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Original citation: Stark, David (2017) For what it's worth. In: Cloutier , Charlotte and Gond , Jean-Pascal and Leca, Bernard , (eds.) Justification, Evaluation and Critique in the Study of Organizations. Research in the Sociology of Organizations, 52. Emerald Group Publishing Ltd., pp. 383-397. ISBN 9781787143807 Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/88991 Copyright and reuse: The Warwick Research Archive Portal (WRAP) makes this work by researchers of the University of Warwick available open access under the following conditions. Copyright © and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in WRAP has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. Publisher’s statement: http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/S0733-558X20170000052011 A note on versions: The version presented here may differ from the published version or, version of record, if you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the ‘permanent WRAP URL’ above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: wrap@warwick.ac.uk

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ForWhatIt’sWorth

DavidStark

ColumbiaUniversityand

UniversityofWarwick

dcs36@columbia.edu

Abstract. Thisessaytakesitspointofdeparturefromtheintellectualmilieuinthemid1980sthatgaverisetoLucBoltanskiandLaurentThévenot’sbook,OnJustification:EconomiesofWorth.Itshowshowexposuretoideasandconceptsinthatbookcametotakevariedformsastheywereelaboratedandmodifiedinthe work of an American sociologist across several decades of research indiverseempiricalsettings.

ForthcominginResearchintheSociologyofOrganizations,2017,Volume52.Justification,EvaluationandCritiqueintheStudyofOrganizations:ContributionsfromFrenchPragmatistSociology;Keywords.Ordersofworth,valuation,dissonance,situations,innovation,pragmatism.Acknowledgements.ThisworkwassupportedbytheEuropeanResearchCouncil(ERC)undergrantagreementno.695256.MythankstoSimonBittmann,ElenaEsposito,GeoffFougere,andIstvánGáborfortheircommentsandsuggestions.

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ForWhatIt’sWorth

DavidStark

ColumbiaUniversityandUniversityofWarwickIntroductionLucBoltanskiandLaurentThévenot’sinfluentialbook,DeLaJustification.LesÉconomiesdelaGrandeur(OnJustification.TheEconomiesofWorth)(1991,2006)waspublishedmorethan25yearsago.Buttheideasandconceptsofthatimportantworkwerealreadyhavinganinfluenceevenbeforethebook’spublication,firstthroughthePhDseminarthatBoltanskiandThévenottaughttogetherattheÉcoledesHautesÉtudesenSciencesSociales(EHESS)andlaterasthemanuscriptcirculatedamongtheirParisiancircles,includingeconomistsofthe“Conventions”SchoolandsociologistsintheGroupedeSociologiePolitiqueetMorale(GSPM)whichtheyfoundedin1985.Iwasoneofthosesociologists.And(adoptingaphrasefromthetechnologycommunity)itisasan“earlyadopter”thatIwritethisessay.Beinganearlyuseroftheconceptsof“leséconomiesdelagrandeur”(economiesofworth)doesnotmeanthatIwritefromaprivilegedposition.Myunderstandingsandmisunderstandings(moreonthis,elaboratedbelow)arenomoreworthythantheinitialinsightsofareaderwhohasjustnowbeeninspiredbyreadingOnJustificationforthefirsttime.Theyareneitherbetternorworse.Theyarevaluablebecausetheyaredifferent.Mymisunderstandingscomewithahistory–havingheardtheconceptsbeingworkedoutwhiletakingwrittenform,andhavingusedthemastheoreticalreferencepoints(evenwhiledepartingfromthem)forseveraldecades.Theyarevaluablebecausetheyhaveahistory;andtherearelimitstotheirusefulnessforthesamereason.Perhapssomeonelessfamiliarwiththeirgenesiscouldseetheconnectionsamongtheconceptsmoreclearlyandbelesslikelytomisinterpret.CertainlytheacolyteswillcomplainthatIhavenotbeentruetotheoriginaltext.Itisforthereadertobethejudge.Forme,sciencemeansthatmyfirstandlastfidelitiesaretobefaithfultomyresearchmaterials–notbecauseofsomepositivistbeliefinthe“facts”butbecauseIfindthattheconstraintsposedbydata(whetherethnographic,comparativehistorical,ornetworkanalytic)arelikelytobemoreinteresting,challenging,andpotentiallycreativethanthoseposedbytheory.Forgoodorbad,thatismydisposition.AnditisfromthisdispositionthatIwriteanessayinwhichthereadercanseehowasetofideastowhichIwasexposedinmyformativeyearscametotakevariedformsastheywereelaboratedandmodifiedacrossseveraldecadesofresearchindiverseempiricalsettings.

