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INTRODUCTION
The Ottoman Empire have entered into an era that many unfavorable
developments on political area caused weakening of the Empire in 19 th and 20th
centuries. The financial corruption on the system has naturally followed them. The
unsustainable economy brought the social reactions and resistance against the order.
The one of the strange reactions was the movements of the working group in modern
sense towards the end of the nineteenth century and the final years of the Empire in
twentieth century. The concept of worker has not yet located on the Ottomans’ minds,
but the newly emerging proletariat groups could show their negative treatments to the
state and the company owners.
The life of the workers was becoming harder in 1800s and1900s, because the
macro political developments consumed the financial resources and its whole impacts
directly reflected on the ordinary Ottoman citizens. There was a long lived tradition for
the working people on the classical period that was the guild system was at the center of
the controlling mechanism. However, the inadequate agriculture pushed the lower class
to migrate into the cities that was offering new job opportunities. The new comers had
to work in the state or foreigners’ factories or mines. In short time, primitive industrial
manufacturing and transportation sectors needed for the Ottoman Empire and
dependently more labor force. Nevertheless, the workers never found neither their
expected wages nor working condition and even wanted life.
By the time, they began to be smashed under the companies of greed bosses or
the state itself. The laborers had to bare their inhumane conditions, so primarily the
1
machine breaking and later the strikes were the ways of demonstration of their unrests.
The problems of them were not closely dealt with the administrators, too. Since, the
governors tried to watch for their or their foreign partners interests. The demands of the
newly appearing units were not cared by the capitalist system; their big or small
attempts were even perceived as a rebellion or an act of breaking the present order.
While capitalist economy evolving into the Empire by considering not welfare of
the Ottomans, the proletariat class added new acts to their unrests by making
protestations, strikes and by writing petitions to the Sultan or the ministries. Apart from
the movements, organizational occupations of the labor force did make an effort to
occur in the same time periods. Those who had not experiences about the concept of
modern labor unions shaped several unionists organizations among little groups. Both in
term of the labor movements and the unions the Balkan territories of the Empire had
more chance, because of their proximity to the European continent that have become the
cradle of actions the proletariat class. Also, the labor units in the Balkans have been
watching the socialist developments that have interested them nearly. That’s why, the
other parts of the Ottoman Empire, such as Anatolia and Middle East remained so
weedy for the purpose of the mentioned attempts and the trade unions. Although, there
exited some working strikes in Egypt and Palestine, they were never effective as much
as the examples in the European parts of the state. As a capital city, İstanbul had
inspired the labor actions form there, at least ideological terms.
The workers’ uprisings and the unionist developments in İstanbul and Anatolia
have been distinguishing from one in the Balkans. The events towards the end of the
nineteenth and first decades of the twentieth centuries slowly, but linearly brought in
2
new experiments for the next generations workers. Therefore, this study consists of
overall the labor movements and unionist activities in İstanbul and Anatolia of the
Ottoman Empire at between 1870 and 1923. A general survey over the little or big
strikes, demonstrations and the trade unions is the method of it. To look at, the reasons
behind them and their results are tried to be laid off as well as the features and natures
of the activities. However, it is not helpful to focus on each of the strikes; it can be
logical to demonstrate the cases that could have stood out with their influences.
Just before evaluate those modern times’ actions in the Ottoman Empire, it will
be very useful to draw the political and the economical evolution of the Ottoman
Empire in the mentioned years. This is the first part of the study that should make a
sense about the general conditions in the Empire. Then, the conditions of the workers
will try to be outlined in the second chapter. First of all, the perception of worker within
the Ottoman society can be illustrated; ethnic structures, income issues, life standards,
working conditions and the social rights of this newly appearing class take place on this
chapter, too. As soon as possible, some examples about the issue will be given.
The main field of study starts with the third chapter in which there will be three
periodical divided subtitles. To have an overview on the movements of the workers
until 1870, some primitive instances of them as determined as will be located under the
first subtitle. The background of the acts can be extended further of fourteenth century
even more beyond, but in order not to estrange the study so much, some elected cases
among them will be on the consider. The primarily precedent event have found in the
1500s; but, it should be noted that neither the Ottoman society had a distinct labor class
nor the workers on those centuries had the concept of class consciousness. It was so
3
early to see that logic on the people. Besides it, some benevolence occupations caring
the workers before 1870 were too insufficient to respond the real needs of the labor
force.
The other subtitle will cover the movements from 1870 till the Young Turks’
revolutions in 1908 and moreover the first serious unionist attempts will be interested.
The strike of the Post Office workers in İstanbul was the initiative actions in the
Ottoman Empire. After that event, the workers in several sectors staged act of leaving
jobs. When the Abdülhamid II absolutism began to progress, the workers chose the way
of that they write petitions to the competent departments before the strikes in general. In
these years the transportation sector had great place among the movements and the trade
unions began to show their presence in spite of the fact that they could not widespread
whole Anatolia and İstanbul. The Ottoman Workers Society set up in 1891 was the most
significant unionist work, but it could only last to exist a year. Again the workers of the
Ottoman Empire in İstanbul and Anatolia were still distant from the embodying grand
designs of strikes or trade unions at those times.
The most predominantly arrangement of the study will be evaluated in the third
subtitle that contains the movements after 1908 until the collapse of the Empire and the
establishment of Turkey in 1923. Especially, the year 1908 became the strike year alone
in which the workers ordered huge numbers of strikes on the several sides of the
Anatolia and İstanbul. It was obvious that the deposition of Abdülhamid II with a
revolution affected whole laborers desiring more freedom from the bosses. Even during
the Independency and Republican years the laborers could serve many movements
against the state and private companies. The trade unions could spread over different
sectors in İstanbul or elsewhere. The class consciousness was more nearby to be have,
4
the socialist tendency among the workers increased in that period. The breeziest times
of the labor movements and unionist activities were those years.
As the result of the study, it will be gained the overall information about the
labor movements in the modern times of the Ottoman Empires. The courses of them
might or can be compared with ones in the other parts of the world if it is needed. The
general estimation about the Ottoman working class that had composed the essence of
the laborers in Turkey would become possible. The developments and the changes on
the labor actions in later periods can be seen very well at the end of the study
1-THE POLITICO-ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE
OTTOMAN EMPIRE in 19th CENTURY UNTIL 1923
The nineteenth century, for the Ottoman Empire that had controlled huge
amounts of lands for centuries became a transformation or transition period which tried
to renovate its old and not well functioning institutions based on the modern world’s
needs; in more deeply the corruption and collapse era in the beginning of twentieth
century. The fails at the battlefields within a single hundred of years and the WWI
caused the final failure of the whole attempts to recover the Empire. Also, it reasoned
the birth of a new state from the hearts of Ottoman Empire, Anatolia with the
foundation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. The political and economical
developments on these years that prepared its end demonstrated a steady and non-
returnable decline and badness, unfortunately.
5
The reforms of the Selim III had been cut off by internal reactions and this sense
passed through the Mahmut II who was more “successful” and able reformer in 1808.1
Mahmut II’s one of the greatest works was to abolish the Janissary Corps in June of
1826 which had been the most strict opposition center towards the reforms like an
events in his predecessor before.2 The Ottoman Empire tried to extend his reforms to
control the bureaucratic work up elsewhere with a more regular and effective ways.
Alongside the internal reforms, the Empire had to cope with the minority rebels
such as the examples of the Greeks, Serbians and even the Egyptian governors and the
wars against Russia for a long while. In 1829, the Treaty of Edirne was signed between
the Ottomans and the Russians as a result of the defeat of the Turkish troops that had
been exposed a primitive series of renovations.3
The traditional economic patterns of the state was being reshaped from starting
the mostly the commerce according to the new capitalist world system. In the 19 th
century, the financial portrait of the Ottoman Empire can be outlined in four basic
stages; the first one was started with Selim III’s era and ended up the events in 1826
which has been intended to emphasizing monopolies and domestic use of the raw
materials. The next stage can be drawn as the involving years between 1826 and 1860
on which the free-trade liberalism in the mainland and the dependently new concepts on
the economic life. Then, the following years until 1908 preoccupied the other one on
that the Ottoman ruling class tried to restore and protect the local manufacturing
meanwhile the foreign investments on several areas were supplied and enlarged. The
1 Shaw, Stanford J. and Ezel Kural, The History of Ottoman Empire and the Modern Turkey 1808-1975, Cambridge University Press, New York 1995, p.12 Mantran, Robert, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi-II(XIX. YY. Başlarından Yıkılışa), trans. by Server Tanilli, v:2, Adam Yayınları, İstanbul 2002, p.37(3 Akşin, Sina ,Türkiye Tarihi, v.III, Cem Yayınevi, İstanbul 1980, p.81-82
6
forth one was the really hard years for the state from 1908 to 1918 which was the era of
the final corruption and disintegration of the finance.4 The transformation of the
Ottoman economy was nearly completed at the same time.
The Ministries and the councils in different fields were founded to manage
important affairs concerning the state itself during Mahmud II and his successors’
rulerships. The central government was considered to strengthen by the help of
contributing military, religious, justice and educational administrations in more
capacities. 5 Besides that Mahmut’s era witnessed to obvious of the efficiency on the
guild system in terms of market economy, at least it can be said that the diminishing the
power of it began to be felt. The provincial elites started to take active role on
controlling the economical main sources at that time.
In the years of that invasion of Algerian province staged by the French troops in
1820s and 30s, the Ottoman Empire had to sign the Anglo Turkish Treaty (Balta
Limanı) with Britain in 1838 which have given lots of commercial and financial
privileges in returns for the British support on the international area, that made the
Ottoman economy more falling dawn by subsequently added capitulations, afterwards
the Hünkar İskelesi with Russia five years ago. The rest of years of Mahmut II’s era
were driven by reformatory attempts in spite of the Egyptian rebels. However, the
health condition of the Sultan happened worse and he died in 1839; immediately, his
son Abdülmecid sat on the throne. He was determined and brave on the continuation of
the reforms.6
4 Quataert, Donlad, “Age of the Reforms”, An Economic and SocialHistory of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914 edited by Halil Inalcik with Donald Quataert ,Cambridge University Press, New York 1997, p7635 Shaw, Stanford, The History of Ottoman Empire and the Modern Turkey 1808-1975,p.71-72(after here footnoted as Shaw)6 Mantran, Robert, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Tarihi-II(XIX. YY. Başlarından Yıkılışa),p. 59(after here footnoted as Mantran)
7
The years between 1839 and 1876 was generally called Tanzimat (Reform)
Era which was a “period of sustained legislation and reform that modernized the
Ottoman state and society, contributed to the further centralization of the administration,
and brought up increased state participation on the Ottoman society.”7 Nonetheless, the
previous troubles overly went on, the minority revolts, internal opposition more
organized and the difficulties on the management of the reforms. Tanzimat ruling elites
who have just been shaped could work to aid the Abdülmecid (1839-1861) and also
Abdülaziz (1861-1876) on the process of renovation of the governmental, bureaucratic
and similar fields.
