingly insignicant mechanisms and larger forces which shape
society.
We draw the name HABITUS from the writings of the sociologists Norbert Elias and Pierre
Bourdieu. In its simplest articulation, the concept of habitus refers to the encompassing social
context of our collective tastes, judgments, and habits . It is the logic that constructs our living
culture and values, but one that remains uid and subject to renegotiation.
It is this idea of renegotiation that informs the theme of our inaugural issue: The Forum. In this
issue, we explore what happens when ideas, goods, and people collide. The Forum is both
event and venue, object and dialogue. A cookbook as cultural document. A protest reclaiming
public space. Contested terminology. These are some of the sites of dialogue visited within thelarger forum of this publication.
The following seven essays together constitute varied points of entry into the richness of social
science as a discipline, as well as points of departure for ongoing contemplation of the mean-
ing of The Forum.
Welcome to the conversation.
The Board
Kathleen Powers - Editor-in-Chief
Amy Tsang - Editor, Managing Director
Carl Chen - Editor, Treasurer, Business Director
Emmanuel Quartey - Editor, Artistic Director
Sta Advisors
Julia P. Adams
Chair, Department of Sociology
Professor of Sociology
Philip Smith
Director of Undergraduate Studies in Sociolgy
Professor of Sociology
Moderators Note
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Table of Contents
Public: An Intellectual Genealogy
Sam Huber
No Disrespect to Jay-Z: A Sociological Analysis of the Front
Row at Jay-Zs Concert in Yankee Stadium
Carl Chen
More Than Recipes: Cookbooks as Items of Cultural Literature
Katelyn Roth
War in the Middle East: Hostilities on the Epicurean Front
Matthew Claudel
Kefaya: Symbolic Insurrection and the Life of the Arab Street,
Reconsidered
Kathleen Powers
Debating Orientalism: Combating Complacency through
CritiqueBlair Lanier
Understanding the Structure and Agency Debate in the
Social Sciences
Sherman Tan
2
page 3
page 6
page 10
page 15
page 20
page 31
page 36
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What of the public, adjective and noun? Is the public a sphere of contestation, a mass of per-
sons, a civil society? Does it demonstrate elasticity - will it yield to us? The public assumes that
a single entity has been created from a set of individuals - a kind of collapse, an alloy.
In Public: An Intellectual Genealogy, Sam Huber provides a tour of the ways in which the
public has been theorized through intellectual history. He surveys the meanings that have
been attributed to the uctuating concept. From Benjamin to De Bord, the essay traces how
our understanding of the public has changed.
Sam Huber is a sophomore in Morse College.Contact him at samuel.j.huber@yale.edu.
The following essay was originally written forLITR 354: Theory of Media.
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PUBLIC: AN INTELLECTUAL GENEALOGY
Sam Huber
Publiccanbeanebulousconcept.Wetakeitforgranted,buildinguponitentireide-ologiesofhowpeoplerelatetothemselvesandtoothers,butseriouscriticaldisagreementpersistsoverwhatitsigniesandhowitbehaves.Inchartingthetermstheoreticalhistory,oneencounterstwoprimaryusesforthewordpublic:thereistheadjective,referringtoanobjectorevents
accessibilityasdenedinoppositiontotheprivate,andthereisthenoun,referringtothepublicasadelineatedsocialgroup.Eventhosesocialandmediatheoristswhodonotconfrontthetermdirectlyorlabelitassuchoftenndthemselvesgrapplingwiththeconceptasanecessaryfounda-tionfortheirintendedlineofinquiryorrelyingonassumptionsaboutthenatureofpublicthatimplyunconsciousconclusionsaboutthetopic.Thetheoreticalgenealogythatfollowsmakesnoattempttobethorough,comprehensive,orchronologicallylinear,butitmaystillbeusefulinrais-ingthequestionsandidentifyingthecriticalthreadsonemightpursueindeningandemployingthetermoneself. InhisessaySocialTheoryandtheMedia(1994),JohnB.Thompsondescribesapublicasrelatingtomassmediathroughamodelofmediatedquasi-interaction,inwhichtwo-waycom-
municationisreducedtomonologue.Becauseofthewiderangeofpotentialrecipientsforsuchamessage(becauseTVandbookscannottargetindividualreceivers)andthewaysthatdifferentlocalizedconditionsshapeeachrecipientsprocessofconsumptionandappropriation,Thompsonspublicbecomesaloosecollectionofprivateindividualsthatisdifculttodelineateandrelativelypassive.ThisperspectiveissimilartoHaroldLasswellstransmissionalmodelofthemedia,inwhichthepublicpassivelyconsumesmediaastransmittedbyasender.WalterBenjaminrein-forcedthisideaofthepublicasacollectionofspectatorsinhisessayTheWorkofArtintheAgeofitsTechnologicalReproducibility(1936),associatingthedisappearanceofritualwithashiftfromparticipatoryengagementtopassiveconsumption.Theremovaloftemporalandlocalspeci-cityfromonesengagementwithartalsoimpliesthepublicsdecentralization. WhereasBenjaminfocusedonmodesofproduction,SiegfriedKracauerfocusedonmodesofperception,assertingthecentralityofsocialcontextinshapingperception.ThisideaofsocialcontextwouldbemorermlyreinforcedandappliedtotheorganizationofpublicsbyStuartHallinhisessayEncoding/decoding(1992),inwhichheproposesamodelofsocialorganiza-tionaroundthecodes(interpretivecontexts)throughwhichwetranslaterealityintoadiscourseandbackagain. JrgenHabermasinThePublicSphere(trans.1989)elaboratesonWalterLipmannsideaofpublicopinionasasocietyscirculatingnarrativesbyproposingaconceptionofthepublicsphereasconsistingofpublicopinionalongwiththesocialgroupthatauthorsandconsumesit,
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inwhichbothareengagedinakindofreexivefeedbackloop.Thepublic-privatedynamicwascentraltoHabermas,whosepublicisbothauniedgroupwithsharedcodesandvaluesandacol-lectionofdistinctindividuals. GuyDeBordandJeanBaudrillardbothviewedthepublicassubjecttodistortedrepre-sentationsoforreplacementsforreality,thoughDeBordwasmoreoptimisticaboutthepublicspotentialtoreconnectwitharealitythatBaudrillardconsideredtohavealreadybeencorrupted
beyondredemption.InPublicsandCounterpublics(2002),MichaelWarnergivestheagencybacktothepublicthatBaudrillardhaddismissed,recastingitsmembersasdeterminingactorsratherthanpassivewitnessesandcharacterizingmediaasfundamentallysubjective.Warnerde-nespublicsasbeingconstructedbynetworksofcirculatingdiscourse(counterpublicsbeingthosedenedinoppositiontoamainstreamdiscourse),emphasizingmediasperformativecomponentandtheuidnatureofpublics,whicharemadeupofwhoeverisengaginginthediscourseatagiventime.Byexaminingalloftheseperspectivesonpublictogether,wearriveataconceptionofthepublicasparticipatory,subjective,anddenedbycontext.
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You are at a Jay-Z concert at Yankee stadium. Why are you there? Moreover, why are your fellow
audience members there? The concert is a communal - albeit exclusive - display. An enclosed
spectacle. What motivates your entry?
Carl Chen grapples with the dissimilitude amongst rap concert attendees. By applying
Bourdieus sociocultural model of the eld to the case of a Jay-Z concert, Chen seeks to il-
luminate the motives behind concert going. What are the various forms of capital jockeying for
power in this context? What role does taste play? Is there a desire to achieve a coveted cultural
aesthetic?
Carl Chen is a sophomore in Morse CollegeContact him at carl.chen@yale.edu
The following paper was originally written for
SOCY 313: Sociology of the Arts and Popular Culture
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NO DISRESPECT TO JAY-Z: A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE FRONT ROW AT JAY-ZS
CONCERT IN YANKEE STADIUM
Carl Chen
LastSeptember,Ihadtheonce-in-a-Yale-lifetimechanceofreceivingfreesecond-rowticketsfromarichYalealumnusforthesold-outJay-ZandEminemconcertinYankeeStadiuminNewYorkCity.AlthoughIamnolongerthemostdevotedfanofthegenre,Idenitelyenjoyed
myshareofblastingbass-heavyrapandhip-hopinthecar,andsoIhoppedonthetrainwitheageranticipationforanightofgreatmusic.Everythingliveduptomyexpectationstheconcertwasamazing,therapperswereintopform,andtheybroughtoutalltheircelebritycollaborators.However,whenIlookedaroundattheothernearbypeoplewhocouldaffordextremelyexpensivetickets,IhadthedisconcertingfeelingthatsomeinthediversecrowdyoungAfrican-Americanmalefashionistas,anolderrichwhiteexecutivewithayoungblondegirl,andthewealthymiddle-agedwhiteIvyLeague-educatedgentlemanwithhisteenagedaughterandherfriendsmighthavehadotherreasonsforwantingtobeinthefrontrow.PerhapsJay-Zwasrightinannouncingthateveningthatraphadnallyachievedstatusasamusicalartformandthatthisstar-studdedspectaclewasahistoricnightforthegenreofhip-hop.