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EarlyAdoptionIwasfortunatetomeetLucBoltanskiintheSpringof1982.LucwasvisitingatHarvard’sCenterforEuropeanStudieswhereIwasagraduateresearchassociatecompletingthelastphaseofmydissertation.Webecamefastfriends,solidifiedwhenIsawhimnearlyeverydayforseveralmonthsinthespring/earlysummerof1983,havingbeeninvitedbyPierreBourdieutobeafellowattheCentredeSociologieEuropéenneinParis.Let’sjustsayitwastremendouslyexciting:talkingwithBourdieuandBoltanski;meetingLaurentThévenot,AlainDesrosières,BrunoLatour,andothers;andexperiencingtheenergyaroundActesdelaRechercheenSciencesSociales(probablythelastmomentofrealinnovationinthefieldofnon-digitalsocialscientificjournalpublishing).FromParis,ItooktheOrientExpresstoBudapestwhereIspentthefinalmonthsofthesummerdoingthefieldworkwhich,continuedoverthenextthreeyears,wouldbecomethebasisformypaper,“Work,Worth,andJustice.”1ThatpaperwasdraftedintheFallof1986,whileIwasavisitingfellowatthenewlyfoundedGSPM,2whereBoltanskiandThévenotwerebeginningtowriteLesÉconomiesdelaGrandeur(theworkingtitleofthemanuscriptfirstpublishedin1987).3DuringthosemonthsIwasliterallymovingbackandfortheverycoupleofweeksfromfieldworkin

1ThispaperwasfirstpublishedinFrenchbyBourdieuinActesdelarechercheensciencessocialesin1990(Stark1990a).TheoriginalEnglishversioncirculatedasaWorkingPaperfromHarvard’sCenterforEuropeanStudies(Stark1990b).BecauseVivianaZelizerassignedtheunpublishedpaperformanyyearsinhereconomicsociologyseminaratPrincetonithadareadershiplargerthanthatofsomeotherpublishedpapers.I’mgratefultoherforgivingitanaudienceduringitslonghibernationbeforeiteventuallyappearedasChapter2ofTheSenseofDissonance.Foramoredetailedaccountofthenearly20yeardelayfromdrafttopublicationseethePrefaceinStark(2009,pp.xi-xv). 2 TheformationoftheGSPMwasaninstitutionalmarkerofBoltanski’sseparationfromBourdieu,hismentor,co-author,andfriend.Theresultingconflictwasacrimonious.Duringthistime,IdidwhatanAmericansociologistwassupposedtodo:Italkedtopeopleincampswhoweren’ttalkingtoeachotherand,infact,forbadeeventheirstudentsfromdoingso.Ibreaknoconfidences(theirpersonalaffectionforeachotherfamousforrunningmuchdeeperthantheirtemporaryprofessionalantagonism)whenIreportthatBourdieu’sfirstquestionatlunchwasalways“Tellme.How’sLuc?”andBoltanski’sfirstquestionatdinner“How’sPierre?” 3DelaJustification.LesÉconomiesdelaGrandeuroriginallypublishedin1991isactuallyareeditionofapriorbook,publishedin1987bythePressesUniversitairesdeFranceinits“CahiersduCentred’étudesdel’emploi”seriesandtitledLesÉconomiesdelaGrandeur.The1991versionhadanewpostface,alongertitleincludingtheterm“justification”aswellasaslightlychangedterminology.SomeelementsofthetheoreticalfoundationsofOnJustificationweredevelopedbyLucBoltanskiinparallelinanotherbookpublishedinbetween(1990),L’AmouretlaJusticecommeCompétences.TroisEssaisdeSociologiedel’Action(translatedin2012asLoveandJusticeasCompetences.ThreeEssaysontheSociologyofAction).TheempiricalmaterialusedbyBoltanskiandThévenottodeveloptheirideasbetween1987and1991isaseriesofempiricalstudiesconductedbyvarioussociologistsandgroupedinthecollectivebooktheyeditedin1989andtitled:JustesseetJusticedansleTravail(Paris,PressesUniversitairesdeFrance,notyetpublishedinEnglishtothebestofourknowledge).

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BudapesttoseminarsattheGSPMinParis.ThatethnographicresearchwasconductedinseveralHungarianfactories(thepapereventuallyfocusedonone)wheregroupsofworkersinsidestate-ownedenterpriseshadbeenallowedtoform“intrapreneurial”unitsthatsubcontractedtoproducegoodsorservicesontheoffhoursandonweekends.“From6to2weworkforthem,”sothesayingwent,“from2to6weworkforourselves.”Thesituationwasanorganizationalsociologist’sdream:inthesamesettingwiththesametechnologyandthesameemployees,workersoperatedintwodifferentformsoforganization,shiftingwithinasingledayfromworkthatwasbureaucraticallyorganizedtoworkthattheynon-bureaucraticallyorganizedthemselves(electingtheirownrepresentatives,pricingtheirproducts,anddistributingtheirearnings).TheHungarian“experiment”wasalsotheperfectsettingtoputinplaytheideasthatBoltanskiandThévenotwerehammeringoutinParis.“Yes,they’reright!”youcouldalmosthearmeshout,“There’snotoneeconomy,butmany.AndIcanfindtheminonefactory.”Thesamefortheconceptofworthasinextricablyeconomicandmoral,whichIcouldelaboratebyreunitingthenotionsofvalueandvaluesthathadbeendisciplinarilyseparatedtoeconomicsandsociologyin“Parsons’Pact.”4Orsimilarlywiththeirusefulnotionoftestsor“proofsofworth”whichIcouldseemarkedlyenactedintheBudapestmachinetoolmakerspainful(andneverentirelysuccessful)effortstoconstructinternalpaymentsystemsthatwouldfairlyallocatetheirearningswhileaffirmingtheirself-identities.Iftheseconceptshelpedmetoanalyzetheresearchmaterialsfrommyethnographicfieldwork(withJánosLukács)inHungaryduringthe1980s,theywouldalsoservemewellinNewYorkCityinthe1990sandearly2000s.WithMoniqueGirardIstudiedanewmediastartupinManhattan’sSiliconAlley,analyzinghowitsdailyfunctioninganditsdynamicsovertimecouldbeunderstoodastherepeatedinterchangeamongdistinctordersofworthasprogrammers,interactivedesigners,informationarchitects,merchandisingspecialists,andbusinessstrategistsdisagreedaboutwhatwasvaluable.Similarly,withDanielBeunzaweshowedthatthesearchforvalueinthederivativestradingroomofamajorinternationalinvestmentbankonWallStreetwasorganizedbythediscreteprinciplesofvaluationwithinandacrossthevariousarbitragedesks(mergerarbitrage,statisticalarbitrage,index,convertiblebonds,etc.).Hungarianfactory,newmediastartup,WallStreettradingroom–eachwasasettingwheremultipleeconomiesofworthwereatplay.