The one of the serious war was the Crimean War at those times, which
challenged against Russia out burst in 1853. It was ended up the Ottoman particular win
by help of the alliance with Britain and France as their interests there clashed with the
Russian ones. The Paris Conference in 1856 was offered that the rescue of the Empire
totally but the Anglo-French intervention on the interior issues could rise up
dramatically.8 The new capitulations for the foreigners brought new investments into
the Ottoman market; for the beneficial solutions in the economy enforced the Ottomans
to get loans from European Great Powers that was the first time in 1854. The ratios of
the debts with high interests made to endure the financial troubles more painful in
following years. To finance the new bureaucratic and large reforms new series of loan
came after another therefore, the final official bankruptcy was recognized in 1875 that
brought the establishment of Duyun-u Umumiye (the Public Dept Administration)
7 Shaw, p.558 Akşin, Sina, Türkiye Tarihi, p.130-131
8
which gave great opportunities to the Western powers to handle and manage the
Ottoman balance of payment; associated it, many sectors directly.9
The tax revenues were diminishing through the 20 th century ahead that mostly
depended on the territorial looses and foreign advanced trade with interventions on the
custom taxes. For example, “the title revenue fell so badly, as result of that at the end of
1840s, the treasury had to restore tax farm system.”10 Also, the Ottoman economical
dominance had been lost on the global trade market. Those series of problems created
indirectly demographic changes within the Ottoman territory. The agrarian character of
the Ottoman society kept alive, even after 1900s; nevertheless, the population on the
rural areas has flowed into the big cities such as İstanbul, İzmir and Thessalonica where
new industrial chances could be found since 1840s and 50s.11
The Sultan tried to continue to the essential reforms in the fields of education,
governmental offices, military, justice and so on by setting up European inspired
schools and departments.12 The main problems of time were the emergences of the
nationalist and independence movements in especially in the Balkan provinces. In
Bosnia, Wallachia, Serbia that was autonomous since 1830, and Greece, minority
groups acted on lots of propagandas against the central rule of Ottoman. The one of the
striking move was the Revolt of Crete in 1866-68, that was concluded with the failure
of the rebellious.13 It shook the Ottoman society very deeply.
9Quateart, Donald, Osmanlı Devleti'nde Avrupa İktisadi Yayılımı ve Direniş (1881-1908), Yurt Yayınevi, Ankara 1987, p.1910 Shaw, p.9611 Quateart, Donald, “Age of the Reforms”, pp.782-79512 Shaw, pp.106-12013 Akşin, Sina, Türkiye Tarihi, p.135-139
9
By 1876, the Ottoman throne was led to access by Murad V who has been
directed and supported by Mithad and Hüseyin Avni Pashas.14 Nevertheless, his
confused mind and disability on the administrative affairs brought a chance for his
brother Abdülhamit II in order to success to the Ottoman throne by the help of same
elites and in the same year.15 He, first of all, declared the Ottoman constitution (Kanun-i
Esasi, December 19, 1876) -as he had promised to do- on which Western indirect effect
played crucial role by the way of interior alliances.16 Only one year later, the Ottoman-
Russian War out burst in which Russian troops could siege into nearby the Capital City.
As a result of it, the Treaty of Yeşilköy (Ayestafanos) had to be signed in 1878.17
The Sultan did suspend the Ottoman Parliament on the basis of the
Constitution because he saw that the assembly was not able to function very well during
the warfare.18 The territorial losses became more visible after the Berlin Congress. The
internal reactions and hardness of the foreign domestics until 1908 steady increased for
Abdülhamit II. The Austrians, the French, the British, even Bulgaria began to threaten
the Ottomans hegemony; the Greeks, Albanians and Armenians caused new kind of
troubles trough the coming century.19
The financial problems collaborated within relatively stabilized but more
awful conditions after the announcement of Duyun-u Umumiye in 1881. On the other
side, European styled industrial occupation started to be settled down during this
pessimistic period, too. The old type of manufacture had to be replaced with modern
factories which could make the production more fruitful and raid since the half of the
14 Shaw, p.163-16415 Mantran Robert, p.13316 Shaw, p.174-17517 Akşin, Sina, Türkiye Tarihi, p. 161-16218 Shaw, p.18719 ibid, p.190-200
10
19th century. The indirect European interference with the investments created new
factories actually on some cities like İstanbul, İzmir and like that. For example, in carpet
manufacture, the native Ottoman enterprises found themselves in a situation to compete
with the foreign more difficultly, even though they kept their significance for a while
more.20
The absolute monarchy of Sultan Abdülhamid II with oppressive rules
triggered the New Ottomans that was the central opposition groups by the help of their
publish organs, when the censorship was following the Ottoman socio-cultural life in
every areas.21 The suppression of the Palace could not abolish whole objection,
furthermore the revolution on the regime was needed fro more liberty. Therefore, the
Young Turks whom were likely the continuation of the New Ottomans realized a
revolution that had been initiated from the Balkans to İstanbul in 1908. The all agency
of the Sultan did not succeed to prevent the end and the Parliament and the Constitution
became valid again.22 In new regime, the Committee of Union and Progress that was the
political wing of the Young Turks took the active role.
The New Constitutional era began in 1908 but it rapidly created reactions, even
a failed counter revolution in 1909, since the CUP’s non-freedom rule had replaced the
previous one. At that complicated time, the Balkan Wars in 1911-12 and the
Tipolitanian War in 1913 enforced the new regime. The more important and destructive
events was of course the WWI that caused the nearly abolish of the Empire 1918. On
these destructive years, the Ottoman economical order has already been captured by the
20 Quateart, Donald, “Age of the Reforms”, p.888-88921 Mantran, Robert, p.19022 Shaw, p.266-267
11
capitalist world in general23; the agriculture was no more under the direction of
traditional guilds; the monetary economy had to challenge with the new changed
patterns.24
The Great War made the end of the Ottoman Empire and a new series of
events was initiated in Anatolia in 1919, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha.
The lost of the huge amount of territories had not been prevented by the CUP
government and commanders. Moreover, they had let the Empire imply their
authoritarian rule for a few years.25 Even if, during the CUP dominance, the British-
French influence within the state had turned into the German one.
The Turks in Anatolia pushed all negative conditions with the breast in spite
of their motherland has been wedged by armies of Britain, France, Greece and Italia.
They made the foundation of a new council as a decide mechanism against the invaders
and their collaborators in İstanbul; as a result, the Grand National Assembly was
established in Ankara in 1920. Afterwards, many resisting fights and clashes flowed in
several locations during 1920 and 22 years. The Turkish public defense and the
Atatürk’s commands helped to the achievement of certain independence; the victorious
groups declared the establishment of Republic Turkey in 1923 just after so hard
struggles.26 To sum up, the Ottoman Empire’s history had passed the 19th and 20th
century with modernization and transformation movements that always remained under
the shadow of the internal and international troubles.
23 Akşin, Sina, Türkiye Tarihi, p.195-19624 İnalcık, Halil, “Evolution of the Ottoman Monetary System”, An Economic and Social Hhistory of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914, with Donald Quataert ,Cambridge University Press, New York, 1997, p.968-97225 Mantran, Robert, p.296-29726 Shaw, p.345-368
12
2- WHAT ABOUT “THE OTTOMAN WORKING CLASS” in THE 19th
CENTURY and DURINGTHE LAST DECADES?
“Worker” means that is a person who works to earn money, in basic term.
However, terminologically on our issue means something more complex; “worker” or
“laborer” is the person who does not have the means of productions and works on the
others’ production tools, lives by selling his effort to those who have capital within an
agreement signed by himself/herself freely.”27At this context, The Ottoman Empire has
introduced with such kind of group in the late 1800s actually,28 but the questions about
the workers or the emergency of the working class are still in debate. Because, the most
of the researchers studying at the subject argue that a working class had not existed in
the Ottomans, just like the Westerners have perceived or appeared in the West. That’s
why, the Ottoman primitive labor class have distinguishing characteristic due to the
political, economical, as well as social developments in the Empire throughout the last
centuries. 29 The working began to appear after 1850s and showed a developing style in
the beginning of the 20th century, which parallelizing with the first attempts of liberal
market economy and the capitalist investments.
There were some descriptions for the waged-laborer in the Ottoman Empire.
“Amele” is the most known one for the workers. Amele was used synonym as “işçi” in
some documents (worker).30 Apart from the definition, a worker was perceived as a kind
of soldier by the order for so long time. This view is shown as one of the reasons why a 27 Sencer, Oya, Türkiye'de İşçi Sınıfının: Doğuşu ve Yapısı, Habora Kitabevi, İstanbul 1969, p.12(after here footnoted as Sencer)28 Fişek,Kurthan, Türkiye’de Kapitalizmin Gelişmesi ve İşçi Sınıfı,Doğan Yayınevi, Ankara 1969, p.3729Çelik, Birten, “Osmanlı İşçi Tarihi ve Türkiye: Genel Bir Değerlendirme” XIV.Türk Tarih Kongresi, Ankara:9-13 Eylül 2002, Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler, v.II, part II, Ankara:TTK 2006, p.106430 Çelik,Birten, p. 1064
13
real working class could not place on the Ottoman Empire in general. Moreover, they
were kept under the responsibility of the Ministry of War.31 In some other sources, it is
seem that the workers had been enforced to work in a job or activity of production. By
the time, the entrance of the foreign entrepreneurs and industrial production system
gave a different course to this people.
In the state, waged-labors were divided into some basic categories in terms of
their sectors. The first group of workers was occupied by those who have been affording
their jobs in their own houses such as the weavers, carpet makers and similar atelier
workers. Then, the craftsmen were amongst the second category that was located in
urban areas around the weaker guilds. Another and directly related with our topic was
the industrial workers who played significant and central role on the appearance of the
“proletariat” class.32 The agricultural workers who would have worked seasonally can
be added to this categorization. Since, they had not have property or the means of
production, but they had to login the jobs for the payment.