ImeannodisrespecttoJay-Zsskills,buthisdeclarationforthefansappreciationofthegenremighthavebeenabitgrandioseandself-celebratory.Thoughthechangesinculturaltastecouldbesimpliedtoashiftofpreferencesor,asJay-Zmightprefer,animprovementintheprod-uctsaestheticquality,tasteisinfactmuchmorecomplicated,ofteninvolvingavarietyofindi-vidualbackgroundfactors.InordertodeducewhytheseparticularpeoplelikeJay-Zandhismusicsomuchthattheychosetopaytopdollartoseehim,Ibelievethedisciplineofculturalsociology,particularlyitstheoriesoftaste,maybeveryenlightening.Infocusingontaste,Iwillforegothepredictableideathattheaudiencecouldhaveenjoyedthemusicandinsteadchooseothertheo-riesthatfocusmoreontheaudiencessocialstandingandbackground.Nonetheless,itcertainlyispossiblethattheywerealsocaptivatedbywhatmediatheoristWalterBenjaminmightcallthe
auraofJay-Zsperformance.Forsomeintheaudience,thisattractiveaurawasJay-Zsuniquelyfamouspersona,which,coupledwiththeparticulargrandeurofYankeeStadium,mighthavetran-scendedthephysicallimitationsoftimeandspace.Orassocioculturaltheorist,RichardPetersonmightexplain,theaudiencemighthavecravedJay-Zsauthenticitywhichisderivedfromhisidentityasthehustlerfromtheprojectswhothenbecameamulti-millionaireentertainmentmogul.Butthesetheoriesfocusmoreontheperformer,andwouldbemoreappropriateifwewerefocus-ingonthemassaudience.Sincethisessaywillfocusontheparticularcohortofthefrontrow,theseexplanationsfailtoconsidertheirwealthybackgroundandhighsocialstatus.Inordertoinsteadexplorethissortofhierarchicalsocietyinwhichstatusisdeterminedbytasteorhowgood
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onesseatis,thetheoriesofsociologistPierreBourdieuwouldbestexplaintheexpressedprefer-enceofthesevariouspeoplewhoasaneliteclassarevirtuallyunlimitedintheirchoices. Beforeshowinghowthemoreindividualcharacteristicswithinthisgroupaffecttaste,abroadlookatBourdieussocioculturalmodeloftheeldwouldhelpclarifythereasoningbehindthismodeofanalysisforJay-Zshigh-rolleraudience.Inconsideringtheproductionofcultureandtaste,Bourdieuformulatedthisconceptoftheeld,whichgreatlydiffersfrompreviousideas
ofthecultureindustryasamarket.Themarketassumesthatconsumersareequalinknowledgeorperhapsallinastateoftabula rasawhenchoosingwhatculturetosample.InDistinction: ASocial Critique of the Judgement of Taste,Bourdieuchallengesthisconceptbybringinginthead-ditionalsocietalfactorsofhierarchy,rank,andstatus,whichbecomecrucialmotivatingelementsintheculturaleld.Inconsideringhowthesefactorsaffectindividualtaste,Bourdieuemphasizesapersonssocialbackground,whichissplitintoeducationalcapitalgainedfromschoolingandsocialorigin,whichisasortofculturalinheritance1.Becauseofhowtasteisformulatedinthesemethods,itcanthenbemanifestedthroughtheuseofsymbolicgoods,whichthenmakeschoiceamodeofdistinctionorakeymarkerofclasswithinahierarchicalsociety2.Inthissortofstruc-turedworldthatvalueseducationalcapitalandsocialorigin,everyoneisthenpursuingculture
throughexpressedchoices,whichrepresenttheirtryatclimbingthesocialstatusladder.Bourdieuthenclassiestheseindicatorsofthepositionoccupiedintheeconomicandculturalhierarchiesintothethreeformsofeconomic,social,andculturalcapital3.Differentactivitiesofferdifferentformsandamountsofcapitalandthustasteinchoosingactivitiesshowshowmuchcapitalonehasorwhatkindofcapitalonevalues.Thismethodofaccruingcapitalcanbeseenthroughtheexampleofhostsofferingguestsaparticularstyleofmealwiththewishofseemingeconomicallywelloff(economiccapital)orbeinghospitableaccordingtocertainsocialrules(socialcapital).SimilarlyapersonmayattendaJay-Zconcertwiththeintentionofseemingculturallyknowledge-able. BeinginthefrontrowofaJay-ZconcertinYankeeStadiumcertainlycreatessome
formofthesethreekindsofcapital,butduetothenatureofrapmusicasagenre,capitalisonlyprovidedinlimitedwaysorinvaryingamounts.Also,dependingonthesocialbackgroundorsocialgroupsoftheaudiencemember,onetypeofcapitalmayhavelessweightthananother.Forinstance,theexpensivepriceoftheoorticket(aresellvalueofaround$1500)denitelymeansnoteveryonecanaffordorwouldchoosetopaytobesoclose,whichmakesbeinginthefrontrowratherspecialforthemajorityofpeople.Butfortherichwhiteexecutiveinafancysuit,themoneyisjustapittanceandactuallywouldnotmeanmuchtohissocialgroup.However,thefactthathehadthesocialpowertoattainfrontrowseatsthatwerelimitedtoaboutahundredpeopleinallofNewYorkCitymayhaveseriouslyawedhisyoungscantilycladandpossiblysociallyim-pressionablegirlfriend.Bourdieumayalsocategorizethisrichbusinessmanswealthbasedonhissocialorigin,whichdependsonhowandwhenhiscurrentpositionwasestablished.Ifheearnedhiswealththroughanelitecollegeeducation,thenperhapshemayhavepurchasedapaintingorsawamusicalinsteadofattendingarapconcert.Butifhejustinheritedhismoneyorluckedintoit,maybeheisaplayboywhojustwantstopartyandhaveagoodtime.Lastly,IhighlydoubthecaredtoomuchaboutthemusicalcontentsincehewasfrequentlytextingonhisBlackberryand
1Bourdieu,PierreandRichardNice.Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste.(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1987),pg.63.2Bourdieu,663Bourdieu,79
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didnotknowthelyricstothesongsexceptforanoccasionalchorus. Ontheotherhand,theyoungblackmalefashionistaswerefullyenjoyingthecapitalgainedfromtheperformanceasevidencedbytheirconstantuploadingofpicturestoTwitterforshowingofftotheirsocialgroup.Additionally,theyknewnearlyallthewordstoeverysong(butcuriouslyenoughtheydidnotcareverymuchaboutEminem),whichsuggeststhattheirsocialworldhighlyvaluesblackrapmusicasaculturalform.Jay-ZisamongNewYorkCitysmost
historicandnotoriousrappersandbeingthereonthatnightwastobepartoftheculturalfabricofthecitywhereanybodywhowassomebodywasdancingtoJay-Zshits.Tobefrontrowrappingalmostalongsidetheirheroesafrmedtheirownstatusthroughtheirdedicationtotheculture. TheYalealumnus,hisyoungdaughter,andherfriendsdonoteasilytintoBourdieusschema.AlthoughJay-Zdoeshavesomepopcrossoverhits,heislargelystillarapper,soIdoubttheyweremusicallyentertainedthewholetime.Mostlikely,thedrawofseeingcelebritystarpowerupcloseinpersonwastooenticingandcouldalsogiveagreatamountofsocialcapitaltothegirlwhenshetoldallherotherfriendsatschool.Ormaybehewasjusttryingtobeacooldadbybroadeninghermusicaltastes.RichardPeterson,amodernAmericansociologist,buildsoffBourdieutosuggestthatpeople,especiallyinthehighclass,arebecomingmorevariedintheir
culturalconsumptionsothattheyarenowmorelikeomnivores4
.Perhapsbeinganomnivoreisanotherwaytoexpresshightastebyshowingonescosmopolitanism,ormaybepeoplearenowmoremobilebetweensocialgroupsandneedthesedifferentformsofsocialcapitaltoappearsuperiorordominant.Forinstance,awhitemaleteenagergrowingupinLosAngelesmaybearapexpertinordertohavecommoninterestswithfriends,buthealsomightbeadevoutChristianinagospelchoir.ForPeterson,thesetastesinmusicarenotconictingordevaluingeachotherbecausetheyeachhavemeaningintheirrespectivesocialcircles. ThesespeculationsmayappearoverlyspeculativesinceIamsuggestingthatfewoftheaudiencememberswereactuallyrealfansofthemusic.AndtherealsoislittleroomforsomeonetorelatetoJay-Zslyricalcontentortoappreciatehisrappingskill.However,becauseBourdieus
theoryoftheeldreliesheavilyontheindividualttingintosocialhierarchy,itdoesnotgiveobjectiveaestheticqualityasubstantialroleinestablishingtaste.Itmaygivesomecredittotheindividualforknowledge,suchasinmemorizingthelyrics,butoverallBourdieuwouldclaimthatwewerentjustthereastrueJay-Zfans,butalsothatweweretryingtoborrowsomeofhisshine(orcapital)forourselves.
4Peterson,RichardA.andRogerM.Kern.ChangingHighbrowTaste:FromSnobtoOmnivore.American SociologicalReview,Vol.61,No.5.(Oct.,1996),pp.900-907
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A cultural document, placed within a greater social and historical context, reveals how it repre-sented and reinforced the values of its time. The document has incredible power because we
often do not realize that we are engaging it in conversation. And even when we are aware of its
didactic power, are we unaected by its inuence?
In the following essay, Katelyn Roth oers a sociocultural interpretation ofBuckeye Cookery
and Practical Housekeeping, written in 1877. The cookbook is revealed to be a place where
values associated with gender roles and domesticity in American society are concocted and
served.
Katelyn Roth is a junior in Calhoun College.Contect her at katelyn.roth@yale.edu.
This paper was originally written forWGSS 120: Women, Food, and Culture.
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MORE THAN RECIPES: COOKBOOKS AS ITEMS OF CULTURAL LITERATURE
Katelyn Roth
Whatisacookbook?Onrstapproximation,itwouldnotseemunreasonabletoclaimthatacookbookissimplyawell-organizedcompilationofrecipes.However,suchableakcharac-
terizationasthisleadsonetooverlookacookbooksvalueasatrulyuniquepieceofliterature.Tothecarefulreader,acookbookcanindeedoffermuchmorethanlistsofingredientsandinstruc-tions.Asagenretraditionallywrittenbywomen,forwomen,cookbooksallowarareandrawglimpseintothementalityofwomenfromgenerationsgoneby.Theyallowtheirreaderstobetterunderstandthevalues,concerns,andgeneralattitudesofthewomenwholivedduringthetimeperiodinwhichthebookwaswritten.Specically,theyofferarsthandtestimonyoftheculturalvaluescenteredonwomenandfood. EstelleWoodWilcoxrstpublishedhericonicMidwesterncookbook,Buckeye Cookeryand Practical Housekeeping,in1877inthemidstofanerainwhichactivists,suchasCatherineBeecher,strovetoearnrespectfortraditionalwomenswork,suchascookingandhousekeeping.1
Asaresult,throughWilcoxscookbook,readersareabletoobservehowthissocialreformmove-mentaffectedthethoughtsandattitudesofwomenduringtheheightofitsinuence.Inparticular,Buckeye Cookeryallowsusaglimpseintohowthemovementinuencedwomensperceptionoffoodpreparationandhousekeeping,aswellashowitaffectedtheirperceptionsofthemselves,asfoodpreparersandhousekeepers.Fromtheimmenseamountofmaterialthiscookbookcontainstothespecicillustrationsandlanguageituses,itisevidentthatWilcoxandotherwomenofhertimewereinspiredbythismovementandviewedtheirrolesascooksandhousekeepersasbeingofgreatimportancetosociety. Oneofthemainfocusesofthehomeeconomicsmovementduringthelatenineteenthcenturywastoaltersocietysperceptionofdomesticwork.Cookingandhousekeepingwereno
longertobeseenassimpleormindlesstasks,butratherwerepromotedasbeingtruesciencesthatrequiredgreatknowledgeandrenedskill(Trumpler).TheoverallstructureandimmensevolumeofinformationcontainedwithinBuckeye Cookerymakesaconvincingargumentforthescienceofcooking.Thebookofover450pages(inlatereditions,itwouldbecomenearly700pages),isessentiallyanencyclopediaoneverythingaboutcookingandhousekeeping.Therst325pagesprovidethereaderwithdetailedinstructionsonhowtoproperlypreparedishesfrombreadtopicklestopoultry.Thefollowing125pagesaddresstopicsrangingfromdressmakingtoprepar-
1Trumpler,Maria.LectureonHomeEconomicsasFeministFoodScience.Women,Food,andCulture.YaleUniversity,NewHaven.7Oct2010.
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ingantidotestopoisonsandevenmanagingthehiredhelp.Throughthisincrediblycomprehensivecompilationofthetasksatypicalhousewifewasresponsiblefor,Wilcoxmakesitblatantlycleartoallthosewhoencounterherbookthatahousekeeperslifewasanythingbuteasyorsimple-minded.Indeed,thevastextentofknowledgeandspecializedskillsoutlinedinBuckeye Cookeryastonishinglyandsufcientlyshowsthatthedomesticworkofwomenduringthiserawasworthyofsocietysrespect.