4Withthenotionof“Parsons’Pact”IrefertoTalcottParsons’conversationswithhiscolleaguesinHarvard’sDepartmentofEconomicswhenhelaunchedhisgrandschemetocolonizethesocialsciences–withtheexceptionofeconomics.AsIexpresseditcolloquially:You,theeconomists,studyvalue;wesociologistsstudyvalues.Youstudytheeconomy;westudythesocialrelationsinwhicheconomiesareembedded.(Stark2009,p.7).SimilartothemoveinScienceandTechnologyStudiestoshiftfromtheMertonianproblemofstudyingtheinstitutionsinwhichscienceisembeddedtostudyingtheactualpracticesofscientistsatworkinthelaboratory,Iarguedthateconomicsociologistsshouldshifttostudyingtheactualpracticesofvaluationintheeconomy.Theconceptofworthisinterestingbecauseitconotesvaluesandvalue,esteemandestimation.SeeStark2009,pp.7-10.

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Butasthisbriefaccountingindicates,whileIwasutilizingtheconceptofordersofworth,atnopointdidIoperationalizethemasinstantiationsofthefamoussextet–market,inspiration,civic,industrial,domestic,andfame–elaboratedinOnJustification.MyaccountoftheHungariantoolmakers,forexample,naivelyreferredtothethreeeconomiesinsidethesocialistfactoryusingthePolanyiantriplicate–market,redistribution,reciprocity.ThatwastheformulationIusedwhenIfirstpresented“Work,Worth,andJustice”attheGSPMinDecember1986.Irememberitwell.Myfieldnoteswerehardlydry(nolaptopsinthoseprehistorictimes),mytextwaslitteredwithbrackets“[tobecompleted],”andmyvoicedoubtlessconveyedmyenthusiasmattheopportunitytogivelivingshapetotheideasthatwerebeingdiscussedintheseminar.LaurenttookthefloorimmediatelyasIwastotakequestions.ThemessagetothePhDstudentswasnotsubtle:Ihadnotunderstoodthetheory,myeclecticeffortsweremisleading,andIshouldnotbeemulated.Yes,Iwasanearlyadopter.Butthefirstuser,itseems,wasalsothefirstabuser.CoordinationItwouldbeasafeestimatethatmysubsequentconversationswithLucandLaurentnumberedinthedozens.Nothundreds,butnumerousnonetheless–inParisoratWisconsin,Cornell,andColumbiawhereIwasaffiliated,aswellasatvariousseminars,workshops,andconferenceswherewemetovertheyears.Ihadnotgivensecondthoughttomyabuserstatus;and,besides,therewasworktobedonetomakethebookavailabletotheEnglish-readingaudience.Aftersufferingabotchedtranslation,wefoundanexcellenttranslator(CatherinePorter),andOnJustificationwaspublishedin2006byPrincetonUniversityPressforwhichIwrotethejacketblurb:

"BoltanskiandThévenot'sOnJustificationisoneofthemostimportantcontributionstothefieldofeconomicsociologyinthepastdecade.Itdoesnotfitneatlyintoanyofthemajortheoreticalperspectivesthatcurrentlydominatethefield–institutionalism,organizationalecology,networkanalysis,rationalchoice,ortransaction-costeconomics.Butpreciselybecauseitissooriginal,ithasgreatpotentialtochartnewterritoryandenlivendebates.ThebookhasalreadyhadanenormousimpactinFrance,whereitisoneofthefoundingdocumentsofthe'economicsofconventions'school.ItissuretohaveabigimpactinsociologyintheUnitedStatesandBritaintoo.Icouldlistatleasttwentymajorsociologistswhohaveaskedmewhenthebookwillbetranslated."