The ethnic variety of the workers were interesting; to sample, Ereğli Coal
Company most famous organization held by the foreigners have been managed by
particular non-Muslim or non-Ottoman groups. 36 % of the company workers, for
instance, were enterprised by Turks and rest of them was occupied by non-Muslims
among 124 miners totally. 33 However, Muslims or the natives had more been preferred
31 Karakışla, Y. Selim, “The Emergence of The Ottoman Industrial Working Class,1839-1923”, Workers and the Working Class in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, 1839-1950 edited by Donald Quataert and Erik Jan Zürcher,London ; New York : Tauris Academic Studies in Association with the International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam 1995, p.19-20(after here footnoted as Karakışla, 1996)32 Makal,Ahmet, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Çalışma İlişkileri : 1850-1920 : Türkiye Çalışma ilişkileri Tarihi İmge Kitabevi, Ankara 1997,p.142 (after here footnoted as Makal)33 Quataert, Donald, Osmanlı Devleti'nde Avrupa İktisadi Yayılımı ve Direniş (1881-1908), p.49
14
by the employers, who were thought that having less consciousness about taking part in
the unions.34
The each part of the society could join into the working class. The ratio of the
women and children among the worker did steadily rise as they could work for fewer
wages. The rise of the mentioned groups became more obvious after the mid 19 th
century.35 The cheaper labor force of women was benefited on weaving, carpet or rug
making and similar textile sectors.36
The Ottoman labor force could be separated in some groups in terms of
payment; the primary group was the workers who were paid daily or weekly. Another
one was those who have worked in returns a certain salary in different industries, most
of them cloud not get it regularly. Next workers had to produce sufficient number of
commodities and were paid according to their production. Finally, the most
conventional and widespread ones, the employees were paid working hours in a day,
which way was preferred in the railways and the mines generally.37 The labor force of
women and children were used by the foreigners, too. However, they had to contented
with lowest amount of money such like the lots of women and children were employed
in a British carpet company was getting 1,6 krş.38 A machine worker could earn about
300-400 krş annually. A professional master had gotten 750 krş, who had the highest
34 Kırpık, Cevdet, Laborers and Labor Movements in the Ottoman Empire(1876-1914), Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Tarih Anabilim Dalı, Isparta 2004, p.62-63 (after here footnoted as Kırpık)35 Erişçi,Lütfi, Türkiye İşçi Sınıfının Tarihi (Özet olarak), Kebikeç, Ankara 1997, p.91(after here fotnoted as lütfi,Erişçi36 Sencer, p.93-9437 Kırpık, p.109-11038 Erişçi, Lütfi, p.94-95
15
amount within the workers and had lowest one of a civil servant. The salaries of the
workers were the bottom of the Ottoman society.39
There were also exceptional ways of payments in a few sectors like the coal
miners in Zonguldak catchment area. The workers in here made their efforts for hours in
returns for some commodities such as tins, American swab, chintz and so on. This type
of remuneration has been lasted until the end of 1880. Besides, as it happened in Kurci
Company, the taxes of the villager-workers living around mines were appointed to the
company prevailed the coasts of the production that had been bought by the state. 40
The working hours of the workers had not defined exactly, yet. This situation
was so important reason of the unrests that undefined working hours became the second
common cause to organize a strike. The Oriental Railways workers have justified their
movements with to the so long working hours.41 The workers were generally said that
“you would run to work from the sun dawn until the sundown” that sometimes meant
14-16, even more hours for the laborers.42 At the content of the law, working hours have
demonstrated differences seasonally, region to region as well.43 Some workers on the
silk production have to spend their 14 hours by working with just 2 hours breaking.44
The holiday and the permission issues of the ordinary workers were the other
troubles have to be mentioned at that point. The restriction on the holiday time occupies
the one of the major reasons for the strike movements in which the state have made no
39 Sencer, p.94-9540 Çıladır, Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, Yeraltı Maden-İş Yayınları, Ankara 1977, p.3141 Karakışla, p.2342 Sencer, p.9543 Makal, p.20144 Kırpık, p.128
16
certain regulation. The eyewitnesses of the time described that the workers could not be
allowed properly rest in a week or a day.45
The Ottoman working class had been deprived of many social rights that might
enable to live in more humanitarian conditions. Apart from that, the latter group had
strongly massive working conditions. The right of retirement, for example, was not
properly applied even for those who had worked so long time. The right was preferred
to be used for the officers and the soldiers much more previous than the workers. It’s
implication for who belong to the labor force was so rare at the end the 19 th c.46 The care
of health of the workers was not considered by both the state and the private ownership,
in general. Their living standards were obviously under average of the rest of the world.
The matter of working conditions could be described as really inhuman. Their
health could be easily corrupted, above that most of them had no insurance right, even
some of the workers could be beaten by their bosses. At the situation of sickness, they
could be dismissed without any payment. Also some families had abolished as men
workers have visited to the bawdyhouses just around the working areas. The visitors
had been infected a lot of genetic illnesses form there. They, on the other side, were at
the risk of suppression of the moneylenders due to the fact that they had to borrow
money with high interests, which was so hard to pay back. Eventually, the workers
could not properly imagine their futures and most of them could not take place on the
social activities because of less time.47
45 Gülmez, Mesut, Türkiye’de Çalışma İlişkileri(1936 öncesi), Sevinç Matbaası, Ankara 1983, p.36646 ibid, p.13547 Sencer, p.95-96
17
The overall comment about these people who had to work in order to live as
proletariat can be made as the industrial developments in the Ottoman Empire
beginning after 1830 have created “a new type of slavery”48, such like happened in
many countries at those days. Because the working class were really ignored and
thought as the lowest social groups in the Ottoman Empire, especially by the
administrative units. The workers pushed out the farming and migrated into the cities
had met new terms of poverty, too. When whole awful conditions had combined with
the state’s dealing with the protection of the investors and the companies rather than the
workers’ right, the unrest and organizational unification of the workers began to appear
in 1800s and next century, which should be perceived as the demanding the delayed and
principal rights by the workers.49 As the main argument of our study, it will be
evaluated in the next coming parts.
3-THE LABOR MOVEMENTS AND UNIONIST ACTIVITIES in THE
OTTOMAN İSTANBUL and ANATOLIA: 1870-1923
The events that had been organized by the Ottoman working class have
remained particular, sudden, and exactly not planned actions in the Ottoman Empire for
a long time. By the modernization blows appeared in the 19 th century, these spectacular
movements have began to be realized and seen more frequently, particularly at the
industrial centers of the state were shaped generally the capitalist of the abroad.
Nevertheless, the issue is still debatable and there are few resources that directly
evaluating it. The workers’ actions have fulfilled by some sort of breaking dates. From
48Gülmez,Mesut, 1983, p. 282-28349Çelik,Birten, p.1069
18
the old times, actually classical era, to 1870, such kind of reactions had been processed
in soundless tempo. Afterwards, the latter events have begun to be shaped a little bit
more orderly and regularly, but they were still far away from being consciousness until
the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. That period of time had made the working class
and their movements of strikes, demonstrations and unions more familiar for the
Ottoman state and society which have been modernizing and getting used to the
capitalist system of the world.
Just after 1908, the movements and gathering around the trade unions by the
laborers have gained relatively consciousness and organizational experience. The
mentioned class had learnt many things from the before about how they will have
demanded their principal rights and united within a single society to get voice. As the
secondary sources at the issue are showing that the strikes and uprising of the workers
had gone in a rising and declining direction for long while. That’s why, our
classification of the matter will be at that periodical perspective.
3.a-The Unrests of the Workers Until 1870
The laborers’ unrests in the Ottoman Empire could be carried back to the 16 th
century, even more previous by some historians. The one of the first example of
contradictions between the employer and the employee in the Ottoman was realized on
the construction area. The carpenters, masons and stone workers’ masters who were
working at a building of a mosque financed by Mehmet Pasha in 1587 demanded 4
19
akçes extension on their 12 akçe daily fees. This little and weak acts even concluded
with a success that their wants was agreed by the administrators. In spite of this
achievement, the workers were warned for not ordering any other opposition or new
demand.50 However, it is so difficult to see that events as predetermined movement. It
might be considered as an action of demanding more fees from the employers which
could be confronted in every community, even at ancient ones. Perhaps, it could help to
perceived that some sort of working class had existed, though not similar today’s, in the
Ottoman Empire in the classical ages.
By coming trough the industrial steps and its bringing industrial formations in
the 19th century, the new kind of labor force acts have appeared, too. The pioneer
movements began to emerged at the Balkan and Rumeli territories of the Empire, 51 but
they have not been death in detail as it is out of the topic, even though it should be noted
that the relatively consciousness of being as a class out of Anatolia have reflected on the
workers’ organizations at later period.52 The first attempts of the laborers have been
realized as the shape of “the machine breaking” at the first half of the century. The
mechanization had been needed by the Ottoman Industry that was newly establishing
and such necessary tools of production started to be exported for Europe. However,
these machines have discomfited some people who could be subsisted their lives by
selling their efforts. The movements of breaking machine risen up after 1845 where the
mechanization was processing mostly.53
50 Koç,Yıldırım, Türkiye'de İşçi Sınıfı ve Sendikacılık Tarihi, Yorum Basın Yayın, Ankara 1996, p.1151 Sencer, p. 8952 Makal, p.24353 Sencer, p.89
20
Non-workers wanted to work at the steamy fabrics just be built in Bursa. As a
negative reaction, the group of workers burned and destroyed the machines of the fabric
in 1861 by justifying it as that the fabric had been established on a graveyard.54
Although this interesting event seems as reactions due to the religious, conservative,
xenophobic matters and anxious towards the machines of the workers, the real and
pragmatically reason behind the event in Bursa was the fear of unemployment which the
manpower will have be replaced with the machine power.55 As we can understand from
this specific case, a kind of proletariat people began to emerged in the Empire at that
time.
For before 1870, many researchers and historians demonstrate that the Police
Regulation in 1845 is the first founded evidence existence of the strike or similar
working movements within the state. The Regulation exactly dated on 10 th April, 1845
promoted the missions of the policemen inside the territories, so it was not directly
related with the workers’ acts. However, its some articles formed out the legal treatment
towards the any case of strike and workers togetherness. At the article 12, it was shortly
said that every kind of situation of strike by leaving from workplaces which could
interrupt the order of the society and revolutionary acts organized by the employees
should be prevented rapidly.56 The core of the latter article contained the absolute
forbidden of the strikes. According to Sencer, this codification have proved the presence
of the working class and even intents of unionist attempts in the Ottoman Empire, as it
was followed the words in the article.57 It is obvious that the laborers’ acts had been
noticed and dealt with by the state.