Thisperceptionamongwomenandsocietyofcookingasasortofsciencewasalsoevi-dentinthewayWilcoxcomposedtherecipes.Unlikemoremoderncookbooks,inwhichrecipesarerelativelyshortandmainlyemphasizewhichingredientstouseandhowtomixthemtogether,anenormousamountoftextinBuckeye Cookeryfocusedonthepropertechniquerequiredineverysinglestepoftheprocess.Forinstance,thersttenorsopagesofeachsectioninthecookbookweredevotedentirelytoapainstakingexplanationofhowtoprepareeachfooditem.Therefore,consultants(orreaders)ofBuckeye Cookerywerealsostudentseagertolearn.Asaresultofthevalueplaceduponusingpropertechnique,thecookbookalsooftenemphasizedthatittookmuchexperiencetobecomeagoodcook.Forexample,onpage7,Wilcoxclaimsthatnothingbutexperiencewillsecurethenamemeritedbysofew,thoughearnestlycovetedbyeverypractical,
sensiblehousekeeperanexcellentbread-maker.Thesetasksthatfewcaneverbesaidtohavemasteredsurelycannotbeseenascompletelytrivial. Inadditiontodemonstratinghowwomenofthiseraapproachedcookinglikeasciencetobemastered,Buckeye Cookeryalsoprovidedavividdepictionofhowthesewomenviewedtheircontributiontosocietythroughdomesticworkasvital.Forinstance,ontherstpageofhercookbook,Wilcoxincludedanillustrationofayoungcouplesituatedinakitchenintotaldisar-ray.Intheimage,theyoungbrideiscompletelydistraught,andthehusbandattemptstoconsolherbyhelpingwiththecooking.However,hisattemptsareanutterfailure,andtheillustrationcomicallydepictshimcoveredinsoot,withafootinapan,offeringanunappetizinglookingducktohiswife.Beneaththeillustrationisacaptionreading,NeverMind;DontCry,Pet,IllDothe
Cooking(Wilcox,pg.i).Thisillustrationsuggeststhatitwasimportantforawomantoefcientlyrunherkitchen,butnotsimplysoshecouldserveherhusband,whichmayhavebeenthemindsetinyearsprior.Infact,theillustrationshowsthehusbandattemptingtoservehiswife.Therefore,theillustrationinsteadstressestheimportanceofawomansabilitytorunakitchenefcientlybecause,ifshewasnotabletodoso,nooneelsecould.Thatistosay,womenalonewerebelievedtohavepossessedtheknowledgeandabilitytomakeahouseholdrunsmoothly.Atthistime,menlackedthespecictrainingandknow-howpassedtraditionallyfromwomantowomanandwerethereforeseenascomicallyincompetentinsuchareas.Wilcoxsinclusionofthisimageinhercookbooknotonlyservestostressherbeliefintheimportanceoftheacquisitionofdomesticskillsbywomen,butitalsosigniesanunderstandingbywomenthattheyprovideadifcultandspecializedserviceforsocietythatmanycannotprovideforthemselves. ThisculturalideathatwomenprovidedanindispensableservicethroughtheirdomesticworkwasalsohighlightedinWilcoxsprefacetothecookbook.Here,shestatesthatthebookwaswrittentostimulatethejustpridewithoutwhichworkisdrudgeryandgreatexcellenceimpos-sible(Wilcox,pg.vi).ThisphrasesuggeststhatnotonlydidWilcoxrmlybelievethatawomanshouldtakeprideinherwork,butalsothattheimportanceofherworkmadeherentitledtothispride.Furthermore,inthisquoteandthroughoutthepreface,Wilcoxreferstotheideaofwomenlovingtheirwork,ratherthanperceivingitasdrudgery(Wilcox,pg.v-vi).Toloveonesworkoftenmeansbelievingittobefullling,andtherefore,thisfurthersuggeststhatwomenatthistime
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trulydididentifywithdomesticworkanddidnditofpersonalandsocialvalue. Thereismuchevidencethroughoutthiscookbooktosuggestthat,duringthelatenine-teencentury,womenwereempoweredbythesocialreformmovementsandtookprideintheirabilitytoprovidedomesticservicestosociety.However,thereisalsoevidencethatsuggeststhatalthoughwomenvaluedandperceivedtheirdomesticcontributionsasdistinctlyfemale,theystillperceivedthemselvesthroughthelensofamasculineworld.Thisissuggestedbythefactthatof
thethousandsofwomenwhosubmittedrecipestobecompliedinWilcoxscookbook,thevastma-joritysignedtheirnamesattheendoftherecipeinvariationsofMrs.DanielleMiller,Mrs.Dr.Koogler,orMrs.GovernorKirkwood(Wilcox).Veryfewincludedtheirownrstnames,andthemajorityofthosewhodidweresingle.Thissuggeststhat,althoughsocietybegantorecognizethevalueofthedomesticfemaleprofessionsofthetime,menandwomenalikestillperceivedtheprofessionsofmen(Dr.,Governor,etc.),asbeingofgreatersignicance.Thefactthatthesewom-en,despitesocialreform,stilltookmoreprideintheirhusbandswork,thanintheirown,likelycontributedtothedownfallofthehomeeconomicsmovementsoonafter1920,atwhichtime,womenbeganpursuingcareersoutsideofthehome(Trumpler).Evidencethatthistrendwasal-readyoccurringin1877isalsofoundinBuckeye Cookeryandisthegreatestcontradictionofthis
book.AlthoughBuckeye Cookerysunderlyingagendaisunquestionablytheelevationofhomeeconomics,stampedonitstitlepageisanadvertisementforPayingWorkforWomen(Wilcox).Thisadspecicallyelicitsbrightandwide-awakewomen(Wilcox),almostsuggestingthatintelligentwomenshouldworkoutsidethehome.Suchasuggestioncompletelycontradictsthebooksportrayalofhousekeepingasarewardingandchallengingprofessionforallwomen. Inconclusion,EstelleWoodWilcoxsBuckeye Cookeryisacomplexliterarypiece,whosecompletecontent,fromitsillustrationstoitsassertionsandeventoitscontradictions,con-veysthethoughtsandvaluesofmanyAmericanwomenduringtheyearsofthehomeeconomicsocialreformmovement.Assuggestedfromthemanydifferentaspectsofthiscookbook,womenduringthisperiodbegantoapproachtheirdomesticworkwithgreaterprideassocietyasawhole
becameawareofitsnecessityandvalue.However,thegreatersocialvalueofhomeeconomicsdidnotlessentheperceivedvalueofthepaying,professionalcareersoccupiedexclusivelybymenduringthatera.Therefore,althoughthismovementdidservetoempowerthefemaleworkforce,itsinspirationwouldcometoleaditinadifferentdirectionthanperhapsanticipated.
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Food - its cultivation, preparation, and consumption is one of the great unifying activities of
humanity. Yet as cultural symbols, national cuisines can also become jealously guarded points
of national pride and the subject of contestation, both literal and gurative. Enter the Guinness
Book of World Records.
In the following essay, Matthew Claudel chronicles what he calls the Hummus War, an inter-
national battle over a culinary world title and the ultimate ownership of a cultural tradition. Can
we gain new understanding over a great divide between East and West from the bottom of a
giant bowl of hummus?
Matthew Claudel is a sophomore in Branford College.Contact him at matthew.claudel@yale.edu.
This essay was originally written for
ENGL 120: Reading and Writing the Modern Essay.
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WAR IN THE MIDDLE EAST: HOSTILITIES ON THE EPICUREAN FRONT
Matthew Claudel
WarisnotnewtotheMiddleEastinfact,theoldestbitofrecordedhistorythatexistsisadescriptionofwarintheIndusValley,or,moderndayIraq.Thecradleofcivilization,asitsknown,isvast,hot,anddry,butsacred!andsowehavemarkedthelocationwithahistoryofbattlesforaboutaslongaswevebeenaround.Onlyrecently,however,havehostilitiestakena
culinarybent,andproduced,ratherthancasualties,tenandahalfthousandkilogramsofhummus.
***
Asweaty,patrioticandexcitedbattalionof300chefsdescendedonal-FanaronSaturday,May8th,2010,markingperhapsthelargestconvulsionofactivitythatthetinyLebanesetownhadeverexperienced.Theensuingeventwasunprecedentedinhumanhistory,andcrowdsthrongedtoplaywitnesstoit.Theatmospherewaspartcarnivalandpartreligiousconvocation,withchefselevatedonacentraldaisatthecenterofaswarmofsupporters.Thefocusofitallwasanearth-enwaredish,thelargestofitskindevermade,slowlyllingwiththick,goopypaste.Hummus.
Lebanesechefsworkedatafeverpitchtoprocesstherawingredientsbeforethesunwouldreachitspeakandbakethehummusintoahard,not-so-goopypaste(qualityassuredandtaste-testedbyadispatchfromtheglobalofcesoftheGuinnessBookofWorldRecords). Allinall,mixing,crushing,pouringandtastingthedishtookaroundvehoursabriefculminationofthreemonthsplanningfortheevent.Atotalof8tonsofboiledchickpeas,2tonsoftahini,2tonsoflemonjuiceand154poundsofoliveoilweredistributedalongrowsoftableswhereranksofchefsdidtheirwork.Pairssquaredoffaroundeachbowl,alternatelystirringandpouring,gyratinginanalmost-choreographeddancethatchurnedouthummusataninhumanpace.Ahuge,New-Years-Clock-esquedialsuspendedabovethedishgaveareal-timemeasurementofthetotalweight,andwitheachupwardtick,achorusofcheersrangout.Zealousfansclungtotherailingandshoutedencouragement.Motherspushedstrollers,astheirchildrengluttedthemselvesonpita,hummusandthefestivalspirit.Sectionsofthecrowdbrokeintodanceassingersper-formedanArabiclovesonginvolvinghummus.ThecelebrationwasofthesameilkasTexasChiliFestivals,theGilroyGarlicFestivalortheMaineLobsterFestivalassocialasgastronomicbutwithapoliticalandculturaledgetoboot.LebanonsprodigiousbidforAll-timeHummusWorldChampionhadalittlesomethingforeveryone,anditmarkedasignicanthistoricalmomentindeed. Despitebeingthebiggest,Mayshummusrecordatal-Fanarwasnottherstofrecentyears.Thehummuswarbeganin2006,inNewYork,whenSabraMediterranean(theworlds
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largesthummusproducer,holdingamonopoly-reeking40%ofthemarketshare)madewhatwasto-datethebiggestbowlofhummus,clockinginatjustover800lbs(Itwasregarded,frankly,asawastefulendeavor,butnotentirelysurprising,comingfromSabra.Thecompanyhasapropensitytowardsshenanigans,likecommissioningsculptorKirkRademakertocreatebustsofJohnMc-Cain,BarackObama,andHillaryClintonoutof100poundsofhummus). ButthestorydoesntendinNewYorkwithheavy-hitterSabratheMiddleEaststill
hasahometeamadvantage.Loathetobeoutperformedattheirownheritage,theAssociationofLebaneseindustrialistsrebuttedSabrasbatchwithagargantuan4,532pound,11ouncebowl.Israelichefsenteredthefrayin2010andamassedtheirownspreadatAbu-Gosh,whichreachedanunprecedented9,016pounds,14ounces.JawdatIbrahim,organizeroftherecordbreakingIsraelihummusdish,saidthatnotonlywillhemakethebiggestbowl,buthisnextpartywouldgoonfor48hours(24timesaslongasLebanonstwo-hourcelebrationinMay).Sabrasbustswerelongpast,buttheattitudeofplayfulnessremained:theeventbecameaculturalattractionthatmar-riedpatriotism,competition,andcarnivalatmosphereinawonderfuldayofhummus,settingtheprecedentfortheexperienceatal-Fanar. Considerthesituationobjectively(asaWesterner):glorifyinghummusisstrange.We
knowitasagoopyspreadthatsits,crustingover,inthebackbinsatsandwichstationsandsaladbars.AdiscerningmajorityoftheAmericanpopulationavoidsit,andforgoodreasonthemorepeoplecircumventhummus,thethicker,dryer,andlessappealingitgets.Theresultofthiscon-tinuumisachalkyoozethatis,incontrovertibly,revolting.Thereare,ofcourse,someAmericaninstitutionsthatkeep(allegedly)freshhummusontap:PitaPit(yes,afast-foodrestaurantchaincalledPitaPittrulydoesexist),andDaphnesGreekCaf(aslightlymoreupscalechainrestaurantcutfromthesameblockasRedLobsterandOliveGarden).Butmosthummusexperiencesevokethesinkingfeelingthatyourspreadisamixofpre-madepowderandoliveoil,oratbest,some-thingoutofacan. Thethingthatwascelebratedinal-Fanarisadifferentbeastaltogether:itslikecompar-
ingcaviarwithbaiteggs.Unlikecaviar,however,hummusevenatitsnestisunpretentious:chickpeas,tahini,oliveoil,lemonjuice,andspices.Butitsnotreallyamatteroftheingredients.Asasynthesisofcomponentparts,hummusbecomesadishwiththeincredibleforceofsocialsig-nicancebehindit.Itisanunderstoodbutunspokenstaplenotonlyanegustatoryexperience,withsubtletiesasintricateaswine,butaculturalinstitution,asfoundationalasAmericasbaseball.TheonethingallpeopleintheMiddleEasthaveincommonistheirloveofhummus,saidM.Ibrahim.Nomatterwhatpeoplediscuss,agreeordisagreeontheyalwaysdoitoveraplateofhummus.Itsoundslikesensationalism,oratleastexaggeration,butintheMiddleEast,thequestionisnotWould you like hummus?butrather,Taste my hummus. It is my familys recipe thatmy wife cooked this morning, using olive oil from my brothers press and the very best chickpeas
frometc.Hummusistradition.Itisculture. Andthatspreciselytheproblem.HummusisafoundationofMiddleEasternculturethatdatesbacktoatimewhenitwasjustMiddleEasternculture,notabilliard-table-messofclashingstates.Nooneknowsforsurewherehummusisfrom.Orrather,everyoneclaimstoknowwherehummusisfrom,butnoonesstoriesagree.OnelegendmaintainsthatSaladin,SultanofEgyptandSyria,solidiedhummusasaculturalinstitutioninthe12thcenturyanationaldish,asitwere.ThetruthisthatAncientEgypt,Lebanon,Israel,SyriaoranyregionbetweenIndiaandtheMediterraneancouldhavebeentheoriginator.Chickpeaswereoneoftheearliestcultivatedcropsthatmuchisknownforsureandhummuscouldbetherstofallpreparedfoods,possibly
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eatenasearlyas7000BC. ThewordhummusitselfisawesternizationoftheArabic ,meaningchickpeas.Itcanalsobespelledhamos,homos,houmous,hommos,hommus,hummos,hummous,oranycombinationofvowelssprinkledamongH,M,andS(althoughhumusisgenerallysteeredclearof,soasnottobeconfusedwithhumus,thedeadmaterialfoundindirt).Arabicetymologyaside,thetoptwomodern-daycontendersforthehummustitle(oratleasttheonlytwocountrieswho
careenoughtoghtitout)areIsraelandLebanon.Needlesstosay,thecompetitiontoassertsu-premacyiserce:victorymeansmorethanhummusorWorldRecordsitmarksthetruemotherofhumancivilization.ItisaboutprovingthathummusisLebanese,becauseitisbeingpromotedasanIsraelitraditionaldish,anditisnot,saidChantalTohme,theorganizerofLebanonsmostrecentrecordbreakingdish.FaidAbboud,PresidentoftheLebaneseIndustrialistsAssociation,goesonestepfarthertowardscombativelanguage:ItisnotenoughtheIsraelisarestealingourland,hesaid,Theyarealsostealingourcivilizationandcuisine. JawdatIbrahim,theHummusMakerin-Chiefontheothersideoftheborder,acknowl-edgedtheirbluster:PeopleactuallycallmefromLebanononaregularbasisjusttosaythattheirhummusisbetter,IbrahimtoldCNN(interjection:envisioningtheseconversationsunfoldisthe
subjectofnearlyendlessscenarios,eachmorecomicalthanthelast).Ibrahimcontinued,IfyouliveintheMiddleEast,beforeyouvelearnttotalk,youvelearnttolovehummus--soIjustwanttheworldtoknowthatmineisthebest,henished.Admittedly,theverbalreparteebetweenIs-raelandLebanonisnottheworstthingthathasbeenungbetweenthetwocountries,butperhapsitpointstosomethingdeepersomethingmoresinisterbetweenthem.Hostilityisnotatallunderthetableinthissituation;theMiddleEasthasbeenconvulsedbytragicconictsformillen-nia.SohummusmayjustbethelatestexpressionofasmolderingboneofcontentionthatpredatestheGuinnessBookofWorldRecords.ThattwocountrieswhohaveahistoryofexchangingSCUDmissileswouldevenengageinsuchlightheartedbadinageasaHummusWarisamazinginandofitself.