Tenyearsisnotreallyenoughtimetomakesomethinganhistoricaldocument,butitisinterestingtolookbackontheseremarksinlightofwhattranspired.Rationalchoiceandtransaction-costeconomicsdidnothaveamajorinfluenceinsociology(fewthesedayswouldconsiderthemperspectivescontendingwiththeotherapproaches),andOnJustificationnolongerlookslikeafoundingdocumentofthe“conventions”school–

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becauseitsimpacthasbeensostrongthatwethinkofitnowasfoundingsomethingofitsown.Asmyremarkscorrectlyanticipated,ithaschartednewterritoryoutsidetheconventionalapproaches,evenwhileresearchersworkingwithintheinstitutionalist,organizationalecology,ornetworkanalyticperspectivesdrawonitsinsights.Mybook,TheSenseofDissonance:AccountsofWorthinEconomicLife,isrightlyregardedasacontributiontothetheoreticalpathoutlinedbyBoltanskiandThévenot.Itsintroductorychapter,forexample,explicitlyacknowledgestheinfluenceofOnJustification.ButThévenotwasrighttowarnhisPhDstudentsthatIwasalessthanfaithfulfollower–butnotbecauseIhadmisunderstoodtheirargumentorbecauseIhadfailedtoconstructmyargumentintermsoftheircanonical“economies.”Instead,asIalsomakeexplicitinTheSenseofDissonance(Stark2009,pp.xiii-xivand10-15),thefindingsfrommyfieldresearchwereleadingmetotakeissuewithpartsofthetheory.ForBoltanskiandThévenot,theprinciplesofjustificationthatcompriseanorderofworthmatterbecausetheymakeitpossibleforactorstocoordinatetheiractions.Inaworldofuncertainty,5weconfrontsituations.What’sgoingonhere?Whenthesituationisnotjustanyoldsettingbutasetup–inwhichtheprinciplesofoneorderofwortharethosemostreadilyavailableforaction–thenuncertaintyisdispelledandwecanact.Nolongeruncertainaboutwhatcounts,Icanactand,mostimportantly,wecancoordinateouractions.Agreementaboutwhichorderofworthisoperative(typicallyunstated,butwiththemeansforjustificationimmediatelytohand)facilitatescoordination.Thatistheargument.Butthefieldresearchthatformsthesubstantivechaptersofmybookandsubsequentnetworkanalyticresearchhavegivenmereasontothinkdifferently.Thereisnotmuchaboutwhicheconomistsandsociologistsagree.Butthereisonenotionthattheyholdincommon:Frictionisbad.Ineconomics,“friction”istheproblemtobeovercomeby“loweredtransactioncosts”(Williamson1981).Insociology,coordinationismadepossiblebywhatissharedbythemembersofagroupororganization–sharedvalues,sharednorms,sharedexpectations,sharedunderstandings.Heretoofrictionisbad.Impedimentstocoordinationcanberesolved,inthepopsociologyvernacular,“ifwealljustgettogetherandironoutourdifferences.”Justaseconomistsemphasizesmoothtransactions,soorganizationaltheoristsofwhateverdisciplinarystripelaudthesmoothtransmissionofinformation(BorgattiandCross2003;Coleman1988).ButasmytiredealerandIknow,frictionisnotalwaysabadthing.Onasnowy,icyroadIdon’twantthingstobesmooth.Widespreadagreementinanorganizationorinamarketcanleadtoconformityandcalamity.Pricebubbles,forexample,arethemarketequivalentofatoosmooth,icyroad.WithSheenLevineandothercolleagues,wedesignedanexperimentalmarkettotesttheeffectofethnicdiversityonpricebubbles.

5ThepreoccupationwithuncertaintystemsfromtheircloseinvolvementwiththeFrenchgroupworkingontheeconomicsofconvention.SeeStark(2009,pp.10-15).FormoreontheConventionsSchoolseeJagd(2007).

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Ourfindingsshowedthatmarketswheretraderswereallofthesameethnicity(whetherinSingaporeorinTexas)exhibitedconsiderablyworsebubblesandmispricing.Ethnicdiversity,weconcluded,disruptsconformityandleadstobetterinformationprocessing(Levineetal2014).Butfrictionisnotonlyimportantforerrordetection.Acrossverydifferentsettings,thefieldresearchforTheSenseofDissonancefoundthataction–and,inparticular,innovativeaction–wasfacilitatednotbyconvergenceoragreementonaprincipleofjustificationbutbythedivergenceofevaluativeprinciples.Infact,morethanthesimplecoexistenceofordersofworth,innovationispromotedbythecollisionofevaluativeprinciples.Itiswhenthingsdonotfittogethercomfortablythatnovelrecombinationsbecomethinkable.Disagreementaboutwhat’svaluablecanmakefornewvaluepropositions.Organizationscreatewealthwhentheysupportdissonantprinciplesofworth.6Thus,whereastheIntroductionofTheSenseofDissonanceopenedwiththeprinciplesofOnJustification,bytheconcludingchapterIwasconsideringtheideathatwecanactinconcertwhenwedonotagreeaboutwhyouractionsarevaluable.Whereasmuchsociologicalthinkingholdsthatcoordinationispossiblebecauseofsharedunderstandings,Iwonderedwhetherakindofinnovativecoordinationwaspossiblebecauseofourmisunderstandings(Stark2009pp.190-5).Canmisunderstandingbeameansofcoordination?Thequestionisdeliberatelyprovocative.WhatIintendtoprovokearefurtherresearchquestions.Whatarethelimitsofdissonance?Candissonancebemanaged?Whatarethesocialstructural(ororganizational)conditionsunderwhichthefrictionofmisunderstandingscanbecomeaproductivetension?ThislastchallengewastheanimatingresearchquestionofaprojectIrecentlyconductedwithmyformerPhDstudentsMathijsdeVaanandBalazsVedres.Asinthethreeethnographiccasestudiesinmybook,here,too,theproblemwastostudythefactorsthatfacilitateinnovationwhentheunitofcreativityisateam.Butforthisstudy,insteadofethnographyweusedthetoolsofhistoricalnetworkanalysis.Ourgoalwastounderstandthesociologicalfactorsthatexplainwhysomecreativeteamsareabletoproduceaculturalproductthatisnotonlyinventivebutalsocritically