54 Karakışla, 1995, p.2055 Sencer, p.9056 Gülmez, Mesut, 1983, p.359-36057 Sencer, p.96-98
21
Besides the debatable instances, there exited couples of proved labor
movements in the Empire, before 1870s. On September 18, 1862, serious historical
documents showed that the workers had been employed in the Martial Cloth Houses
(Elbisehane-i Askeri) and their bins took a step of leaving the job in order to gain their
fees. The group of laborers has gone to the department of General Military Staff (Bab-ı
Seraskeri) to get their unpaid and cumulated wages along with they have protested the
administrators of the department radically.58 Unfortunately, the massive workers could
not receive their wills and even if the leaders of the demonstrations have been arrested.
The important, maybe the most, point behind the case underlined by Çelik is that the
newspapers could have issued this event six mounts later. It shows the anxiety looking
and unsatisfied treatment towards such kind of uprisings.
Another example of strike on before those dates was hone seem. The
construction workers have worked on the building of a castle called as Kal’a-yı Tis’a
struck by demanding an increment on their wages in 1826.59Also, it was maintained that
a strike movement had been fulfilled in the Ereğli Coal Mines in 1863 as the one of
precedent actions there, which will have accelerated on the next decades.60
The most of the movements of this period were quite rare, local, specific events.
After 1870 on the number of the strike attempts appeared an relative rise, but the
participation of the workers retained its upper level. The main problem and reason of
the workers who have occupied on the actions against the state was generally so long
unpaid-actually not adequate- wages of them. Most of time, the strikes or protestations
58 Çelik, Birten, p.107359 Kırpık, p. 4560 Koç, Yıldırım, p.12
22
resulted in the failure because the state or newly developing private owners have never
considered their employees’ conditions, they, in fact, have tried to add more profits to
their cases whatever happened the job had to be completed. Therefore, the productive
class has remained lack of proper payment. Additionally, the unification around a single
trade union was not really thought by the workers themselves, on previous years of
1870s.
It could be counted a few organizations resembling to a trade union, which
might not be looked at as a real union. To see them, it was a little bit early, yet.
Although the state’s regulations and primitive laws, just like “Demiryolları Usulü
Zabıtasına Dair Nizamnamesi” in 1867, have banned all kind of community
approaching by the working units, some organizations were established at least the ones
that were regarding the workers.61
In fact, the Ottoman Empire had old and traditional organizations which would
partially have dealt with the business issues employment relations and –a sort of
worker-artisans’ activities; the guilds. They were hundred years of background driving
from the Islamic rules. They were occupied by the artisans who had professions in a
specific job and the guilds have made regulations the relationship among its members of
workers along with their commercial facilities. The artisans who could became masters
and new beginning apprentices who could not handed a job, yet might be perceived as a
propertyless workers. Thus, the guilds could be considered the ancient or primary forms
of the trade unions. They were efficient on many business matters until last decades of
1800s. Since, the economical changes in which the modern necessities of the time were
adopted had made crucial and fatal impact upon the guilds and finally they began to lose
61 Koç, Yıldırım, p.14-15
23
their significance until the official abolishment in 1912. This lose in the efficiency had
even caused that the countless workers founded themselves out of jobs.62
Nevertheless, before 1870s, there occurred new aid corporations that have
cared about the workers’ conditions. These different kinds of occupations began to
appear in 1866 and later, obviously. They were particularly shaped by the foreign
communities in İstanbul. They were actually called as societies which were combined
under the name of “Societies Protection of the Workers. The administrators even put
some declarations on the time’s newspapers, the founders of them were among the elites
and the bourgeoisie of the capital. However, these organizations could not be taken as
real trade unions in today’s mean even though they were interested in the working class.
They, because, were not occupied and managed directly by the laborers themselves.
The one of the initial solidarity acts of the Society of Opera of the Italians
was the donation of the certain amount of the income of the Theater of Naum for the
workers’ aid chests. Next of these organizations was “Ami du Travail” (Emek Dostları
Derneği) that had been set up in İstanbul, on May of 1866. It has announced its main
purpose to employ the poor workers and supply them needed labor tools without any
religious or ethnic discrimination. For this reason, the society offered some aids to non-
Muslims, Greek or Armenian, too. In the last context, those societies were so distant
from becoming real trade union or occupations of the workers. The elites of İstanbul
who have been ideologically affected by the European bourgeoisie might consider
helping to the poor and workers a deep feeling of charity.63 In other word, they might
think that they will have gained important prestige among the overall societies of
62 Kırpık, p.42-4363 Sencer, p.103-105
24
İstanbul if they could be seen when they would deal with the problems of ordinary poor
workers. This trend of help has yet continued to seem at later years.
For a general evaluation of the worker movements and unionist activities
underlined before 1870s, the first outgoing feature was that walkouts or strikes were
very briefly lasted and local events. Then, lack of organizational togetherness among
the workers made an awful influence on the success of the actions. However, it can be
said that these developments of the movements at that period have occupied the
beginning for the newly emerging working class, proletariats, who remained so ignorant
about the class consciousness, especially the ones in Anatolia. Although the attempts of
societies in İstanbul made chance to take breath for the worker, they could not pass over
behind the simple aid activities. Eventually, at the next time period after 1870, the more
serious labor movements and trade unions would be seen.
3.b- The Events at Between 1870 and 1908
The relatively enlightenment of the Ottoman working class become clear after
1870 in real mean, at least some restlessness among them happened. Since, the
frequency and number of the labor movements and strikes began to increase at the time
in which the Ottoman finance system was likely to bankrupt. Whole painful conditions
naturally reflected upon the workers. At the moment, the effort-sellers had more
courage for searching their rights by demanding their unpaid wages or fees. The unrests
of the workers have usually shown up as the type of leaving the jobs again. The starting
points of the strikes took place in both the areas of the state and private sectors,
industries that have began to rise up their field of influence and presence much more
25
than before. Some foreigners even could have the chance to buy a sort of property jut
after the codification signed in 1860s.64 In short, every thing was suitable for that the
labor movements started to set on an ideological essence at that period of time.
The one of the primary acts of leaving the job was revealed in about 1872 as
the most of the sources have accepted. The telegram workers, interestingly, worked in
Beyoğlu Post Office in İstanbul organized a strike.65 However, some researchers at the
issue have put forward that the strike of the Maritime workers on January 1872 was the
first seriously real labor movements in Ottoman Empire. Its confusing reason was
because of the fact that the newspapers of the time had made a dating mistake.66
Therefore, the second given example at Maritime was dated in 1873.67 This is an
ongoing discussion in fact, but it is obvious the rise on the strike actions against any
company. At the period between 1870 and 1908, about 50 strike events have been
witnessed.68
The terminological approach describing the strike or event of leaving job in
Ottoman fourth estate and the official documents was quite strange which was “tatil-i
eşgal”.69 Also, some other terms were used: tatil-i mesalih, terk-i mesai, terk-i eşgal and
the today’s expression, grev –coming from French- began to be used especially at post-
1908 era.70
64Şanda, H. A., Yarı Müstemleke Oluş Tarihi/1908 İşçi Hareketleri, Gözlem Yayınları, İstanbul 1978, p. 6265 Gülmez, Mesut, “Tanzimat’tan Sonra İşçi Örgütlenmesi ve Çalışma Koşulları (1839-1919)”, Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e Türkiye Ansiklopedisi, v:3, İletişim Yayınları, İstanbul 1985, p. 79366 Sencer, p.13367 Karakışla, 1995, p.2168 Güzel, M. Şehmus, Türkiye’de İşçi Hareketleri-1908-1984, Kaynak Yayınları, İstanbul 1996, p.27(after here footnoted as Güzel, Şehmus)69 Sencer, p.13070 Güzel, Şehmus, p.25
26
These simple reactions of the workers on the way of demanding the rights were
very important, because for those who did not have the means of production the strikes
were the best way to show their capabilities and efficiency to the bosses. That’s why,
some events, like machine breaking, were not seen at that period, which have not been
perceived so logical by the workers for themselves, too.
Having turned back to the movements, the first strike of the telegram
employees created a deep caution and complaint among the members of the Institution
of the Exchange, because they have established intensive relations with the telegram
workers in order to get knowledge about the activities on the Exchange. When their
intelligence or tip sources were suspended by the strikes, the dealers of the exchange
thought that they will not have taken any expedience or made a move on time.71 The
exact reason behind this particular strike had not been presented on the secondary
sources, but it might be fulfilled due to the unpaid wages or to demand increase on the
fees.
The strikes did not end with it, the laborers working on the construction of
Ömerli-Yarımburgaz Railway made an effort of uprising.72 Some foremen and skilled
workers among them decided to leave their jobs and stopped the all construction
processes for three weeks by sitting in the tents that have been set on the railway by
them.73 Their spectacular event was even cared by the newspapers, too. According to
Sencer, its reason was a conflict of wage occurred between the foremen and the owners
of the company. When the constructed ways had been measured, the workers could not
get the needed money and this envied them. It said that they have used guns so that the
71 Sencer, p.13372 Gülmez, Mesut, 1985, p.79373 Karakışla, 1995, p.20
27
company could not prevent the movement by using force by itself; as a result the
conflict was led to the court in order to be solved.74
This organized strike was so efficient that it had leapt to the İzmit Railway. In
the first week of April in 1872, Croatian constructers and the foremen staged a walk out
as they have faced a disagreement between each others.75 Due to having left the job, the
construction works were suspended for a week, too. At the case, some company
managers decided to take much more effective preventions against such events as they
took lessons from the previous events. The movements were put a result by violence on
which a little army troops were assigned to abolish the strikes under the command of
Ethem Pasha. The main causes behind the railway workers’ acts were not even known
certainly, but it realized because of the hostility towards the foreign owners. 76 300
workers employed on an atelier of shoemaking in Beykoz made a protestation on July
of the same year as they could not be paid regularly.77
In the case of the Maritime strike, approximately 500-600 workers had joint,
some women, children even non-Muslims took place on it. They become an example for
next generations’ in terms of declaration of the demands by writing petitions to the
Grand Vizier. Therefore, it contains another point of significance. Karakışla shows that
the women had played more militant role on the strike.78 Nevertheless, the workers
could not reach at their unpaid fees; they could create an attention on the public opinion,
however. The unresolved problems both on the Maritime and the railways will have
caused the bursts new strikes again later.