NearlyallconictsintheMiddleEastfromhummusquibblestodeadlywarfarecirclebacktoreligion.JustabouteverycreedbeganintheIndusValley,orholdsitsacred,orattheleasthasakindoftangentialinterestintheplace.Soitisntsurprisingthathummusproprietyisjusti-edonreligiousterms.Themostlevel-headedpacistssuggestthatAbraham,thecommonfatherofallMiddleEasternpeoples,wastheoriginatorofhummus.ButAbuShukri,oneofthemostfamoushummusmakersinLebanonpresumablyatitlethatcarriesafairamountofsocialheftdefendsthesecularityofthedip(orthesanctityoftheprophet,dependingonyourallegiances).Thatisjustmadeup,hetoldSkyNews,Abrahamwastoobusybeingaprophettohavethetimetomakehummus. Regardlessoftheunderlyingproblems,theargumentsandcounter-argumentsandel-ephantineservingsofhummus,LebanonisintheprocessofsuingIsraelininternationalcourttopreventthecountryfrommarketingchickpeaspreadasIsraeli.ThecasefollowsaprecedentsetbyGreeceandFranceintherecentpast:in2002,GreecegainedexclusiverightstothenameFetaCheeseinasuitagainstDenmark,andfouryearslater,itbecameillegaltomarketanysparklingwhiteaschampagneunlessitwasproducedintheChampagneregionofFrance.Itsacontrover-sythatiscomplicatedbyeconomics,ethics,anddebatablelogic,butthecentralquestionremains:What gives someone exclusive ownership of something as visceral as food? Should such rights
even exist? InthemoderneraofKraftCheddarCheeseFlavoredInstantLunchandHostess
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Twinkies,theprovenanceofcertainediblesisprettycutanddried.Ifyousynthesizedthechemi-calsandslappednutritionfactsontheneonpackaging,thatcheddaravoredproductisunques-tionablyyours.Butwerenotreallydealingwithorangecheese-ishtileshere.Whatsreallyatstakeisatraditionthathasgrownovercenturieswithanentireculture.TakeFrance:forallitsendearingphilosophersandbrioches,therealhallmarkofFrenchcultureiswineneitherwouldbethesamewithouttheother.SodoesthatmakeFrance,asanation,theproprietoroffermented
grapejuice?OrcananexpatriateFrenchmanproduceasparklingwhiteintheNapavalleyandcallitchampagne?Frenchcultureis,afterall,justasmuchhisownasitishisbrothers,whostilllivesinChaumont.Soownershipofafoodmaybetiedupinthestateorinthecultureorinthelanditself. Inthecaseofhummus,itshardtosay.WhatwenowcalltheMiddleEastisafracturedmodernimpositiononabroaderculturalbasethatseepsfromIndiatoTurkey,whichgivesrisetothestickingpointinourchickpeadebatetoday:nationalism.Acankerouspatrioticfervorhasgrownontopoftheancientculturalidentication,andithascometoeclipsethecommonalitiesbetweendifferentcountries.Today,hummusinspiresthesameerceloyaltyasBritishfootball(oranevenmorefervidallegiance,consideringthecurrentIsrael/Lebanonoffensive,whichhas
graduatedtonamed-conictstatus,i.e.TheGreatHummusWar).Butatacertainpointithastoend,nomatterthenationalpridethatsatstake(ifonlybecausewesimplycantmake30ftdiameterbowls.Andwhosgoingtoeat6tonsofhummusanyways?).Honestly,itsimpossibleforanyonewithanyshredofrationalitynottorecognizetheabjectpreposterousnessofthiswholeGreatHummusWar.CreatingenoughhummustocovertheentiretyofLebanon(fact)iswastefulandabsurdinandofitself,butusingaworldrecordasproofthatonescountrywastheoriginatorofhummus?Afoodthatdatesbacktoatimewhencountrybordershadntyetbeendrawn? Butthereisanotherexplanationofthesituation,onethatisinnitelymorehopeful.RatherthantheHummusWarbeingaconsequenceofdeepernationalfriction,whatifthebel-ligerenceisaconationofsocietalminutia?Asquabblebetweentwobrothers.Thechancefor
reconciliation,then,isinthecompetitionbecomingaboutthe hummusaboutthecultureratherthanthecountries.Anditjustmighthappen.SanitymayhaveitsmomentintheMiddleEast.Eveninthemidstofthechaotic,chickpea-inducedfervorlastMay,oneoftheLebanesechefstoldtheBeirut Times,Thisismorethanhummus.Maybesomethingwillchangeifwedonttalkabouttheconictandwetalkaboutpeople.Weareverysimilar.Webothlovethegoodlife.Butmostofallwelovehummus,hesaid,grinningandopeninghisarmswide.Peopleonbothsidesarebegin-ningtorecognizehummusoncemorefortheuniversalculturethatitrepresents.Ibrahim,staunchdefenderofIsraeliepicureanhonor,evensaidthathewouldputuphis(gurative)weaponsiftheLebaneseaccepthisinvitationtocookthenexthummusplateasajointendeavor.Weregoingtojoinalotofpeoplefromallovertheworld,becausealotofpeoplelovehummus,hesaid. Andtheonethingtheylovemorethanhummusis10,452kilogramsofit.
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The concept of the public has been explored earlier in HABITUS, but now we are able to apply
theory to case. Ownership is expressed through the usage of a space and so a groups struggle
for power often manifests itself as a contest over a geographic area.
In the following essay, Kathleen Powers, takes us to Cairo, Egypt to analyze the Kefaya social
movement that reclaimed the Midan Al-Tahrir or Liberation Square. Here, we see how chang-
ing values sparked a new understanding of physical space that culminated in mass action.
Kathleen Powers is a junior in Branford College.
She can be contacted at kathleen.powers@yale.edu.This paper was originally written forSOCY 216: Social Movements.