6Theorganizationalformthatpromotesthisreflexivityisaheterarchy.ItakethetermfromMcCulloch(1945).Heterarchyisnotsimplytheabsenceorflatteningofhierarchybutinvolves,justasimportantly,theorganizeddissonanceofrivalrousevaluativeprinciples(seeespecially,Stark2009:pp.19-31).Heterachiesarenotnecessarilythemselvesorganizations;and,asasocialform,theycanbequitestable:TheU.S.Constitutionenscribesaheterarchicalformintherelationshipamongthebranchesofthefederalgovernment.Theirmultipleprinciplesofjustificationarenotanorganizationalorconceptualhierarchy(Stark2009,p.31).

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successful.Inculturalfieldswherethedifferencebetween“exciting”and“weird”canberazorthin,aproductcanbeinnovativewithoutbeingsuccessfulandcanbesuccessfulwithoutbeinginnovative.Tobeagamechanger,theteammustmakeaproductthatisnotonlydistinctivebutalsohighlyregarded.Itmuststandoutandbedeemedoutstanding(deVaan,Vedres,andStark2015).Tostudythisproblem,wecollecteddataoneverycommerciallyreleasedvideogameintheglobalvideogameindustryfrom1979to2009.Thedatasetweanalyzedcomprisedapproximately12,500videogamesandthecareerhistoriesofsome140,000videogamedevelopers.Becausewehaddataoneveryvideogamewewereabletoreconstruct,foreachteam,thehistoriesofallofthedeveloperswhoworkedtogetheronit.Twovariableswereofgreatestinterest:onemeasuringcognitivedistance,anothermeasuringgroupstructure.Fortheformer,wecouldreconstructforeverymemberontheteamthecompletesetofcognitive(orstylistic)elementstowhichthatdeveloperhadbeenexposed.Withthiswecouldcomputethecognitivedistanceamongthemembersofeveryteam.Teamswhosemembershadworkedonverysimilargameswouldhavelittledifficultcommunicatingandcouldunderstandeachothereasily;teamswhosemembershadworkedongamesinthepastwithverydifferentelementswouldhavegreaterdifficultyunderstandingeachother.Forthesocialstructuralvariable,wewereinterestedinexploringhowateamisnotjustcomposedofindividualsbutismadeupofgroups,analyzedhereasmemberswhohadworkedtogetherinthepastonapriorvideogame.Oncewehadidentifiedthevariousgroupsinateamonthisbasiswecouldthencomputethecognitivedistanceacrossgroupsaswellasmovetoanalyzethepatternsoftiesconnectingthem(againbasedonpriorco-participation).Inthemorefamiliarnetworkanalyticterms,groupscouldbe“isolates”ortheycouldbrokeredacrossa“structuralhole.”Butwealsoidentifiedathirdtopographicfeatureinwhichgroupscouldbe“structurallyfolded”(VedresandStark2010)wherecohesivegroupsoverlapped.Ourfindingsindicatedthatgamechangingsuccesswasmostlikelywhencognitivelydistantgroupswerestructurallyfolded.Suchteamswereheldintension:cognitivedistancewaspullingthegroupsapartwhilestructuralfoldingwasbindingthemtogether.Thecombinationwasaproductivetensionthathelpedtomitigatethetwogreatestthreatsfacingcreativeteamswithdissonantpatterns.Ontheonesidethereistheprobleminwhichtheinitialmomentofmisunderstandingresultsinquickdismissal.Ontheothersideistheproblemofreachingagreementtooquickly–butatthelevelofthelowestcommondemoninator.Cognitivedistanceimpededthesmoothflowofinformation,andtheresultingeddiesandpoolswereopportunitiesfordeparturesfromexistingroutines.Meanwhile,thepocketsoftrustestablishedbystructuralfoldingcreatedanatmosphereinwhichtheoperativemodewas“holdtight”–bepatient,toleratetheambiguity,lookfornewopenings.Teamswiththesecharacteristicsproducedgamechangingproductsthatwereinnovativeandcriticallyacclaimed.