74 Sencer, p.13475 Karakışla, 1995, p.20-2176 Sencer, p.13577 Erişçi,Lütfi, p.9078 Karakışla, 1995, p. 21
28
Their actions in 1875, about 1200 workers had joint into the strikes to get their
salaries unpaid for six moths, but this time they put a success by taking the salaries and
return to the jobs again.79 On August, 1875, Muslim constructors staged a walk-out in
Taksim and demonstrated their reactions against the foreign engineers.80 Even they were
supported by some soldiers but most of the protestors could not run away from arresting
by the commanders. This demonstration might encourage the other so that porters in
Sirkeci combined within a strike movements. In the last months of 1875, the latter
porters demanded a rise on their wages, too, as provocation of the stewards; the events
ended by deciding the workers will have been paid directly after now, and the other
mediators will have been eliminated.81 As most of the mediators were non-Ottomans,
this events show that the antagonism among the workers have begun to be felt seriously.
Just one year later, The Ottoman Empire had entered into the 1st Constitutional
Era. The New Constitution (Kanun-i Esasi), however, would not bring the principal
rights and the freedom for the Ottoman subjects totally.82 The changes on the
governmental mentality, at least initially, were important for the poor activist workers,
nevertheless. The newly legislated codes or laws did not directly mention about the
freedom of the workers in order to move organizationally, but new approaches on the
freedom of speech of the media offered suitable opportunities for the laborers to
announce their unrests to the public opinion. The temporary liberated encourage them to
make organizational units and actions with some restrictions. The opposition within
political groups who always tented to misuse the basic rights and freedoms caused that
79 Gülmez, Mesut,1985, p.793/ Sencer, p.13880 Karakışla, ibid, p.2181 Sencer, 138-13882 Işık,Yüksel, Osmanlı’dan Günümüze İşçi Hareketlerinin Evrimi(1876-1994), Öteki yayınevi, Ankara 1995, p.14-15
29
Abdulhamid II suspended the Constitution in 1877.83 Eventually the working class has
continued to live lack of a codification that outlines their rights and supported them
against the employers until the Young Turk Revolution.
As the strike movements were developing in the Ottoman Empire, they handed a
chance to find out an ideological background from the West. In 1864, K.Marx and
Engels haled to set up the 1st International and a few years later the Community of Paris
was announced in 1871. Those intellectual attempts at the center of Europe have
carefully been watching by the Young Turks and their pioneers the Young Ottomans to
introduce new ideologies for the emerged movements in the Ottoman Empire.
The new theoretical and practical developments had encouraged the whole
proletariat class to sound their rightful voices against the bosses in some counties. But
the Ottoman working class had this consciousness a bit more later as the state. Since,
the Ottoman capitalists and even the state had tried to freeze the movements and stay
within a narrow perception always. They usually thought that unified and single actions
of the workers might have caused a general revolution which could even destroy the
governments. Some Ottoman intellectuals, like Namık Kemal, both extolled the 1St
International and the Comunnity of Paris and tried to inject their ideologies into the
Ottoman working class directly or indirectly.84 In spite of some little attempts of
unification among the working class, the real and severe influence of the socialist
ideologies upon them will have started to seem after 1900 and following years. The
principal reasons on this delaying were the oppressive administration of Sultan
83 ibid, p.19-2284 Şişmanov, Dimitir, Türkiye İşçi ve Sosyalist Hareketi, trans. by Ayşe and Ragıp Zarkolu, Belge Yayınları, İstanbul 1990, p.25-27
30
Abdulhamid II and then the lack of class consciousness did not appear among the
Ottoman society.85
The Constitution’s short lived liberty and the initial reflections of the
socialist ideologies created the acceleration on the labor movements, of course, as
deepening financial problems of the Empire. More than 200 coachmen in Beyoğlu
demanded the abolishment of the unfair implications over them by scribing petitions to
the Grand Vizier in1876 due to the fact that their jobs had been stopped by a company
that has gained some privileges on the transportation from the government.86 Then, the
familiar actors, Maritime workers in Hasköy struck in February 1876 once again but,
this time the English machinists and workers have joint to the strike, too. On May, the
chronic issue of unpaid wages caused the demonstrations of about 2000 laborers. They
were responded by the Minister of Maritime (Bahriye Nezareti) as that if they turn back
to their jobs, they will have hold for months salaries; those who refused the offer among
them were threaten with the dismissing from the jobs.87 As we have learnt, the workers
who have accepted the offer and restarted the jobs were beaten and even wounded by
the rejecters; thus there existed a separation between them.88
The tram and railway employees in Haydarpaşa pursued to the strike trend.
Nonetheless, this unfortunate movement and the others on same years were excised by
the Ottoman-Russian War in 1877. After the war concluded with the defeat of the
Ottoman next year, the masons, shoemakers and tailors of İstanbul organized a strike in
October, 1878 in order to declare 70% increase on their wages from the employers. To
85 ibid, p.2986 Sencer, p.13987 Gülmez, Mesut,1985, p.79388 Sencer, p.140-141
31
justify the request, they said that the current fees were not adequate for even the basic
needs. The trend on making strikes went on in 1879 by the movement of the some
constructers as they have requested rise on their salaries and reducing the working
hours.89
While the strikes emerged after another, the Ottoman government decided to
decrease the intrinsic value of the coinage because of the war and the banknote (kaime)
went far below its real value.90 These critical decisions naturally enhanced the unrests of
the workers who had to live under the awful conditions. Therefore, in March 25, 1879,
the workers of the Ferry Boat Company (Şirket-i Hayriye) struck in order to not to be
paid in the valueless kaime, but the Company refused it.91 The same demand was
spoken by the Maritime Arsenal workers 92 and they were promised to get their wages in
gold liras in spite of the rate of the wages has been brought down by the Ministry. The
mentioned few movements can easily proved that the negative economical progresses of
the Ottoman governments had directly affected the working class and their movements.
By 1880, some other experiments of leaving job and demonstrations were
observed. In February of this year, the workers of Haydarpaşa and Tophane staged a
strike to voice their cumulated salaries for mounts.93 Even if, in the case on Tophane in
June, a few groups amng the laborers enforced the responsible of the company, Ali Saib
Pasha by surrounding its car. In Haydarpaşa, the strikers’ requests were accepted but
other event ended up without success.94 The failed workers acceded to continue to the
jobs with lesser wages; since, the state was at the core of the massive economical crises
89 ibid, p.142-14390 Karakışla, 1995, p.2191 Gülmez, Mesut,1985, p.79392 Karakışla, ibid, p.2193 Kırpık,. p.234/ Sencer, p.14494 Gülmez, Mesut, ibid, p.794
32
that could not pay the wages properly and also the danger of unemployment each
moment. With the relative decreasing on the tatil-i eşgal, different ways of declaration
of the right went on appear introduced by both foreign and native workers. For instance,
the French, British, Belgian, Greek and other group of non-Muslim workers wrote
letters to the newspapers that they were suffering from not getting the wages and they
were in very poor circumstances after the Haydarpaşa Railway Company had changed.95
Although the fall in the frequency of the strikes after 1880, particular labor
movements organized by the laborers continued to take place on the press. In November
25, 1880, the workers employed on the ships of the Company of Haliç(Golden Horn)
held a petition to the government, first of all by demanding to take their wages in golden
money(mecidiye), no in kaime.96Additionally, they came with a new kind of claim that
it will have not cut the medicine care money in %2 rate from the salaries. They were
promised as they will have been answered in short time; it was the special and perhaps
first time that the state responded the workers with official letter.97
The most serious and negative impact over the diminishing of the strikes was
the Abdülhamid’s obvious suppression and intensive will of control upon the public
opinion alongside each kind of meeting that have relatively made the waged-workers
valor. The few groups, like the one in the Fabrika-yı Humayun in Zeytinburnu, could
dare to organize a strike in 1881 in order to demand to get the accumulated wages from
the Palace and Tophane.98 The censorship implied on the newspapers by the Sultan
played critical role on decreasing detected labor movements.
95 Sencer, p.14596 Karakışla, 1995, p.2297 Sencer, p.14598 Kırpık, p.234
33
Also, the shoemakers in Tatavla brought the suppression by fulfilling a strike
in October, 1882. Next information was seen about the action of the wood-reapers in
April 10, 1885, under a unique organization. At that case, the reason was so similar; to
hold the unpaid fees rapidly. The treatment of the policemen to them might make an
idea about how the official attitude of the state towards such kind of uprisings. As soon
as the strike news were heart by the department, the police cut the event by immediately
arresting responsible persons of this unified act and taking away the ringleaders to the
police station.99 During this highly pressured period, it was even so hard to see the word
of strike, tatil-i eşgal, on the Ottoman media.
The strike movements that have been staged by the workers of a store in
Beyoğlu in February 1, 1886100 did not create an important sense on the forth estate, but
it was so interesting. However, the familiar laborers in the Maritime who had
accustomed to the strike want on a new movement of leaving the job. The action started
in August 23, 1886 was participated partly this time. They renewed the strike two years
later lasted for a few months. The Maritime workers who could not confronted any
proper and regular payment introduce a new strike in 1893 again, but this time the
striking groups tried a new method which was that they wanted to help from the Sultan
personally not to pay to the newly employed Maritime workers.101 The movement in
there was so efficient that it had reflected on the official documents of the Empire on
which the new wage payment had been described.102 Nevertheless, the chronic wage
problems would not be tended to solve caused new events on the Maritime in 1900
99 Sencer, p.146100 Fişek, Kurthan, 1969, p.45101 Kırpık, p.234102 BEO, Bahriye 2557 35, July 20, 1892
34
again. The hopeless ones of them chose the way of turning back to the jobs, but the
most of the decided workers continued the strike by togethering in the coffeehouses.
The same reasons to stage a strike were valid for them in the act in April 3, 1906 once
more.103
The one of the latest labor movement could be observed in the Reggie
Administration (Reji İdaresi) which has been monopolized on the tobacco sector, even
has been challenging against the smuggling of the tobacco within the Ottoman
territories by taking jurisdictions from the governments.104 This company owned by the
foreign investors was protested in Samsun in 1887. The opposition against the Reggie
was shaped by the tobacco farmers living around the region, at which the general
policies of the corporation on the tobacco formed the main focus point for the
protestors.105 The Reggie and its workers have occupied significant place on the labor
movements later periods. The next great one in the company was seen in İstanbul in
1906. However, it could be maintained on the newspapers two years later and this
caused that some intellectuals, like Halid Ziya Uşaklıgil, have considered the events as
the first strike movement of the Ottoman working class, mistakenly.106
Some specific reasons were handed, too. In April, 1893, a group of workers
employed in the mortar machine in Cibali tobacco fabrics struck as the machines were
so large that made impossible to compress the raw tobacco by hand.107 Besides, other
strikes were organized even to strengthen the solidarity among the workers. Since, the
employers could easily expel their employees, so losing the jobs as the only source of
103 Kırpık, p.235104 Quataert, Donald, Osmanlı Devleti'nde Avrupa İktisadi Yayılımı ve Direniş (1881-1908), p.25-35105 ibid, p.43106 Sencer, p.146-147107 Kırpık, p.242
35
income was always danger for the poor workers. In a fabric of İspermeçet(?) owned by
a private person, two Armenian laborers were fired, and for this reason other 64
working men went into the strike to protest their bosses and to support their
unemployed friends in 1894. Furthermore, there were Muslims and Greeks among the
protestors.108 It was an interesting event showing the solidarity among the Ottoman
workers at that period.