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KEFAYA: SYMBOLIC INSURRECTION AND THE LIFE OF THE ARAB STREET,
RECONSIDERED
Kathleen Powers
TheMidanAl-Tahrir,LiberationSquare,(seepicturebelow)atrstglance,isimmedi-atelydenedbythelargedisk-shapedislandinthemiddleofthemuseums,universities,govern-mentalbuildingsandhotelsthatankthespace.ItisasiteoftransienceatCairoscenter.Trafclanestanglethemselvesandthenstraightenoutastheycirclethepatchofgreeninthecenter,mo-mentarilydisorientingthedriverswhoferryciviliansthroughthebriefzahma,orblockage,tothecalmandquietacrosstheNile.Thepathwaysfortravelarewornandknown,momentsofindeci-sionlastsecondsatmost.Therightofwayisexplicitlypredetermined.Simultaneouslyunequivo-calandinvisible,themomentumofthespace,thedirectionsofthenever-ending,neverbeginningringoftrafcthatdominatesthesquare,carriesthepublicblindlyforwardhaltingonoccasioninthestoppingandstartingofthezahma.Ininstantswhenmovementceases,timelosesitssenseofforwardmomentum;onebecomesphilosophical(Edwards,Cairo2010),thelogicofthemove-mentisnolongerchoreographed.ItisinthepausethattheArab&Egyptianpublicreclaimtheir
realestate.Deviatingfromthedirectedswiftness,thezahma,altersthediscourseofthespace:itfracturesthenaturalbehaviorofthesquare,andbeginsanalternative,subversivedialogue. Besidestheeetinginterruptionofthezahmaandabriefprotesteventin1972,thepubliccultureoftheMidanalTahrirremainedunaltereduntiltheyear2006.In1972,studentsprotestedsocialimmobilityandeconomicdestitutionbydemonstratinginthesquare,occupyingitinaritualofcivicengagementakindofconcretizedzahma;itwasmademoresubstantial,moreperma-nent.However,inAprilof2006,thesquarewasswarmedforoverforty-eightuninterruptedhours.Studentsstagedatwodaysit-ininthesquareaspartoftheEgyptianKefayaMovement,otherwiseknownastheEgyptianmovementforchange,demandingdemocracyandpoliticalreformandseekingamoretransparentpoliticalprocessandlegalsystem(Fahmi99).Theyheldcandles,sang
(Fahmi99),andtookshiftssleeping.Thetrafcowswerestrangledastheprotestorsinhabitedthesquare.Theprotestorsembracednon-traditionalformsofpowerandthroughthephysicaldominationofthesquare,acceptablepublicbehaviorwaschanged:theassumedboundariesthatcircumscribedactionwithinthespacewerebreached.Themeaningofthespacewasrenegotiatedinthemomentswhenthespacewasuseddifferently.ThoughCairosstreetshadbeenprivatized(Urban YouthreferencedbyFahmi104),orchestratedbythoseincontrolofEgyptspoliticalinstitutions,themisuseofthespacepracticedbythedemonstrationsoftheKefayamovementrequiredtheprivatizedtobecomepublic-asexempliedbytheMidanAl-Tahrirsit-in.Thepubliclaidclaimtothespace,andtheMidanAl-Tahrirsquarewassurrenderedtopublicuse.Enhanced
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byitstransitiontothevisualrealm,thehighlysymbolicprotestrepertoirewasresponsibleforimplementinganewstandardforpublicoperationwithinpublicspace.Theywereavisiblecollec-tive,theysangsongs.Theyclaimedtheirspaceinmanydimensions. Intheacademictraditionofsymbolicinteractionism,whichexplainssocialmovementsthroughinterpretiveframesasdevelopedbySnowinthe1980s,theframeisthegeneral,standardized,predenedstructure(inthesensethatitalreadybelongstothereceiversknowl-
edgeoftheworld),whichallowsrecognitionoftheworldandguidesperception...allowinghim/hertobuilddenedexpectationsaboutwhatistohappen,thatistomakesenseofhis/herreality(DellaPorta&DianiquotingDonati74).Differentframingsofagivenmovementwoulddredgedifferentchannelsofmeaningbywhichthesocialmovementparticipantwouldmakesenseoftheirexperience.Byreectingonpreviouslyestablishedmessages,symbolsandinterpretations,thesocialmovementparticipantapproachesthepresent.Butevenastheframeconstrainshowone perceives,itisaplasticmedium:itisliabletobechanged.IntheexampleofKefaya,throughpublicaction,therealityimpressedupontheactorshifted.FramesofmeaningwerealteredamidstprotesteventssuchastheMidanAlTahrirsitin,andotheractionslikeit.Thereclamationofpub-licspacebythepublichadaspecicconsequence:thepurposefulmisinterpretationofthemeaning
ofthesquare.Priortosuchevents,thesquarewasanarenaofEgyptianstatecraft,aseeminglypublicspacethathadbeencalibratedsuchthatadiscourseofnon-intervention,non-engagementensued.Inthesquare,alogicofsubordinationwasmadeconcrete.However,publicbehavior,essentiallywhatitmeanttobeacivilian,amemberofEgyptianpublicsociety,wasrstcontestedandwassubsequentlyredenedbythesit-inandbytheotherdemonstrationsthatcharacterizedtheKefayamovementthroughaddinganactive,symbolicandpublicrepertoireofaction,inwhichmassescongealedrepeatedlyatdifferentsitesandgavebirthtoapubliccollectiveidentitythatwasresponsibleforfashioninganewrealityoutoftheold. TheKefayamovementwasaradicaldeparturefromthetraditionalproceduresoftheEgyptianpoliticalsphere.Formallybegunin2004,byagroupoffrustratedintellectualswhocon-
sideredthemselvestherstmembersoftheEgyptianMovementforChangeorKefaya,awordthatmeansenoughinEgyptiandialect,organizedthemselvesinresponsetocertainamend-mentstotheEgyptianConstitution,specicallyArticles75,76,whichwerepassedbyPresidentMubaraksregime.Bywayofthesearticles,theEgyptiangovernmenteliminatedinstitutionalchecks,whichmighthavepreviouslyrestrainedtheexecutivebranch.Theamendmentsfollowedtwentyyearsofanassaultoncivilsociety:throughlegislation,Mubaraksregimehadgraduallysuffocatedthepublicandrestrictedtheirabilitytopartakeinpoliticalprocesses.However,theblatantdictatorialabuseoftheconstitutionalamendmentsrousedthepublic,stirringthemtoseekanewsystemofpoliticalandsocietalorganizationthroughKefaya. Egyptianpoliticsoverthepasthalfcenturycanbebestcharacterizedbyanoppressionthatampliedinitsduration.ThepoliticalsysteminEgyptwasabletodesign the behavioroftheEgyptianpublicbywayofanauthority,whichovertime,fortiedaspecicdiscourseden-ingwhatwasorwhatwasnotappropriatepublicbehavior.Thegovernmentnotonlycrippledcivilsocietythroughlegalinstitutionslawspreventingcivilsocietyfromachievinganactiverolebutitalsoinfectedtheveryconsciousnessofthemembersofcivilsociety:membersofcivilsocietycouldnotevenimaginethemselvesassuch.Itbeganinthelaw,butultimatelycontami-natedthepublicsocialimagination,begettingacultureofinaction.TheMubarakregimeparticu-larlyreducedthepossibilityforpublicdemonstration.Protestsdisputehowpowerisregularized,whatproceduresbecomerealities,andwhatrolesbecometradition.Thus,in2004,whenPresident
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MubarakpassedArticle75totheEgyptianconstitution,givinghimtherighttocreateemergencylaws,heeffectivelygavehimselftherighttoforbidprotestandbyextensiontherighttosustainacultureofpublicactionofhischoosing. BeforeKefaya,thepublicspacesofCairohadbeencolonizedbythelogicoftheEgyp-tiangovernment.BahaaEzzelarab,authorofKefaya: An Egyptian Movement for Change,ex-presseshowmembersoftheopposition...wererarelyinvolvedinanyactionthatwouldmake
themvisible(8),andyetKefayaeffectivelyjammedtheusualoperationsofpublicspace,inafullyapparentandpublicdisplayoffrustration.ThisdevianceallowedforanalterationinthelogicofEgyptianpublicspaces.Throughthestreet-actionofKefaya,heterogenousactors,achievedahomogenousproduct.Throughtheirhomogenousbehaviortheybirthedasingleidentity.Theimplied,unscriptedrulesofthespacehowpublicactorsperceivedthemselvesactingwithinitsatmosphereshiftedasaresultoftheiraction.Emphasizingthediscursiveopportunityestablishedbythepublicspace,MarcLynchinhisVoicesoftheNewArabPublicrevealshowthepublicspherethereforeestablishesexpectationsaboutthenormativepayoffswithinwhichstrategicactorsmaneuvered(71).Thesensationalquality-theabilityofKefayasprotesttobesensed,witnessed,seen-grantedautonomytotheEgyptianpublic.Thepublicsetforthadisplay.Through
site-specicaction,thepublicidentityandthenotionofpublicdutywereduallyreinvented.Thelogicofterritorialreclamationprovedtremendouslypowerful. By2005,demonstrationswereweekly,omnipresent,takingdifferentformsandtak-ingoverdifferentlocations.Forthreeyearsbetween2004to2007,womenandmen,youthsandtheelderlyprotestedinfrontofchurches,governmentalbuildings,onstreetsandinsquares.Theparticularissuesatthecenterofthemovementuctuatedduringthisperiod.ImanRamadan,oneofKefayascentraladvocates,appearedonAl-Jazeerain2004demandingbothanendtotheso-calledemergencypowerlawsandarepealofthelawshinderingthefreedomofthepress.Hear-ticulatedtheneedtolimitthedurationofthepresidentialterm,theneedfortheseparationofpow-ersofgovernment,theneedforthejudicialoversightofelections.Hemalignedthediscrimination
practicedbythegovernmentagainstunions,andassertedthenecessityoftherighttoestablishoppositionpartiesinEgypt(RAND13).Clearly,theissuesathandweremany.Evenifby2008,thelackofstructure,factionalizationamongmembersofthemovement,andviolentgovernmen-talreactionscausedthefrequencyofproteststodwindle,theindividualswhoparticipatedinthemovementhaddifferingsocioeconomicstatusesaswellasdifferingpoliticalorientations(RAND12).Students,politicos,low-levelprofessionals,professors,doctors,membersofthepress,busi-nesspersonsandbankers,whopossessedavarietyofpoliticalneedsandwants,abandonedtheirformeridentities,andinsteadengagedinthedevelopmentofacollectiveconsciousnessformedthroughthepublicactionthatrenderstheexampleofKefayamovementanexceptioninthegen-eraltrajectoryofEgyptianhistory. IntheseconddecadeofMubarakspresidency,hemodiedtheelectoralsystemsuchthatitwasnearlyimpossibleforoppositionpartiestobeelected,transferredtheadministrationofEgyptssyndicatesorlaborunionstothegovernment,restrictedtheirabilitytoactindepen-dentlyforthepublicbenet,andorderedmassdetentionsofpoliticalactivists(RAND8).In1995,alawwaspassedsuchthatjournalistswerelegallyliableforpublishinganythingthatcarriedmessagesadversarialtotheregime(RAND8).Furthermore,Mubarakeliminatedtheabilityforsocialmovementorganizationstoform,prosecutingthosewhodividedtheEgyptianpublicorwhosoughtanadjustmentofpopularethics(RAND8).Thesegradualrestrictionsoccurredoverthespanofseveralyears,creepingontheabilityoftheArabpublictohaveavoiceintheimpactofa
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constantstreamofconverginginformationfrommultiplesourcesthatbuildsconventionalwisdomofsociety(Lynch71).Theconventionalwisdomofthe21stcenturyinEgyptrequiredverylittlefromcivilsociety.Consequently,asalogicofdisengagementembeddeditselfinpublicconscious-ness,theEgyptianpublicbecameincreasinglyunabletoperceiveofitselfasacoherententity.Adiscourseofsubordinationsolidiedovertime. ThepracticeofidentitypoliticsisnotpartofthepoliticaltrendinEgypt.Moreover,
outsidersoftenperceivetheArabpoliticalprocessashavingavoidwherethereshouldbeanactivecivilsociety.Marx,asanearlycommentatoronthepoliticalsystemsoftheMiddleEast,discussedwhathecalledtheAsiaticmodeofproductionineditorialsoftheNewYorkTimes.Forinstance,hereferredtotheoperatingsystemsoftheMiddleEastas:empiresfoundedonapassiveandvegetivesociety(Marx87).Inhisopinion,thepubliclackedthewilltobepoliticallyrelevant.Fascinatingly,MarxsearlyobservationsonthesociopoliticalrelationsoftheMiddleEasthavelaidthefoundationfortheacademicdiscourseontheMiddleEastproducedwithinthelasttwentyyears.Obviously,thecharacterizationoftheMiddleEastasablackholeofeducatedpublicopinionandcivicparticipationisunfortunatelyafamiliarone.InanotherrecenteditorialtitledUndertheArabStreetintheNewYorkTimes,anotherwriter,ThomasFriedmanechoed