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Returningtothebroaderthemeoftheimportanceofprincipledagreement,therewill,ofcourse,bethosewhosay(asIcaricature):It’sgoodtothinkaboutalternativeviews,butwhenallissaidanddone,foragrouptofunctioneffectivelyitneedsacommonpurpose.Thereneedstobeagreement.Afor-profitcompany,forexample,hastobelookingtothebottomline.Youcan’thavepeopleactinglikeit'sakindergartenoranartschool.Tothis,wecanmaketherejoinderthatcompaniesthatpayexclusivefocustothebottomlinedosoattheirperil.Itneedn’tbeakindergarten,butshouldn’tinspiringitsemployeesandcaringfortheirwellbeingbeimportantobjectives?Similarly,shorttermprofitsthatinterferewithmakingagreatproductorthatscoffatcivicvirtuescanleadtoruin.Moreover,what’sthevalueofagreatproductifnooneispayingattention?Ratherthanagreementwithinamarketmonoculture,theheterarchyofsuchevaluativeprinciplescanbethecoursetolongtermviability.7Notably,wecanre-expressthestatementsintermsofordersofworth–inorderastheyappearinthisparagraph:market,inspiration,domestic,industrial,civic,andfame–preciselythecanonicaleconomiesofOnJustification.ValuationThebrevityofmysummaryofOnJustification(page6above)necessarilydidviolencetothenuancesofitsargument.Butithadthevirtueoffocusingontwoorthreecorepremises.WhendiscussingBoltanskiandThévenot’sviewsoncoordinationIpointedtotheiremphasisonthesituation.AlthoughIturnnowfromcoordinationtovaluation,theemphasiswillremainonanalyzingthesituation.Valuationtakesplaceinsituations.Whatisthesituation?What’sgoingonhere?Thequestionsareinterestingbecausetheyareonesfacingthesocialactors.HowdoIsizeupthesituation?Forthesocialactorthisdoesnotmeanjustacceptingthesituationasagiven;itcanalsomeantheattempttomakethesituationoneinwhichthescalesofvaluationwillmeasureinunitsinwhichmyvalueissizable(Stark1996,pp.1013-14;Stark2009,pp.68-72).Thequestionsarealsointerestingbecausetheyareonesthattheanalystshouldbeasking.Infact,whereastoomuchofthefieldoforganizationstudiesseesamethodologicalinstitutionalismastheonlyalternativetomethodologicalindividualism,infact,thereisalternativetoboth:methodologicalsituationalism(Knorr-Cetina1981;Stark2009,pp9-10,31-33,and185).ThisemphasisonthesituationisthekeythemerunningthroughthechaptersinMomentsofValuation:ExploringSitesofDissonance,avolumeIrecentlyco-editedwithwithArianeBerthoinAntalandMichaelHutter.AsMichaelHutterandIarguedintheintroductoryessay,valuationalwaystakesplaceinsituations–bywhichwemeanthatvaluationis1)spatiallylocalizedand2)temporallymarked(HutterandStark2015).Thus,

7 Thesameargumentappliesnotonlyattheorganizationallevelbutatthesocietallevelaswell(Stark,2009,“Reprise,”pp.204-212).

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studyingvaluationinsiturequires,first,detailedaccountsofhowthesettingissetupasanassemblagewhetherthisbeinthestagings,equipments,andprotocolsofpublicsituationssuchasthecourtroom,theconcerthall,orthewinetastingorinthespecializedtools,devicesandmaterialsofthelesspublicassemblagessuchasthelaboratory,thearchitecturalstudio,ortheperfumecounter.Second,studyingvaluationinsituationsrequiresdetailedanalysisofhowittakesplaceindiscretemomentsoftimewhenevaluativeattentionisparticularlyacute:theattentivemomentwhenadinnerguestfirstsipsaglassofwine(Hennion2015),theinstantwhenaluxuryperfumeissprayedintoaspecialdeviceallowingthecustomerasenseofitssillage(thescentedtrailleftbyafragrancewearer)(Trébuchet-Breitwiller2015),orthemomentwhentheprofessionalartappraiseriscross-examinedinthecourtroomwitnessbox(Brewer2015).Suchattentivemoments,Iwanttostress,arecriticalmoments.Theyarecritical,notonlybecausetheyfrequentlyinvolveacritic(and,ofcourse,manymomentsofvaluationdonothavecritics,judges,juries,andreviewers).Theyarecritical,moreimportantly,becausetheyaremomentswhentheoutcomeisnotfullysetupinadvance.Criticalbecauseoutcomesdependonwhathappens,onwhodoeswhatwheninthecriticalmoment.Theyarecriticalmoments,aboveall,becausetheycanbecontested.Forallitsemphasisonlogicsofaction,methodologicalinstitutionalismhaslotsoflogicsbutseldomhasaction–andevenlessdispute.Aprogramofmethodologicalsituationalism,bycontrast,willpayattentiontothosemomentsthatJohnDeweycalled“troublingandperplexingsituations”(Dewey1998,p.140)–inthevernacular,“Uh,oh,wehaveasituationonourhandshere”–asithighlightsthesitesandcriticalmomentsofdisputeandcontestation.Forthefurtherstudyofvaluation,twointer-relatedresearchproblemsseemparticularlypromising.Let’srefertothefirstquestionaspricingorprizing.Aboutpricingeconomistshavewrittenmuch,andsociologistsandanthropologistsarenowcontributingnewinsights(Beckert,2001;Guyer,2009;Muniesa,2007;andVelthuis2005).ButIturnimmediatelyto“prizing”foritislikelytobemoresurprising.ByprizesonemightthinkfirstoftheNobelPrizes,PulitzerPrizes,andOscarAwards(andmoreonsuchcompetitionsbelow).HereIwanttoexpandthenotionofprizingasanactivityofappraising(comparabletobutdifferentfrompricing)evenwhenitdoesnotliterallytaketheformofanaward.Merchantspriceitemsintheirstores.Reviewersprizeamoviebyawardingit3stars;RobertParkerawardsprizestowineswhenhescoressomehighersomelower;andcollegesareprizedwhenrankedhighlybyUSNewsandWorldReport(SauderandEspeland2009).Pricesmightormightnotcorrelatewithsuchprizings,buttheimportantpointtonoteisthatthemodalityofdenotingvalueisnotthesameinprizingasinpricing.Wearesurroundedbysuchratingsandrankings.Andtheyneednotbeperformedbyinstitutionallyrecognizedactors.Consumersissuevaluejudgementswhentheyrate