The strikes in pre-1908 era continued with the strikes of the workers of the
Paşabahçe Glass Industry in the first months in 1907. As a contradiction appeared
between old laborers and the company, because some Anatolian workers have been
kicked out and Austrian ones have been taken place of them; therefore the wronged
workers made a protestation against the mentioned implication and the state took same
measures to prevent it.109 Also, some workers employed in the Anatolian Rail Ways
threaten the government to destroy Sapanca and Bilecik bridges, due to the fact that a
disagreement happened between two engineer and the workers there. Its results were
even considered by the government and some steps with investigation were initiated
rapidly.110
The other strikes of the carpenters in İstanbul and workers of İdare-i Mahsusa at
the first decade of twentieth century can bee added to the labor movements between
1870 and 1908.111 The one of the latest strike examples in Anatolia was fulfilled by the
tailors in İzmir.112 In contrast to Anatolia, İstanbul was also leading city in the Ottoman
108Kırpık, p.241109 BOA, ZB, 627 86/87, April 27,1907110 BOA, DH. MKT, 1215 45, December 7, 1907111 Güzel Şehmus, “Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e Türkiye Ansiklopedisi, v.3, İstanbul 1985, p.805112 ibid. p.807
36
Empire on the appearance of the movements where more than half of the total strikes
were staged within the Empire’s territory.
The distribution of the strikes and other labor movements that they had been
occurred at between 1870 and 1908 based on the sectors can be obviously seen that the
ship construction, the textile and the transportation took a huge proportion. Moreover,
the leather makers appeared among them. Apart from these basic sectors, there were
less tendency and will towards the strikes. The common features of the actions at that
period were that almost all of them were spontaneous and failed or few received
attempts. Further, the generally they shared common output points which were usually
the unpaid or accumulated wages for a long time as well as the increase demand on the
salaries.113 The main factor behind the failure of the events was that the state has
ideologically perceived the strikes as a risk of rebel and potential act of infringement of
the public order.114
The strikes were so frequently abolished by using force commonly. The
organizational characteristic of the unrests offered a situation that was so distant from
real unifications. They were sudden and short lived. Additionally, the leaders of the
movements have been chosen among the striking group to negotiate with the
responsible persons for a specific event and temporarily.115
The trade unions which have been occupied by the working people to protect
their rights happened to see very few at that time period. The Workers Benevolent
Society (Ameleperver Cemiyeti) that was established in 1871 have been argued as the
113 Sencer, 148,149114 Karakışla, p.30115 Güzel, Şehmus, “Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, p.809
37
first trade union in the Ottoman Empire, but recent detailed studies have proved that it
was not a real labor union in terms of its functions. The society can be accepted a
continuation of the previous attempts on the area, like a welfare corporation aiding to
the workers in İstanbul.116
The Capital City, İstanbul and of course Anatolia went on to remain very barren
in terms of the existing unionist activities in those years, at least contrary to the Balkan
territories of the Empire.117 The caisson tried to meet the problems of the working class
in practical ways. For example, in February 1876, a caisson, Tekaüt Sandığı which was
intention for occupation in the Post and Telegram Office was anticipating some
essential rights of the workers such as salary of retirement for a while.118
In modern time, the Ottoman Workers Society (Osmanlı Amele Cemiyeti) set
up in 1894 which resembled and was considered the first serious organizational product
of the Ottoman working class within basic class consciousness. The society was formed
by the laborers in the Tophane factories in İstanbul, in fact illegally. This active group
introduced a board by electing 8 people among employed 4000 workers. The mentioned
board was contacting with the opposing elites, the Young Turks in Europe. Nonetheless,
just one year later its illegal activities, according to the laws at that time, was discovered
by the Ottoman government and the society was closed as well its founders were exiled.
When the Hamidian regime’s pressures over the society went on, a few old members of
board dared to return to İstanbul in 1902 and attempted to restart the activities of the
society. Unfortunately, this second careful attempt was failed, too. Since, the official
116 Sencer, p.155117 Güzel, “Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyet’e İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, p.809118 ibid, p.810
38
administrators crushed the organization as it was heart that they will have made a
meeting in Topkapı.119
Besides these weak and short lived unionist activities among the workers, there
no existed such kind of corporation dealing with the working class. In the era between
1870 and 1908 which even any kind meeting was banned by the sultan, a little bit
amateur actions of the laborers to combine for seeking rights should be taken attention.
The Ottoman exact trade unionist activities have occurred after the Young Turks had c
the power in 1908. The period between 1870 and 1908 can be accepted the stage that
the Ottoman working class began to waking up slowly.
3.c- The Events in 1908 and Following Years until 1923
When the calendars was showing July of 1908, the Ottoman Empire have been
introduced a revolutionary era and crucial actions have changed the administration
deeply. The changing situation served a suitable atmosphere for emerging the unrests of
the depressed socio-political units. The demand of rights on each camp of the Ottoman
society began to be heart more soundly comparatively.
In the summer of 1908, the Ottoman newspapers were publishing the strike
events on several sides of İstanbul and Anatolia, nearly everyday. The workers
encouraged to request their ignored principal rights on both private and state sectors
with the previous experiences. 1908 was even the year of strikes which can even be
evaluated only; that’s to say that 1908 happened the golden age for striking workers,
119 Karakışla, p.26
39
due to the fact that the numbers and frequency of those labor movements have
incredibly made huge increase in that unique year.
The one of the first serious strikes in 1908 was staged by the captains and the
crews of the Steamship Corporation (İdare-i Mahsusa) by stopping their daily voyages,
because of the very familiar causes, the unpaid wages.120 Then, at the same days, the
tobacco workers in Cibali, İstanbul began to an act of leaving jobs that have lasted for a
couple of weeks due to the same reasons. Also, the employees in railways ordered a
strike on which some officers have took place, too.121
The strikes in 1908 that was really called as “the strikes of July”122 influenced
and spread into different fields. The miners in Zonguldak who were belonged to Ereğli
Coal Company got allow a strike action by protesting the company and demanded the
cancellation of “the medicine deduction” from their salaries any more. The tension of
the strike crucially warned the administrators of the company, so they had to accept the
negotiation with the representatives of the workers and the demand of the laborers had
to be accepted.123
The similar reaction of the working people was seen in the Anatolian-
Baghdad Railways aiming to stop being worked under so awful circumstances. The
movement which was initiated in August, 1908 took a more significant strike action on
following months. Before the strike was triggered, they have script out a letter on which
the wishes were enlisted to the Prime Ministry (Sadaret). However, the workers had no
120 Tanin,(İstanbul), 04 B. 1326 [August 1,1908]121 Şanda, Yarı Müstemleke Oluş, p.27122 Işık,Yüksel, Osmanlı’dan Günümüze İşçi Hareketlerinin Evrimi(1876-1994), p.29123 Çıladır, Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, p.93-94
40
way other from leaving the jobs when their attempts were tried to be rested. The railway
company’s center in Berlin was looking at the labor unrest carefully because the interest
of the company on the Ottoman territories was under risk. As a result, the demands of
the workers had to be accepted by the employers.124Apart from this achievement, the
organizational success of the officers and the workers together has to be taken attention,
especially tries of the bureau of strike steered the workers very well during whole
event.125
Perhaps, the strangest event was that the bakers of İstanbul have participated
into the strike wave. The ordinary workers in baking sector complained about the
lowness of their fees and they stopped to work all together to threaten the owners of the
bakery. Even, some of them made a dominant attack to the bakery of Festaban.126 More
than 7000 bakers staged a meeting by requesting the increase on the wages from the
government of the CUP.127 The high rate of inflation and inadequate salaries to live in
the capital pushed the bakers to make strike. As the negotiations between the bakers and
the Commission of Bread (Ekmek Komisyonu) gave no positive result, the working
bakers ordered a general strike occupation in September, 1908.128
The temporary free atmosphere, too, encouraged some long shore men
employed in İzmir to want wage rise. Additionally to the requests, they wanted to be
improved their working conditions and 100% increase on the wages, so they became a
part on the strike trend. Nevertheless, the authorized ship agents rejected their demands,
a few of them had to make increment on the wages of the striking workers and to
124 Tanin (İstanbul), 06 Ş. 1326 [September 2, 1908], p.3125 Güzel, Şejmus, p.33-36,50126 Kırpık, p.238127 Karakışla, Y. Selim,“Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda 1908 Grevleri”, Toplum ve Bilim, s:78, Birikim Yayıncılık, İstanbul 1998, p.190128 ibid, p.191
41
abridge the working hours at 1 to 3 rate.129 Because of same reasons, the tram laborers in
Göztepe, İzmir staged another strike.130
There existed about 100 strikes in those years, the sectoral division showed that
the new sectors could create strikes, too. At many cases, the striking workers have
declared their rights deprived for long years or they request practical wishes by
petitions. The unrests of the labors were so risen up that the huge amount of the actions
enforced the CUP government to take several measures to prevent them. Also, the rise
of the emerging on the trade unions among the laborers obligated the CUP made
restrictive laws against the uprisings. The government, just after the shaking events in
1908, produced the Law of Strike (Tatil-i Eşgal Kanunu) which contained some
limitations and forbids articles regarding with the labor movements alongside any union
within the Ottoman Empire, which have lasted until 1936. 131
On March, 1909, the steamships employees and civil servants of İdare-i
Mahsusa created a protest because of the fact that no ship was ordered to the Prince
Islands, İstanbul by the company. They were promised to be paid with their
accumulated salaries, but their movement was dispelled by armed forces as they decided
not to stop the demonstrations.132 A few weeks later, the laborers of port and customs
stuck due to the unpaid wages and so early hours to begin to work.
The news arriving from İzmir was pointing that some laborers have demanded
the right of meeting and making strike from the local government frequently, contrary
129 Berber, Engin, “II. Meşrutiyet Dönemi’nde Domino Etkisi Yapan Bir Eylem:İzmir Liman İşçileri”, European Journal of Turkish Studies, online since October 14, 2010, URL :http://ejts.revues.org/index4303.html, p.6-7130 İkdam (İstanbul), 13 B. 1326 [August 13, 1908], p.3131 Ökçün, A.Gündüz, Tatil-i Eşgal Kanunu,1909-Belgeler Yorumlar, Ankara 1982, p.1132 Tanin (İstanbul) 09 S. 1327 [March 2, 1909], p.2-3
42
the governor of Aydın wanted to talk with those demanders not to realize any strike as
he promoted that their rights were already under the protection the existing laws. 133 It
have justified that those workers had a background on their unrests during their working
life.