Marxist,orientalistsentimentswhenheemphasizedhowtheArabstreetisthebroadmassofpublicopinion,whichislargelypassiveandnonviolent.FriedmanattemptstoprovethatsocialinactionisaninherentproblemoftheArabindividualandaresultoftheindividualsconsciousobeisance.However,heforgetsthatcontrolovertheArabStreet,orinthecaseofKefaya,controloverArabpublicspace,hasbecometheendoftheArabgovernment.Overtime,thelawsandwhimsofrulershavecontrolledhowpublicspacecanbeusedandhowpublicspacecanbethoughtof.Absoluteruleovergenerationsconstructedarobustdiscourseofinactiononthepartofthepublic,suchthatwhatwas,atonepoint,perhapsastatuteoramomentarymilitarycrack-downonpublicopinion,hascometocreatewhatthepublicseesasreality.SocialtheoristMicheleFoucualthighlightsthemanipulationofthepublicopinionbydiscursivepowerwhenhesubmits
howovertime,notonlywhatisthoughtchanges,butwhatcanbethoughtorconceivedofaswell(DellaPortaandDiani77).Theopinionthatpopularprotestisthedutyofanactiveanden-gagedcivilsocietyandthenotionthatdemonstrationsareimportantsymboliciterationscapableofchangingsocietyarenotpresent.Layersoffabricatedculturalcodeshavefrustratedanyedglingspiritofactivism.ThoughitmightappearthatthepopulacesoftheMiddleEasthaveadistinctlyArabproblemandthattheypracticeanunquestioningsubserviencetopowerandtheiraccep-tanceofself-censorship(Lynch31),themechanismsofpublicopinionintheMiddleEasthavebeendictatedbytheconstantpresenceofautocraticregimes.Overdecades,thepublichasbeeneffectivelyifImightbesoboldcastrated.Anydeviancefromwhathasbeenreinforcedoverhundredsofyearsrequiresspecialanalyticattention.TheKefayamovementissuchadesired,deviantcase. Asdiscussed,in2004withArticles75,76and77totheconstitution,Mubarakampli-edhisabilitytoexercisearbitrary,dictatorialpower.Explicitlyandsuddenly,Mubaraksoughttocircumscribepublicdiscourse.Butfascinatingly,inhisattemptedrapidconsolidationofpower,Mubaraksauthoritywas lessened,duetohowhisactionsidentiedwherethepowerscontrollingsocietalreproductionwerelocated.Mubarakunveiledthebluntunnaturalnessoftheregimesau-thority.JustasJeremyBenthamsPanopticonprison(seepicturebelow)kepttheprisonerpower-lessthroughtheapplicationofconstantsupervisioncoupledwithaninvisibilityofthesupervisor(Foucault200),sotheinabilityoftheEgyptiancivilsocietytodeterminewhoprescribedtheir
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actionskeptthemfromrealizingthattheiraction,orinthiscaseinaction,wasprescribed.Animperceptiblepoweroverranthem-ascatteredpower.WithinthePanopticon:
Eachindividual,inhisplace,issecurelyconnedtoacellfromwhichheisseenfromthefrontbythesupervisor;butthesidewallspreventhimfromcomingintocontactwithhiscompanions.Heisseen,buthedoesnotsee;heistheobjectofinformation,nevera
subjectincommunication.Thearrangementofhisroom,oppositethecentraltower,im-posesonhimanaxialvisibility;butthedivisionsofthering,thoseseparatedcells,implyalateralinvisibility.Andthisinvisibilityisaguaranteeoforder.(Foucault200)
Publicbehaviorinpublicspaceswasunderthesurveillance,perhapsnotofanycentralsupervisorsituatedhighinatower,butbytheestablishednormsandbythenecessityofbehavinginawaythatwasexpected.Yet,whenthelocusofpowerisperceptible,thedominantculturecracks,theholdersofpowerbecomeapparentandthesupervisors-onceinvisible-formtargets.Inconse-quence,over500intellectuals(RAND10)gatheredtodiscussthearbitrarypowerofPresidentMubarakataconferenceheldinsummerof2004andresolvedthataneworderwasnecessaryand
consequentlyfoundedKefaya. OneofthemostpowerfulqualitiesoftheKefayastreet-actionwastheabilitytouniteagroupofactorswhocarrieddifferentpoliticalbackgrounds.ThefactthattherewasnoonepoliticalagendaonlyreinforcestheargumentthatKefayawasamovementandnotsimplyanexpressionofpoliticaldiscontent.TheparticipantsinKefayasoughttocalibratetheculturewhichprovokedit.Theculturalsphere,ofcourse,includesbutisnotlimitedtothepoliticalarena.Moresignicantly,theculturalarenahasthepotentialtodictatehowthepoliticalsphereisarrangedandhowactorswithinitperceivethemselves.TheNationalDefenseInstitutedescribesKefayaashav-inganon-politicalstatus(10),andcharacterizesitasfosteringaunionthatwashistoric;therehadneverbeensuchacoalescenceofEgyptianpoliticalgroupsaroundanysetofissues(11).Ke-
fayawasthusunprecedentedingivingEgyptiancommunists,IslamistsandNationalistscommonmotiveandprovidingacommonspaceforrenegotiatingwhatpublicbehaviormeant.KefayawasabletounitethoseindividualswhothoughtthatIslamwasthesolutionthoseparticipantsintheal-Wasatcenter-Islamicparty,andthosewhoself-identiedasMarxists(RAND12)giventhecollectiveidentityfashionedbyKefayasrepertoireofconstantandpublicaction.Inwhatcanbecharacterizedasritualsofself,orreication,amongstthedemonstrations,newselvesmaterialized.DellaPorta&DianiintheirstandardtextSocial Movements: An Introductiondenecollectiveidentity:theprocessbywhichsocialactorsrecognizethemselves-andarerecognizedbyotheractorsaspartofbroadergroupingsanddevelopemotionalattachmentstothem(91)asbasedonsharedorientations,values,attitudes,worldviews,andlifestylesaswellasonsharedexperiencesofaction(92).Itistherecognitionofcommoncircumstancethatappearstocultivateacollec-tiveidentity,andthecommonabuseofpublicspaceappearstoprovideavehicleforrealizingasharedcircumstance.Thephysicalbecomesmetaphorical:thephysical,geographicalaspectsofstagingandmanagingcollectiveactionsthedecisionsandpracticesareincorporatedintheprocessofchangingestablishedsocietalpractice,thenorms,rulesandlawswhichformthebasisofsociety(Eyerman194).Themassesintheirvariousprotestspracticedgoverningthemeaningofspace,providingnewcodesofbehaviorforEgyptiancivilsociety,whichovertimetransitionedfrombehaviorthatwasentirelyroguetobehaviorthatvergedonautomatic.Theirbehaviormovedtheunusualtotheusual.ThomasHayden,founderofStudentsforaDemocraticSocietyandleader
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oftheAmericanleftiststudentmovementinthe1960s,perceivedaneedinwhatheperceivedasavapid,emptysociety,tomak(e)valuesexplicitaninitialtaskinestablishingalternatives(10).InthecontextofKefaya,protestsexplicatedabehavioralsystemforindividualsasmembersoftheactiveandablepublic.Itwasbecauseofthisthatparticipantswouldactasindividuals,leavingtheirpartisanhatsatthedoorstepastheywork(ed)forKefaya,bringingwiththemonlyideasandpracticesfrompastexperiencesbutnottheinstitutionalstructuresinwhichtheyareembedded
(Shorbagy48).IndividualscametothemovementandthroughtheunionfosteredbythepublicperformancesofKefaya,becameabletonegotiatewhatitmeanttobeaself-awarepublic. Actionserectboundariesdelineationsassimpleasusonthissideofthestreetvs.themontheother,usrunningfromthepolice,fromthethemchasingus.IntheKefayamovement,actionwasatoolofseparation;spatiallyandemotionally,actionseveredthosewithintheactionfromthoseuninvolved.TheNationalDefenseResearchInstitutehighlightsthestateofimmensehatredbetweentherulersintheArabworldandtheArabpopulacewhowantthesegovernmentstodisappear...thegovernmentshaverespondedbyindulgingthemselvesinevenmorerepression,usingabunchoflawsthatinstitutionalizetheirgriponpower(31).Thisantago-nismmanifesteditselfintheviolencetheMubarakregimepracticedagainstdemonstrators,which
includedphysicalassault,rape,tortureafterdetainment,publichumiliation,clothingremoval,sod-omyandsexualassault(RAND29).Lessviolent,theEgyptiansecurityforcesalsopracticedthesqueezingprotestorstechnique,hunchingupagainstthedemonstrators,suchthattherewasanobviousvisualandphysicalcleavagebetweenthetwo,blackagainstcolor,physicallyandvisuallyatseparatepoles,representingasimplicationofidentitytheprotestorsasandenitiveentity,posedagainstrepressors. WithinthecontextofKefayathemass(one,madefromaheterogenousmany)reclaimedpowersofarticulation.ManarShorbagy,inUnderstanding Kefaya: the New Politics in Egypt,dis-cussestheroleoftheintended,purposefuloccupationofpublicspacebythepublicandnoteshowKefayawithitscreativestreetaction,infacthasdealtwiththemostacuteofEgyptspolitical
problems,namelypoliticalapathyonthepartofthevastmajorityofEgyptians(54).Protestorsemergedfromtheirparticipationwithanalteredinterpretationoftheirownabilityaspublicactors.Tohaveexperiencedaprotesteventwastohaveonesframesofmeaningrealigned.Theconse-quencesofpublicactionradiatedoutfromtheactitself,tosupporttheformationofanalternativeculturalspherewhichwouldgiveagencytomembersofcivilsocietyandwhichwouldestablishthememoryofactionasatoolforempowerment.Throughthecollectiveeffervescenceaccompa-nyingmassaction,theEgyptiancivilsocietywasresurrected.RonEyermannotesthenaturalizingqualitiesofpublicactioninhisPerforming Opposition, or How Social Movements Move:
...individualidentitiesaretransformedasgroupsform.Inthissense,anemotionaltransferenceoccurs,whichproducesacharged,collectiveemotionalenergy,asenseofbelongingtosomeforcegreaterthanoneself.Anempoweringcantakeplace,especiallyascognitiveshiftsoccur,andclarityofvisionorpurposegivedirectiontothesenseofmovement(195)
TheprotestsofKefayanormalizedcivicparticipationbyemployingthesymbolicdisplayofmasspower.Itwasalsoanexerciseinlearningpower,orasEzzelarabnotesinhisKefayaAn EgyptianMovement for Change,experienc(ing)democracythroughaprocessoftrial-and-error(12);thustherstmoversinEgyptweretrained(10)bythetacticsoftheiraction.Theprotestorsreied
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theirpowerthroughtherehearsalofthatpower.Itwasdoneinthestreets. Highlypersonal,theKefayamovementwasnotmerelyapoliticalphenomenon.Thepotencyofthemovementresidedinitsabilitytodevelopacrediblelong-termvision(Shorbagy48).Themovement,likeitsnameandslogan(whichwassimplyKefayameaningenough),wasattheheartofEgyptspopularcultureandwidelyopensuptheprospectsoffutureactionandpresentsaradical alternativeforEgyptsfuture(53),includingthefutureofthosewhose
senseofselfwaschangedbytheirparticipationintheprotesteventsofthemovement.Themove-mentwascomprehensive,consuming.As,forthersttime,thecrowdsofpublicactorsconsumedpublicspace,individualactorswereforcedtore-imaginetheirsocietyandtheirrolewithinit.Intheillegalinvasionofplaceswithpreviouslydenedrulesofinteraction,invigoratedmembersofcivilsociety,fullycognizantofthedegreetowhichtheiractionwasaninvasion,visuallyandemblematicallydisplayedtheirpower.OvertimeprotestasaritualdenedbyDellaPortaandDianiassymbolicformsofexpressionbywhichcommunicationsconcerningsocialrelationsarepassedoninstylized,dramatizedways(109)engenderedaculture,therulesandnormsofwhichwerecreatedfromtheemblemofprotestitself:thosewhoclaimedpowerinthepublicspacesofprotest(themasses)wereencouragedtodosoinpractice,andtherepetitionofprotest
fosteredanexpectationofcivilpower.CulturewasrevisedinthemannerthatToddGitlin,asoci-ologistspecializinginAmericansocialmovementsofthemid20thcentury,discussestheculturalrevisioninvolvedintheAmericancivilrightsmovement:Insteadofsayingthatsegregationoughttostop,theyactedasifsegregationnolongerexistedtheideaofestablishingthegoodsocietyrighthereandnow(85).TotheextentthattheKefayamovementwasall-encompassing,engen-deringanewcultureinthespaceitoccupieddisputingwhatwasandwhatwasnotnaturalpublicbehaviorandreconguringtheperceivedabilityordutiesoftheindividualithighlyresembleswhatarereferredtoasthenewmovementsbysocialmovementtheorists.Atermusedwhende-scribingtheleftiststudentmovementsofthe1960s,ormorerecentlytheglobaljusticemovement,newmovements,ascharacterizedbyDellaPortaandDiani,emphasizetheheterogeneityof