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products;studentsevaluatetheirprofessor’slecturesonascaleof1to5;andAirbnbguestsandhostscanpunishtheircounterpartsbywithholdingaprizedrating.Muchprizingisordinal:taketheubiquityofTopTenlists.Butitneednotbe.Wepraise,weappraise,weprizeinformatsassimpleasabinaryupordown–like,dislike.Wedosooften,someofusmanytimesinaday.Andasmillionsandmillionsofusdoitinwaysthatcanbedigitallycapturedandanalyzed,suchprizingsoffernewmeanstoregistervaluejudgementsintheeconomy.Withthegrowthofavastdigitalrepositoryofprizingsandappraisings,muchofittime-stampeddata,itisnowpossibletocharttheseactivitiesofvaluationinrealtime.Whereaseconomistshavelonghadtime-sensitivedataonpricemovements,wenowhavealternative(notseparatebutcomplimentary)databasesonthemovementsofprizingandappraisingthatregisterconsumerattachments.These“valuemeters”willneednewmeasuresandmetrics(LatourandLepinay2009:16).Theycanbequantified,butthesemetricsofpersonalvaluejudgementsneednotbeexpressedintermsofmoney.Infact,wewillneedtoavoidthequicktemptationtoassesshowprizingandappraisingtranslatetopricing.Thatistheworkforcorporate(andstartup)researchdepartments.Thetaskforeconomicsociologywillbetodevelopnewmetricsofwhat’svaluable(theprizingsandappraisingsthatgiveusaccesstovaluejudgement)–valuablepreciselybecausetheyaremetricsthatarealternativestoprices. Ifpricingandprizingisthefirstpromisingareaforfurtherresearchinthefieldofvaluationstudies,Isuggestthatwethinkofthesecondproblemascompetitionandcompetitions.Likepricing,competitioniswell-studiedasameansofdeterminingvalue.Butincreasinglywefindorganizedcompetitionsasanalternativemeansofaddressingthequestion“What’svaluable?”WhereasIstressedthatitwasimportanttostudysituationsaspotentiallycontestedmoments,hereIproposethatwepayattentiontoactualcontests.Thus,alongsidemarketcompetitionasacoordinatingmechanismofvaluationintheeconomywealsofindorganizedcompetitions.8Inthefirsttypewefindactorscompetingonmarkets.Inthesecondtype,wefindcontestswithentryrules,judges,andprizesgrantedtotheannouncedwinners.Ononeside,competitionisanongoing,seamless,andseeminglyendlessprocess;ontheother,competitionsarediscrete,boundedintimeandlocation.Inthislineofthinkingtheoverarchingresearchquestionswouldbe:Whatistheroleofcompetitionsinacompetitivesociety?Doescompetitionneedcompetitions?Aremarket

8SeeespeciallyKreiner’s(2012)studyofarchitecturalcompetitions.Hisfindingthatjudgesfirstselectwinnersandonlythenformulateselectioncriteriaisavaluableinsightapplicabletoanimportantsubsetofcompetitions.Solaroli(2015)studiestheWorldPressPhotoCompetition,showingthatthecompetitiondoesnotsimplyjudgecontestantsaccordingtostablecriteriabutinsteadconsecratesevolvingstandards.McCormick’s(2009)studyofinternationalmusiccompetitionspointstothemixedcharacterascontestsandrituals.