The little community in İstanbul who had been employed in the gardens out
of Yedikule were desiring to make a strike movement by the aid of their unions as they
have requested the reduction on their work time. Nevertheless, just like other labor
requests were suffered, the demands did not welcome by the administrators; even if a
legal investigation and observation have been gotten allow about them, because the
petition directed by Mehmet Nuri and his mates was perceived as out of the laws.134 An
announcement before the case has been already saying that any workers who were
planning to stage a strike had to give information to the police departments, at least a
few days before the strike.135
In the pressure years, the workers in Paşapahçe Glass Factory get into a move
of leaving the jobs.136 Also, in Bursa, the Silk Industry employees resorted to the
Ministry of Commerce and Public Works in order to be made an increment on the daily
fees and reduced the working hours, the Ministry responded it by detecting there. 137 The
exact results of the event were not dealt with on the news. However, one year later it,
the mostly children and women in the same sectors in Bursa reorganized a new strike
with the previous wishes.138
133 BOA, DH. MKT, 2874 61, 13 July, 1909134 BOA, DH.MKT, 2734 22, 8 February, 1909135 BOA, DH.MKT, 2703 122, 11 January,1909136 Kırpık, p.239137 İkdam (İstanbul), 23 Ş. 1327 [ Semtember 9, 1909}, p.3-4138 Kırpık, p.240
43
A group of Tram workers made a strike as some conflicts exited. The
representative community among the strikers could able to negotiate with the director
and the Minister of Public Works139 Additionally, a labor movement was met in
Kazlıçeşme leather factories, again in İstanbul on which a lot of workers carried on the
acts from 17 June and 1 August in 1910.140 They were generally failed, too like others141
It was even crime to spur the workers on making a strike in those times. For
example, those who were accused of the provocation the workers in Meskukat-ı
Osmaniye İdaresi (the Mint Department) for a strike had to face an enquiry
unfortunately.142 On July, 1910, the movements in Zonguldak have already about to
finish and the workers turned back to their jobs.143
Through 1910s, Sivas, one of the strongest locations on the Empire, met a labor
act which was shaped by about 1000 weavers working on the Oriental Carpet
Manufacture Co. (Şark Halı Şirketi). The cause of the rural movement was same with
the ones in metropolises: the increment on the wages.144 The tobacco workers in Cibali
have chosen the way of strike once again in April, 1911, which was approximately
participated by 2000-3000 labor force and continued a couple of weeks.145 The different
side of it was that the demonstrators were protesting the hiring friends by the bosses.
Also, the miners of Zonguldak were not reluctant to show their unrests sometimes in
1911.146
139 Gülmez, Mesut, 1983, p.406-407140 Karakışla, 1995, p.25141 Gülmez, Mesut, 1983, p.408142 BOA, DH.EUM. THR, 23 11, January 25, 1910143 Sencer, p.216-217144 Tanin (İstanbul), 05 B. 1329 [ July 2, 1911}, p.4145 Sencer, p.217-218146 Çıladır, Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, p.95
44
Now, The Anatolia was more ambitious. The railway workers in İzmir struck
to protest the insufficiency of payments and really high costs of living around the
summer of 1911.147 The coal transport laborers, in the last moths of 1910 first time, went
on to strike with the similar reasons on other cases, but they were oppressed by
arresting, it was out of laws actually, in January and February of 1911.148.
In same year, more than 1000 employees of railways staged out a strike in
Afyonkarahisar for a few days.149 Also, the factory workers united in İstanbul left their
jobs since they requested a holiday in a week.150 One month later, the civil servants and
laborers of the Aydın Railways decided to announce that they will have gone into strike
if their demands were not responded within 10 days.151
While the wars have made the life of ordinary people more difficult, the
tobacco workers in Cibali repeated their movements that were non-resulted until 1912
yet.152 Apart from the reactions of the way constructers in İznik and the ongoing events
were appeared, some particular labor movements continued to be seen like the Society
of Horse Riders (Arabacı Esnafı Cemiyeti) in İstanbul made in 1912. In the case, the
riders have been contradicted with the Municipality of İstanbul on some specific issues
such as high tax rates and giving back their captured cars. They could stop almost whole
transportation of the city and even destroyed the ways. The strikes of the riders spread
to nearby all county of İstanbul in which the disinclined riders to the action were
147 Kırpık, p.240148 BOA, DH.EUM.KDL, 3 44, January 5,1911/DH.ID, 106 16, February 1, 1911149 Sencer, p.219150 İkdam (İstanbul), 11 N. 1329 [September 5, 1911], p.3151 İkdam,(İstanbul), 25 N. 1329[ September 19, 1911], p.3152 Kırpık, p.240
45
enforced to joint the strike. Nonetheless, they have never reached at the point what were
targeted before.153
On next year, the porters in İzmir reintroduced a new strike with the same
demand that was increment.154 Its influence can be observed in another move realized by
the railway workers and boaters in İzmir by leaving jobs in 1913.155 The strike of the
miners in Zonguldak-Ereğli coal basin in 1914156 and the tobacco workers in İzmir in
1915 were the important movements in the wartimes. The hopelessness of the Ottoman
government was so obvious that those were blamed of provocation the miners in Balya-
Karaaydın were immediately hired and were arrested; some of them were even Christian
workers.157
As the CUP government was holding under the strict control the strikes
during the Great War years158, seriousness of the labor movements in the Ottoman
Empire were cut until the end of the WWI. Since, it was too hard to keep a job for long
while. In an event in 1918 the actors was the miners in Kozlu Mines, but even just
before they started to the action, some among them, like Bekir Sıdkı was exiled to
Çorum as he was blamed of the provocation the laborers to the strike.159
The Invasion could not erase the unrest. There are many strikes on these crucial
days.160 The officers and the laborers in the Steamship Company (Şirket-i Hayriye)
made up an act of leaving job and protestation because their essential right of taking
153 Yakut, Kemal, “Arabacılar Grevi-1912”, Kebikeç Dergisi, v. 5, Ankara 1997, p.164-165154 Berber, Engin, 2010, p.8155 At the table of Şehmus Güzel,1996, p.64-67156 Çıladır, Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, p.95157 BOA, DH.ID, 107 76, May 10,1914158 Şişmanov, Dimiter, p.56159 BOA, DH.EUM. 1.şb., 10 43, April 8, 1918160 At the table of Şehmus Güzel, 1996, p.111-112
46
bread has been cancelled out by the company owners in the first days of 1919. The
workers of the Reggie located in the Capital stopped to work for an undecided while.161
On the same days, it was noticed that a unit of employees and machinists have staged an
intention of strike within the Ottoman Company (Şirket-i Osmaniye) in Zonguldak.162
The solidarity among the working people, particularly on some employees, was
so visible that the laborers working in the steamships of the Bosporus belonging to
Şirket-i Hayriye and who were the members of the Socialist Party of Turkey decided to
slow the jobs down with striking; nevertheless, the attempt was prevented rapidly and
the leader of the Party, Hüseyin Hilmi Bey had been exposed to attack physically.163
The proletariats could even react against the foreign invaders’ corporations
elsewhere. For instance, the all resisting national militias 164around Zonguldak basin in
20s were mostly occupied by the local workers from the villages on the region. Also,
thousands of workers voluntarily joint into the meetings aiming to protest the invasion
of İzmir.165
The strike of the workers of Tram Co. in İstanbul on May of 1920 was one of the
efficient events. In the action, the workers united and organized so successfully that it
could be ended wit the great achievements of the workers in terms of their willing such
as increment on the wages and diminishing the work hours.166 In following year, on the
same company, another labor unrest reoccurred by the direction of the Socialist Party;
161 Sencer, p.244-245162 BOA,DH.İ.UM, 19/05 1/86, April 8, 1919163 BOA,DH.EUM.AYŞ, 26 75, November 20, 1919164 Çıladır,Sina, Zonguldak Havzası’nda İşçi Hareketlerinin Tarihi-1848-1940, p.114-115165 Güzel, Şehmus, p.120166 ibid, 115-116
47
thus, it was passed on the state’ documents that the some group of strikers tried to hand
out an announcement praising the Bolshevism just after a meeting.167
Turkish workers even found to chance of celebration the May 1, the Day of
Workers in 1920 and 1921 in İstanbul with exited demonstrations that could not be
allowed since 1913; the workmen in İzmir and Ankara entered the amongst those who
was celebrating this important day initially in 1922. Many workers unions, primarily
TSP played crucial role on the meeting organizations.168
The labor force hoped many things from the revolution, but they suspended their
reactions for only short time and the experienced miners in Zonguldak, the fig pickers in
İzmir, the railway laborers in Aydın, the publishers in İstanbul, the beer workers in
Bomonti Factory, the employees of the Eastern Railways and the tram workers of
İstanbul fulfilled a series of strikes during July, August and following months of
1923.169 The most common reasons of these strikes was again focusing on the wage
problems, but the railway and tram workers had a list of demands to the responsible
ones on which placed on more specific and detailed requests. Unfortunately, the
demands of the labor force did not able to achieve a long lasted success.
The unionist activities just after strike waves in 1908 gained speed, so that the
free atmosphere introduced some trade unions which allowed to the Ottoman workers to
move together in a single unit. The founders of the old union, Ameleperver built up the
Society of Ottoman Progress (Osmanlı Terakki Cemiyeti) and the following the
Ottoman Printers’ Society (Mürettibin-i Osmanlı Cemiyeti) which tended to contact
167 BOA,DH.EUM.AYŞ, 57 13, October 24, 1921/ DH.KMS, 61-2 62, May 7, 1922168 Güzel, Şehmus, p.120-122169 Sencer, p.258-259
48
with other unions in the world.170 Also, the Strike Law and the Law of Societies
(Cemiyetler Kanunu) in 1909 could not prevent the emergence of the new trade unions.