actorswithinthemovement(8),innovativestrategiesusedtodevelopthemovement(10)andmostimportantly,thelocationoftheactoratthecenterofthemovement(10).Thenewmovementsfedoffoftheenergycreatedbyidentity,fermentingatthecenter. Inthecaseofthenewmovement,theindividualsperceptionofherselforhimselfgeneratedandsustainedthemovement.Theidentityoftheactorwasnotonlyrelevantinthemo-mentofprotestbutalsoaffectedallotherspheresoftheactorslife.Publicactionandtheidentityformedineventsofcollectiveresistance,mergedwiththeactorsprivateself.Thenewmove-mentswereproductive.Participantsinthesenewmovementswereadvocatesfortheaban-donmentofthedominantreality,sothatitmightbereplacedbyrealityconstructedbytheactorsthemselves.Duetotheirconstructivequality,thenewmovementsnolongersoughtinclusionwithinthesocietiestheyresisted,butinsteadfavoredthecreationofnewcommunities.Theac-torsinthesemovementswerenotisolatedindividualsatthemarginsofsociety,but,asTouraineconcluded,playersinthecentralforcesghtingoneagainsttheother(inthiscasetheburgeoningforcesofthenewmovement)tocontroltheproductionofsocietybyitself(DellaPortaandDiani12).SimilartohowthestudentsoftheAmericanleftistmovementsinthe1960sre-examinedtheviabilityoftheirsociety,andconcludedthatsocietysawscouldnotbemended,theKefayamovementdepartedfromthepoliticalinitstransformativepotentialatonceacross-ideologicalforcethathasthepotentialinthelongrunofcreatinganewmainstream(Shorbagy1).InthemindsoftheKefayaparticipants,Egyptiansocietyneededtobere-createdandlikethenew
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movements,whichwereinvolvedinreclaimingindividualsrighttodenetheiridentities...againsttheomnipresentandcomprehensivemanipulationofthesystem(DellaPorta&Diani9).ThomasHayden,inhisLetter to the New Leftgloriedtheopportunityofmakingnewandrevolutionarydepartures(5),butqualiedhisdemandsbyemphasizingtheneedtoerectanewsocietyintheoldsocietysstead,theneedtovisualizeandthenbuildstructurestocounterthosewhichweoppose(7).Similarly,Kefayadidnotproposeasimpledistastewiththemisuseof
politicalpower,butanewsystemforoperationarestructuringofthesocialcontractthegov-ernmenthadwithitspeople.AstheNationalDefenseResearchInstitutenoted,acomplaintofKefayabyWesternandEgyptianintellectualswasthatKefayalackedaprogramthatwentbeyondsimplytargetingMubarak(RAND39);however,thisopinionignoresthenuancesinvolvedinthebirthofidentitypoliticsinEgyptandrefusestoacknowledgetheopportunityforthecrystalliza-tionofanewdiscourse,whichprovidedbytheprotestrepertoire-ondisplayandevent-oriented-ofthemovement. ItisunderstoodthatKefayasparticipantsdisagreedwithMubaraksuseofarbitraryanddictatorialpower,butasevidencedbythemovementsofcialproposal,AProjectforDemocraticChangeinEgypt-TowardaNewSocio-politicalContract,whichelaboratesonthemesoffree-
dom,politicalaccountability,power,andcivilrights(Shorbagy49),themovementtranscendedthepoliticalarena.TheproposalwasaverbalvalidationoftheEgyptiancitizensroleasamemberofsociety.Itwasthismembership,thisparticipationintheinstitutionsofsocietythatmarkedKe-fayasdeparturefromtherestofEgyptianhistory.Itsoughtacommunion,apartaking.AsrevealedbyMarcLynchinhisstudyVoices of the New Arab Public,publicpoliticalargumentsthrewopenwidequestionsofwhatitmeanttobeArab(4).TherealityofdailylifehadbeenorientedaroundacultureofinactionfosteredbytheMubarakregime,andthemovementencapsulatedthevariedissuesthatfrustratedtheEgyptianmasses.WaelSalahFahminotestheopinionsofbloggersofthemovementwhostatedthatKefayabroache(d)issuesthattouch(ed)allsectorsoflifeformtrans-portationcoststohealthcareaccesstounemployment(97BloggerK-anonymouslyquoted).One
activistalsoestablishedthatwereagroupofyouthprotestingthecurrentconditionsofnohealth,noeducation,nowork,nohousing,nofreedom(97-Adetainee).Themovementgavepossibilitytocontestthecultureofsubmission. Thevisible,publicactionofKefaya,drasticallycounteredassumptionsofthepeoplesef-cacy.Whattheindividualcouldandcouldnotdoasamemberofcivilsocietywasre-examined,andframesofmeaningthatgovernedtheindividualsinterpretationofthesurroundingworldshiftedasdenitionsofcriteriafordeterminingnormalityanddevianceforareasthatwereprevi-ouslylefttotheregulationofotherinstitutionshavebecometheobjectofpublicintervention(DellaPortaandDiani47).LiketheleftiststudentmovementsintheUnitedStates,andthenewmovements,Kefayawasfundamentallyconstructiveandcomposednewsystemsforoperatingamidstthecollectiveidentitycreatedbythemanydemonstrationsofthemovement.Theradioac-tivequalityoftheprotesteventsthatcharacterizedandsustainedKefaya,reorganizedsociety.TheprotesteventintroducedculturalpathwaysandtraditionsthatchangedtheroleoftheEgyptianpublic,andforcedtheindividualtorealizeherorhisplacewithintheactivecommunity.Itwasalmostasiftheactionofthemovementcouldnotbeseveredfromtheidentitygeneratedbythemovement,astheactiongavemeanstothematerializationofidentitythateffectedthelifeoftheindividual:publicandprivate.KefayaexempliestheabilityoftheArabStreettoengageinpub-licengagement,inacomprehensivemovementforchangeinthetotalityofsociety.Actionandtheindividualwereatthecenterwhilepublicdisplayswereresponsibleforpropellingthemovement
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forward.Ininstancesinwhichthepublicintentionallyimplementedazahmaoftheirowninpublicspaceasopposedtosimplyandoccasionallybeingeffectedbyit,thepublicformednarrativesofsolidarityandenmity(that)hasshapedthemeaningofallthathashappened(Lynch11).Thesenarrativessanctiedpublicaction:demonstrationswereredemptiveandbestowedpoweruponthosewhohadnone.Thedemonstrationswereperiodsoftransition,inwhichtheinterruptionofday-to-daylifewasfueledbyaradicalintent.Therewaspurposeandvision.Kefayaheraldsanera
oftheArabpublicsphereinwhichthezahmathatredirectsandfreezesautomatic,practicedmove-mentsofonecultureisnolongerspontaneousandsurprisingbutcalculated,preconceivedbythosewhoimagineadifferentroutineproducedbywhatothersmightseeassimplechaos.
Works Cited
DellaPorta,DonatellaandMarioDiani.SocialMovements:AnIntroduction.MaldenMA:BlackwellPublishing:2006.
Edwards,BrianT.Cairo2010:AfterKefaya.APublicSpace.Issue9.2009..5Dec.2009.
Images
Image2.JeremyBenthamsPanopticon
Image1.MidanAl-Tahrir.PhotographbyMuhhamadGhafari
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Eyerman,Ronald.PerformingOpposition,orHowSocialMovementsMove.Social perfor-mance: symbolic action, cultural pragmatics, and ritual.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006.
Ezzelarab,Bahaa.Kefaya:AnEgyptianMovementforChange.AmericanUniversityofCairo..5Dec2009.
Fahmi,WaelSalah.Bloggersstreetmovementandtherighttothecity.(Re)claimingCairosrealandvirtualspacesoffreedom.Environment and Urbanization21.1(2009):89-107.
Foucault,Michel.Discipline and Punish.,RandomHouse:NewYork,1995.
Friedman,Thomas.UndertheArabStreet.The New York Times.23Oct2002..5Dec2009.
Lynch,Marc.Voices of the New Arab Public.NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress:,2006.
Marx,Karl.KarlMarxonColonialismandModernization:HisDispatchsandotherWritingsonChina,India,MexicoandtheMiddleEastandNorthAfrica.NewYork:AnchorBooks,1969.
Oweidat,Nadia,CherylBernard,DaleStahl,WalidKildani,EdwardOConnellandAudraK.Grant.The Kefaya Movement: A Case Study of a Grassroots Reform Initiative.SantaMonicaCA:TheNationalDefenseResearchInstitute,2008.
Hayden,Thomas.LettertotheNew(Young)Left. The New Student Left: An anthology.Boston:
BeaconPress,1966.
Hayden,Thomas.PortHuronStatement.The New Student Left: An Anthology.Boston:BeaconPress,1966.
Gitlin,Todd.LeftwardKickingandScreaming. The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage.NewYork:BantamBooks,1987.
Shorbagy,Manar.UnderstandingKefaya:TheNewPoliticsinEgypt.Arab Studies Quarterly29.1(2007):39-60.AssociationofArab-AmericanUniversityGraduatesandInstituteofArabStudies:2007.
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Post-colonial theory attempts to reckon with and react to the cultural legacy of colonialism.
In his now-iconic book, Orientalism, critical theorist Edward Said sought to expose a colonial
mindset that reinforced the unequal power relations between the East and its Western colonial
masters. But contemporary scholars have since grappled with both the power and limitations
of Saids framework.
In the following essay, Blair Lanier explores one particularly provocative critique: might Saids
theorizing fail in some ways to escape the very orientalism he critiqued? Such debates prompt
us to reconsider the relationships between our academic discourse and material reality, our
ideas and our changing perspectives on history.
Blair Lanier is a senior in Pierson College.
Contact her at blair.lanier@yale.edu.
This paper was originally written forSOCY 306: Empires and Imperialism.
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DEBATING ORIENTALISM: COMBATING COMPLACENCY THROUGH CRITIQUE
Blair Lanier
Tracingtheevolutionofanideathroughacademicdiscourserevealsimportanttruthsaboutourchangingperspectivesonhistory.Newtheories,newmodesofinterpretation,andthedebatesoverthemhaveshapedthestudyofImperialismandcontinuetoinuenceourknowledgeofthehistoricalformsandsocietaleffectsofEmpire.Inhis1978workOrientalism,EdwardW.Saidproposedonesuchnewreadingoftheideologicalprocessesandmechanismsofpowerat
workinEuropeanImperialism.TheconceptofOrientalismsuggestsaparticularreadingofthehistoryofEmpire,which,likemostinuentialtheories,hasbeenprofoundlyinuentialbothinitsownrightandalsobecauseitprovokednewacademicworkseekingtodissent,qualify,orimprovethattheory.FrederickCooperisonesuchscholarwhoengageswithOrientalism,acknowledgesitsintellectualvalue,andmakeshisowncriticalclaimsabouthowthestudyofImperialismcanbepushedbeyondOrientalismtothebettermentofourhistoricalunderstandingofimperialactors,colonizedpeoples,andtheEmpiresconstitutedbytheirrespectivecommunitiesandidentities.CooperadvocatesfortheacademicandpoliticalimportanceofamorehistoricallyawaretreatmentofEmpireandthelanguageofimperialidentitiesandprocesses.FredericCooperisjustiedbothinhiscritiquesofOrientalismsgeneralizationsandalsoinhisprojecttoworkfromSaidsconcept
towardsthebetteringofourtheoreticalandpragmaticunderstandingofImperialismthroughcloserattentiontohistoricalvariability. EdwardSaidsOrientalismisaremarkablybroadconceptualizationofWesternattitudestowardstheEast.HearguesthatWesternImperialismwasinextricablytiedtoandevenconstitutedbyasetofideologiesthatconstructedactionalOrientand,throughthatconstruction,denedthepowerrelationshipbetweentheOrientandOccident.Orientalism,Saidwrites,hasbothanacademicandideologicallifeintheWesternworldandisbuiltandexpressedthroughlanguage,art,literature,andstatesmanship.Ashewrites,Orientalism,therefore,isnotanairyEuropeanfantasyabouttheOrient,butacreatedbodyoftheoryandpracticeinwhich,formanygenerations,
therehasbeenaconsiderablematerialinvestment.Orientalismisthestudyofthisconcept,thisideathathasahistoryandatraditionofthought,imagery,andvocabularythathavegivenitreal-ityandpresenceinandfortheWest. 1 Toconstructhisargument,SaiddenesOrientalism,tracesitsmanifestationsinthehis-toryofBritish,French,andAmericanculturalartifacts,andsuggeststhatuncoveringtheexistenceandnatureofOrientalismiskeytounderstandingWesternpowerovertheOrient.HewritesthatthescholarofImperialismmustunderstandOrientalismasaWesternstylefordominating,restructuring,andhavingauthorityovertheOrient.2Thisstyleconsistedoftheenormously1EdwardW.Said,Orientalism(NewYork:Vintage,1978),5.2Said,Orientalism,3.
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systematicdisciplinebywhichEuropeanculturewasabletomanageandevenproducetheOrientpolitically,sociologically,militarily,ideologically,scientically,andimaginativelydur-ingthepost-Enlightenmentperiod.3AccordingtoSaid,studyingthisdiscourserevealsthatinaquiteconstantway,Orientalismdependsforitsstrategyonthisexiblepositionalsuperiority,whichputstheWesternerinawholeseriesofpossiblerelationshipswiththeOrientwithouteverlosinghimtherelativeupperhand.4BycreatingtheOrientalastheiconicothertotheEuro-
peanself,Europeanculturegainedinstrengthandidentity.