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competitionandorganizedcompetitionsmutuallyreinforcingordotheyexpressalternative(wemightevensay“competing”)logics?Take,forexample,thenotionofwinning,sofundamentalwithinthelogicofagameorcontest.Iswinningoperativeinthelogicofthemarket?Perhapsso,butlessbecauseonecompetitordefeatstheotherthanbecauseoneoftherivalshaswonthecustomer.Markets,inthisview,arenotsomuchahead-to-headbattleamongcontestantsoradyadicmatchingofbuyerandsellerbutratheratriadicrelationinwhichtwocompeteforvaluationbyathird.AsGeorgSimmelobserved,“Moderncompetition,whichhasbeencalledthestruggleofallagainstall,isafterallthestruggleofalltogaintheattentionofall”(Simmel2008).Thisinsight,inturn,mightpromptustothinkaboutcompetitionsvaryingaccordingtowhethertheyarehead-to-headcontestsorofthetriadicformofwinningthefavorofjudges,jury,oraudience.Wecouldalsoconsiderwhethertheorganizedcompetitioniseconomicornon-economic.Theresulting2x2table–head-to-headvstriadicalongoneaxis,economicvsnon-economicalongtheother–isagoodstartforaresearchagenda.Whereasonemightconventionallymapcompetitiontoeconomicactivityandcompetitionstothenon-economic,researchshouldbeattunedtosocialformsthataremigratingfromonedomainofsociallifetoanother.Whencompetitiontakesplaceintraditionallynon-economicrealms(suchashospitalsanduniversities),doesthisentailtheintroductionofamarketlogic?Ontheotherside,weneedresearchthatexaminesthehistoricalpatternsandthecontemporaryeffectsoftheemergenceoforganizedcompetitions(sustainabilityrankingsor“green”prizes)insidetheeconomy.Forexample,whatisthehistoricalprocesswherebythenotionofascoremovedfromthefieldofsportstothedomainofbusiness?Creditscoresareaninterestingcase,suggestingthatpriceitselfisnotalwaysasufficientindicatorofvalue.Moregenerally,whatisthesocialmeaningofscoresandrankingsinbusinesssettingswherethemarketlogicisovertlydominant?Arerankingssimplyonemoreformofmarketcompetition?Ordotheyintroduceyetanother,perhapsdifferentlyconfigured,socialformasawayofintroducingalternativevaluesintothemarket?Ifrankingsareorderedaccordingtorevenuesormarketshareorcapitalization,perhapsnot.Butwhatifthescoresandrankingsconcernenvironmentalandsocialsustainability?Suchrankingscouldbeconfiguredastheintroductionofalternativeformsofvaluationintotheeconomy(see,e.g.,Déjean,Gond,andLeca2004).WillDaviesaddressessomeoftheseissuesinhisrecentbook,TheLimitsofNeoliberalism:Authority,Sovereignty&theLogicofCompetition(Davies2014).Daviespointsoutthatearlyproponentsofneo-liberalismsuchasvonHayeklookedtocompetitionasthekeyprincipleofjustification,andstronglybelievedthatdecentralizedmarketswerethebestmeansforpromotingafree,competitivesociety.ButDaviesdoesnotequateneo-liberalismwithadvocacyofmarketcompetition.Hesuggeststhatneo-liberalismevolvedasitdevelopedresponsestoachallengingquestion:

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“[I]fthecriticalmarketprincipleiscompetition,mighttherebeother,non-marketinstitutions,policiesandinterventionswhichmightjustaseasilydeliverthespecificvirtuesofcompetitivepractices?Forexample,intheeraofappliedneoliberalism,sportveryoftenservedasabettermanifestationofthemarketethosthanmarketsthemselves,withpoliticiansandbusinessleadersdefendingeconomicinequalitythroughanalogiestosportingcontestsand‘talent.’Leaguetablesareanotherwayofgivingempiricalandtechnicalformtothecompetitivemarketideal.Ismarketcompetitionnecessarytodelivercompetitiveness?(Davies,2014,pp.43-4).

Daviesarguesthatlaterneo-liberalssuchasRonaldCoaseandothersansweredthisquestionbyseparatingmarketsandcompetition.Competitionremainedthelegitimatingprinciple,butitcouldbefoundinsocialandorganizationalformsthatwerenotmarkets.InDavies’view,fortheselatereconomistsandpolicyadvocates,thekeyanalyticconceptwasneithermarketcompetitionnororganizedcompetitionsbutamoregeneralizednotionofcompetitionascompetitiveness.Inwhichdirectionwillsociologymove?Onecoursehasalreadybeentaken.Itfindscompetitionineverydomain.Notasaprincipleofjustification,competitionnonethelessbecomesthekeytoanalyzesocialdynamicsbecauseanyfieldcanbeassumedtobeoneofcompetitivestrugglewhetherthatbetheeconomy,law,science,politics,orthearts.PierreBourdieuwascertainlynotaneo-liberal,butamongsocialtheoristshewentthefurthesttoplaceageneralizednotionofcompetitionatthecenterofhistheory.MysuggestiontoexaminethecomplexrelationshipbetweenmarketcompetitionandorganizedcompetitionsstepsbackfromBourdieu’sapproach.Inplaceofassumingcompetitivenessasapartofthehumanconditionandofcompetitionasoccuringineveryfield,itproposestoexaminethechanginghistoricalrelationshipbetweencompetitionandcompetitionsandtostudyvariationinthespecificanddiscretepracticesofcontestandcontestation.ConclusionThereadernowfacesa“criticalmoment”notunlikethosemomentsofjudgmentIdiscussedearlierinthisessay.Imean,ofcourse,howdoyouassessthevalueofthisessayasacontributiontoavolume,Justification,EvaluationandCritiqueintheStudyofOrganizations?Wasitworthit?Somereadersmightreadtheessayitselfasacriticalmoment,anopportunitytopasscriticaljudgmentaboutOnJustification,thebookfromwhichitstakesitspointofdeparture.Thatwasnotmyintention.ButwhoamI,whoearlierchampionedmisunderstanding,toobjecttothatmisunderstanding?Acceptingthatmisunderstandingforthiscriticalmoment,weshouldreflectontheexplicitorimplicitorderofworththattheauthorwasattemptingtomobilizeinhisassessment.Reflectingontheessay,wecanseethattheproofsofworthwereintheorderofthegenerativeasIpointedtowaysinwhichOnJustification

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stimulatedseveraldecadesofworkandcontinuestoprovokemyresearchpractice.ItisinsuchapragmatistspiritthatIinviteyoutousethesameframeinassessingthisessay.Icanonlyhopethatyourmisunderstandingswillbefruitful.Thatis,theproofofitsvaluewillbeinthequestionsitprovokes.

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