5
Thespeciccontentandcharacterofthisotheringresultedintherelationshipofpower,ofdomination,ofvaryingdegreesofacomplexhegemony6betweenWestandEast.SaidpositsthatOrientalismideologicallydividestheworld7intobinaries:WesternreasonandOrientalmysticism,EuropeanpowerandOrientalsubjugation,colonizerandcolonized.Orientalism,likeallotherideas,cultures,andhistoriescan-notseriouslybeunderstoodorstudiedwithouttheirforce,ormorepreciselytheircongurationsofpower,alsobeingstudied.8SaidsownengagementinthisstudyconsistsofidentifyinghowtheideologicalbinariesofOrientalismfunctiontobuildandenhanceEuropeanpowerovermateriallyrealbutideologicallyimaginedcolonies.SaidsworksucceedsincomplicatingapurelylogisticalreadingofEmpirebyquestioningtheideologicalandconceptualframeworksinherenttoEuropean
Imperialism. FrederickCooperengageswithSaidsconceptbyacknowledgingtheimportancehisintellectualframeworktheinterpretivegainsfromexaminingtheideologicalstructureofEmpire-buthecritiquesSaidsunderstandingofthoseideologies,hisconceptofOrientalism,byadvocat-ingforamorecomplexconceptualapproachthatworkstoacknowledgethelocalparticularitiesofEmpireandimperialistaction.CooperarguesthatOrientalismfailstoappreciatesufcientlythedifferencesbetweencommunitiesofEuropeancolonizersandgroupsofcolonizedpersonsastheyvaryoverbothtimeandgeography.CoopersarticlesuggeststhatalthoughSaidpointedoutOrientalismsfallacyingroupingallOrientalsunderonediscourseofother,theanalysisofthedynamicsofcolonialismwhichhebeganisnotcompletewithoutparticularizingthatanalysisto
individualcontextsandmomentsandexpandinganthropological,sociological,andhistoricaltreat-mentofEmpiretoincludethecolonizeraswellasthecolonized.HiscritiquesofSaidthereforelogicallyincludeargumentsthatthebroadtermsusedbySaidtoidentifyEuropeancolonialistsrequiremorenuancedandspecicdelineationaccordingtocontext,andthattheneedforrecog-nitionofindividualconditionsandidentitiesappliestotheEuropeansaswellasthecolonized.InColonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History,FrederickCooperfocusesonacriticalanalysisoftheacademystendencytobecomestuckinconceptualruts.Hesuggeststhatacadem-icsworkingwiththeconceptofOrientalismarenotexemptfromsuchacademicstagnation,andhearguesforaheightenedsensitivitytotheparticularconditionsofanyareaofstudyincludingEmpires,imperialoutposts,andcolonies.ByanalyzingCoopersengagementwiththeconceptofOrientalismandexploringinwhatwayshiscritiquesarejustied,welearnmorenotonlyaboutSaidsseminalworkbutalsothebroaderstudyofEmpire. ForFrederickCooper,understandingwhatisproblematicaboutacademictreatmentofEmpireisintegraltounderstandingtheEmpiresthemselves.Cooperarguesthatonlybyunder-standingthebiases,gaps,andfallaciesinacademicworkonEmpirecanhistoriansmoveonce
3EdwardW.Said,Orientalism(NewYork:Vintage,1978),3.4Said,Orientalism,7.5Said,Orientalism,3.6Said,Orientalism,5.7Said,Orientalism,45.
8
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againtowardsamorecomplete,nuanced,andusefulunderstandingofImperialisminitshistoricalandcontemporaryforms.ThedifcultquestionfacingacademicswhostudyEmpireisHowcanonestudycolonialsocieties,keepinginmindbutnotbeingparalyzedbythefactthatthetoolsofanalysisweuseemergedfromthehistorywearetryingtoexamine?9Coopersanswerhingesuponanawarenessofandghtagainstdisciplinarystagnation. CooperarguesthatSaidsconceptofOrientalismisanhistoricallyrootedtheorylikeany
otherand,therefore,mustbesubjecttothesamehistoricalcriticismsandreevaluationsoftermsthatSaidhimselfappliedtoearlierunderstandingsofImperialism.Orientalismplayedanimpor-tantroleinpushingthestudyofEmpireforward:HistorianscomplacencyabouttheEuropeanboundariesoftheireldwasshakenupbyEdwardSaidsOrientalism.10ButCooperisabletomovebeyondOrientalismtoaproductivecritiqueoftheSaidsterminologyandthecontextualspecicityofhishistorywhilestillacknowledgingtheintellectualusefulnessofSaidsconcept.Cooperwrites,Interdisciplinarystudiescanbeimpoverishedbyonceprovocativeconstructsthathavebecomeclichs,justasadisciplinecanbenarrowedbyprofessionalhierarchies,requiredmethodologies,ortheoreticalconservatism.11ThusCooperheedshisownintellectualwarningbycritiquingSaid.IfSaidbecomesaclichandhistoriesofthecolonizedbecomethenorm,the
intellectualdismantlingofOrientalismbecomesasinstitutionallypervasiveasOrientalismitselfoncewas.AsCooperwrites,thereisadeliciousironyhere,forEuropeansbecomethepeoplewithouthistory,anotiononcereservedforthecolonized. 12Historycannotmoveforwardtowardsamorecompleteunderstandingoftheworldifanyideologybecomestooentrenched,reied,orunquestionable.Saidsconceptcannotbetakenasthenalwordbutinsteadmustbequestioned,examined,andexplored. CoopercritiquesSaidsconceptforbeingsobroadlygeneralizedoversuchanexpansivegeographicandtemporallandscape.Cooperarguesforrootingconceptsbackintothespecicconditionsofagivencolonywhenhewrites,Colonialpower,likeanyother,wasanobjectofstruggleanddependedonthematerial,social,andculturalresourcesofthoseinvolved.Colo-
nizerandcolonizedarethemselvesfarfromimmutableconstructs,andsuchcategorieshadtobereproducedbyspecicactions.13Colonizerandcolonized,Cooperargues,mustbethoughtofashistoricallyspecicterms.ClarityinterminologypreventsthedangerofconatingdrasticallydifferenthistoricalmomentsandthedistincteffectsofvariousEmpires.ContinuingtoworkwithintheacademicframeworkstemmingfromSaidsconceptofOrientalismcanleadtothefollowinghistoricalerror:
ThesharpseparationofacertainkindofEmpirewhichproducescolonialandpost-colonialeffectsnotonlyprecludestheposingofimportantquestionsaboutcriticalhistoricalmomentsandinterrelatedprocesses,butreproducesaformofEurocentrism.CentralAsianMuslimsconqueredbythetsarsandsubjectedtotheviolentandmodern-izingprojectoftheSovietsdonotreceivetheattentiondevotedtoNorthAfricanMuslimscolonizedbytheFrench;1989isnotmarkedinpostcolonialcirclesasamilestoneofdecolonization.14
9FrederickCooper,Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2005).10Cooper,Colonialism in Question.11Cooper,Colonialism in Question.12Cooper,Colonialism in Question.13Cooper,Colonialism in Question.14
Cooper,Colonialism in Question. 33
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ThiswarningfromCooperincitesthehistoriantopushintoadeeperunderstandingofEmpirebybroadeningthescopeofanalysisbeyondtheBritish,French,andAmericanEmpiresdiscussedbyEdwardSaidandhisintellectualdiscipleswhoengagewiththehistoryoftheformerlyoriental-ized.Cooperproposesaconcertedefforttowardsspecicityoftermsandattentiontoparticularhistoricalconditionsoftheiruseasanantidotetothisintellectualpropensitytowardsawedgen-eralizations.UnderstandingtheconnectionsbetweenEmpiresisusefulaslongasthosesimilarities
arenotmythologizedintouniversaltruthsbyacademics.TothisendCooperwrites,theneedtounderstandtherangeofformsofimperialpowerentailsappreciatingboththegeneralconditionanditsspecicforms,includingEmpireandcolonies.15AcademictermsmustbeconceptuallyusefulabletoincreaseourunderstandingofEmpiresingeneralbutalsonotconceptuallymis-leadingnotglossingoverofgeographicparticularitiesandhistoricalchange.CoopersacademiccritiqueofSaidthereforecentersonOrientalismsstatusasahistoricalworkthatmustbeques-tionedbyhistory. Buttheseacademicdebatesabouttermsarenotconnedtopurelyacademichistoricaldebates.TheyareintegrallyrelatedtothematerialnatureofEmpireanditsimpactuponindi-viduallives.Cooperwrites,Europesambivalentconquestsoscillatingbetweenattemptsto
projectoutwarditsownwaysofunderstandingtheworldandeffortstodemarcatecolonizerfromcolonized,civilizedfromprimitive,corefromperipherymadethespaceofEmpireintoater-rainwhereconceptswerenotonlyimposedbutalsoengagedandcontested.16ThevocabularyofEmpirewasnotcreatedinanintellectualvacuumbutarosefromtherealitiesofImperialism.ThelanguageofEmpirethereforereects,tosomeextent,theconditionsofthatEmpiresformofImperialism.Termswhichallowindividualsandgroupsofpeopletoconceptualizeofthemselvesagainstanotherwhethertheimperialauthorityorthesubjugatedcolonizedaretermswhich,asSaidsuggested,holdrealpower.ThereforecontestationsoverthetermsofEmpirewithincoloniesarecontestsoverthepowerdynamicsofImperialismitself.Cooperexplains,politicalactivisminandaboutEmpirehasposednotonlypossibilitiesofacceptingorrejectingtheapplica-
tiontocolonialworldsofideasandstructuresassertedbyEurope,butalsothepossibility,howeverdifcult,ofchangingthemeaningofthebasicconceptsthemselves.17Hereweseetheintersec-tionofacademicdebatesabouttermsandthepoweroflanguageinlivedhistory.Coopersengage-mentwithSaidthereforecrossestheintellectuallinefromconceptualcritiquetoateleologicalargument.Termshaveapurposeandauseintherealworld,soitiscrucialforimperialactors,thesubjectsofEmpire,andtheacademicswhostudybothtogetthosewordsright. FrederickCoopersengagementwithEdwardSaidsconceptofOrientalismpushesthereadertowardsabroaderandmorenuancedunderstandingoftheideologicalpowerdynamicsatplayinImperialism.TheargumentinCoopersarticlealignswithSaidsrequirementthatastudyofideologicaltermsmustconnectthosetermstomanifestationsofpower.ThestudyofEmpireisnotapassiveinvestigationpurelyforintellectualsatisfactionormerelytocreateaninternallyconsistentsetofdenitions.ThestudyofEmpirehaspoliticalimplicationsastheeffectsofImpe-rialismcontinuetoreverberateintheformercoloniesaroundtheworld.CooperscritiqueofSaid,andSaidscritiqueofanideologicallyentrenchedhegemonythroughotheringtheorientarenotdusty-ofcemusingsandacademyin-ghtsbutoutcome-orientedcriticismsofahistorythattruly
15FrederickCooper,Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2005).16Cooper,Colonialism in Question.17Cooper,Colonialism in Question.
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affectstheworldanditscitizens.Complacencyinthehistoricalanalysisofempirereectsanun-acceptabledistancingfromthepoliticalrealitiesandlivedexperiencesofpeoplepastandpresent.
Works Cited
Cooper,Frederick.Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History.Berkeley:Universityof
CaliforniaPress,2005.
Said,EdwardW.Orientalism.NewYork:Vintage,1978.
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If academia is a forum, social theory is one of its moderators, constantly shaping and renego-
tiating the very terminology used in its discourse. Theory is by nature an abstraction from the
empirical world. Yet theorizing is a live practice that still engages with it. Dierent theoretical
perspectives confront big questions and fundamental assumptions about human nature andsocial reality. And theorizing implies a continual dialogue with ones predecessors and future
critics. Ideas and paradigms are not allowed to rest but are continually pitted against each
other in debate.
In the following essay, Sherman Tan explores one big theoretical debate: what lens should
we use to understand the very nature of human action? Should the social sciences view action
as shaped most by individual agency or by the constraining forces of social structure? The es-
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