The Union of the Carpenters, the Society of the Dersaadet Tram Workers, the Society of
Martial Manufacture Workers (İmalat-ı Harbiye İşçileri Cemiyeti) and the Society of the
Reggie Tobacco Workers can be added to these unionist attempts towards 1910s in
several locations.171 The similar trend of union was brought in the Ottoman Anatolian
Railway White and Blue Collar Workers Solidarity Society and the Society of Oriental
Railways Workers which concerned the labor issues and transmission with the
employers.172 The Club of the Workers (Amele Kulübü) in İstanbul was efficient the
some social movements, in which the founders was members of the Society of
Dersaadet Sociological Studies (Dersaadet Tetebbuat-ı İçtimaiye Cemiyeti).173
As a socialist originated, The Ottoman Socialist Party in 1910 which has been
later reopened up in 1919 as Turkey Socialist Party realized and organized many serious
movements, especially after 1913, under the leadership of Hüseyin Hilmi as they have
been mentioned above. Its socialist publish organ, İştirak magazine tried to present the
Western originated socialist concepts to the Ottoman working class, but in 1910 and
1912, it was confronted with the closing as it was considered an opposition centers
against the policy of the CUP. The Marx and other European ideologists formed
İştirak’s definition and introduction of socialism. The enlightenment of the proletariat
Ottoman units was tried to be extended with articles and essays on the magazine.174
170 Gülmez, Mesut, 1985, p.800171 Makal, p.246172 Karakışla, 1995, p.27173 Güzel, Şehmus, p.97174 Tekin, Yusuf, “Türkiye’de ilk Sosyalist Hareket “İştirak Çevresi”nin Sosyalizm Anlayışı Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme”, Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, v: 57, Ankara 2002, p.172-177
49
The porters unions in İzmir and the miners’ society in Zonguldak can be given
as an example of trade unions at that time; the bakers, the workers linked to the tobacco
manufacture and even the carriers could improve some kind of labor organizations
among each others that might not be classified within the syndics of Ottoman.175 There
existed some specialist unions or societies turned towards women workers like the
Islamic Society of Employ the Women (Kadınları Çalıştırma Cemiyeti İslamiyesi) that
purposed “to locate the women to the works that they can do it”.176
There could be exited trade unions in invasion and resistance period. The
Socialist Peasants and Workers Party of Turkey (Türkiye İşçi ve Çiftçi Sosyalist Partisi)
was labor initiative of that era which was established in October, 1919 and attracted
about 2000 workers into the organization. The Party, even though, could not put any
member of parliamentary in İstanbul, its organizational success was felt among the
labor unions very well. It significantly caused the establishment of the General
Workers’ Association of Turkey (Umum Türkiye İşçileri Derneği). Meanwhile, “the
International Workers’ Union (Beynelmilel İşçiler İttihadi) had nine branches and more
than 4000 members, 1000 whom were Turks.177
In İstanbul, some unions have occurred and tried to work up regularly; the
Society of Anatolian Railway Workers (Anadolu Şimendifer Amelesi Cemiyeti), the
Society of Kasımpaşa Ship Voyage Workers (Kasımpaşa Seyrisefain Amelesi Cemiyeti)
and the Society of Tram Company Workers was the amongst the labor unions of the
time. Besides these organizations, International Sea Workers’ Union (Beynelmilel
Deniz İşçileri İttihadi), the International Carpenters’ Union (Beynelmilel Marangoz
175 Sencer, p.228176 Erişçi,Lütfi, p.95177 Karakışla, 1995, p.28
50
İşçileri İttihadi) and finally the International Constructers’ Union (Beynelmilel Bina
İşçileri İttihadi) was active on the workers issues as dependent to the International
Workers’ Union in İstanbul.178
The other labor unions were those; The Society of Workers of İstanbul and İzmir,
the Society of Printer Workers, the Society of Aydın Railway Workers, The Society of
Electric Workers, the Society of the Terkos Company Workers, Zonguldak Workers’
Union, Balya Karaaydın Workers’ Union and after 1921, the Oriental Railways Blue
Collars Solidarity Society (Şark Şimendiferleri Müstahdemin Teavün Cemiyeti).179
Some of those societies lasted in the first years of Turkey.
The Communist Party of Turkey had fulfilled its first conference in Baku in
October, 1920 and then the Green Army (Yeşil Ordu) was the political occupations
which promoted the workers issues within the socialist aims in such complicated
periods. However, the Green Army had dispersed in short time and those who brought
out it, mostly martial manufacture workers, set up the Party of Public Partnership
( Halk İştirakiyun Partisi); amongst them the Communist Party appeared. Just one year
later, the primary of them was canceled out by government the National Assembly in
Ankara because of the fact that its socialist tendency was perceived harmful to the new
order.180 The end of the Turkey Communist Party did not differ from them, so the leader
of the movement Mustafa Suphi and some friends was massacred in 1921 and the first
leftist attempts of Turkey was injured dramatically. Şehmus Güzel has argues that the
attack of Kemalists against the socialists had started.181
178 Erişçi,Lütfi, p.97179 Sencer, p.265180 Erişçi,Lütfi, p.98-99181 Güzel, Şehmus, p.123
51
The labor unions in İstanbul and different locations of Anatolia took acceleration
and diversion in the first months of the Turkish Revolution in 1923 and 1924. Those
were: the Society of Bosporus Company Workers, the Society of Silahtarağa Electricity
Faactory Workers, The Society of İstanbul General Sea and Coalmine Loading and
Transportation Workers, Dessaadet Biladıselase Construction, Road Farmer and
Farmhand Workers, the Society of the Tobacco Factory Workers’ Union, the Society of
İstanbul Tram Workers, the Society of Printers, the Society of Anatolian-Baghdad
Railways Workers in İstanbul; Aydın Railways Workers and Officers’ Union, the Society
of the Refugee and Migrant Workers, the Society of Tobacco Workers, the Railways
Factory Workers’ Union, the Society of Tram Workers, the Society of Port Steamship
and Coal Workers, the Society of Workers of Mavuna, the Port Dock Import and Export
Workers, the Solidarity Society of Independent Port Steamship Workers and the
Solidarity Society of Construction and Metal Materials Workers in İzmir; the
Association of Workers of Turkey, the Solidarity Society of Oriental Railways Workers
in Edirne; the Society of Workers Advance in Adana; the Workers’ Society in Konya; the
Society of Tobacco Leaf Workers in Bursa; and the Society of Anatolian Baghdad
Railways Workers in Eskişehir.182
182 Sencer, p.265-266/Erişçi, Lütfi, p.100-101
52
CONCLUSION
To sum up, the labor movements that began to appear after the half of the 19 th
century in the Ottoman Empire have gained speed in the first decades of the 20th
century. They could hold important place among the social movements in the last years
of the Empire. The transformation of the whole structure according to the modern
Western typology had showed itself on these strange actions and the newly emerging
class started to express their wants in the ways of that had never been confronted before.
As a way of seeking the rights, the strikes have come up more eligible among the
workers; on the contrary, their uprising have generally been seen as a source of problem
that could affect their links between the foreign investors negatively. The official
ideology of the state preferred the restriction of them by new regulation instead of
making radical renovations on the condition of the labor force.
All pessimistic atmospheres would never give up the poor workers, but they
continued the movements with insistence. Because, they had no other choice; they
either will have gone on to be crushed or they will demand their rights. By the time, this
trend have turned into the organizational occupations with trade unions that increased
53
numerical and influentially. In the first cases, the strike makers could not reached at the
expected achievement and the requests that can be generally combined around the wage
issue would not accepted by the state or the companies. It was the most preferable
method to diffuse the strikes or demonstrations by using force, especially during the
reign of Abdülhamid II. Furthermore, the letters and petitions to the Sultan or the
departments could not offset the laborers’ wishes. That made lots of the movements
failed.
It should be denoted that the Ottoman labor movements were not effective as
much as it realized in Europe. The characteristic difference between two parts can even
be observed in the events in various places of the Empire; the movements in Balkans, or
in Anatolia, or in İstanbul progressed in different intense and velocity. Some times, the
workers in a region were inspired to make a movement by looking at another region.
However, it is so hard to say that there has existed a sort of collaboration or unity
among the workers of distant locations. That’s why, the movements have remained so
rare and local and they could not widespread around whole territories till the strike
wave in 1908.
As like on the actions, the socialist ideologies that were born in Europe could not
find out the chance to spread among the Ottoman working units until they met the
revolution in 1908. Although the Ottoman intellectuals tried to watch the developments
in Europe that have produced new solution and unprecedented ways in the workers’
conditions, the massive units were devoid of the positive results of these modern
matters. The magazine of İştirak attempted to inject the socialist patterns to workers
after 1910; however, its field of impact remained limited because of the low zeal of the
54
laborers towards the intellectual life and the high government pressure implied by the
CUP. The partisans of the socialism made only efforts to keep alive this occupation. By
the establishment of the communist parties in following years, similar ideologies did
more marginalize than the other ones.
The most striking result of the labor movements was probably codification of the
Strike Law in 1909 by the CUP. It was so contradictory with the government’s liberal
speeches; at the same time, it was the most obvious and powerful evidence of that the
combined action of the workers can signal out the state to measure serious and radical
treatment against the destructive consequences of the movements. It could not be
defined that the 1908 wave was an organized and ordered event, but the increase on the
number of the strikes enforced the state to prevent them immediately. In addition to the
legal precautions, the politico-economic changes come with the traumatic wars become
important factor on the diminishing the labor movements.
To conclude, the labor movements in the Ottoman İstanbul and Anatolia from
1870 until the 1923 helped to shape the workers’ consciousness of the Turkish laborers
who lived there. It is a still debatable whether workers of those times had a sort of class
consciousness or they could learn to move in a single unit to seeking their rights against
the employers. However, the experiences of the Ottoman proletariats were very valuable
examples for the working class of the Republic of Turkey. These actions that had been
born in modern period are still offering significant information to shed light on the
historical developments of the Turkish labor movements and in parallel the leftist
occurrence in Turkey.
55
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Hareketleri, Gözlem Yayınları, İstanbul 1978
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Ragıp Zarkolu, Belge Yayınları, İstanbul 1990
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Sosyalizm Anlayışı Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme”, Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, v:
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58
BOA, Dahiliye, Emniyet-i Umumiye (DH.EUM)
____, Asayiş Kalemi (DH.EUM.AYŞ)
____, Kısm-i Adli Kalemi (DH.EUM.KDL)
____, Kalem-i Mahsus (DH.KMS)
____, Mektubi Kalemi(DH. MKT)
____,Tahrirat Kalemi Belgeleri(DH.EUM. THR)
____,İdare Kısım Belgeleri (DH.ID)
____,İdare-i Umumiye (DH.İ.UM)
____,Zabtiye Nezareti Evrakı (ZB)
BEO, Bahriye
Newspapers: Tanin and İkdam, (İstanbul)
APPENDIX
Table 1: The Strikes before 1908 in the Otoman Empire
Grev
Nr.
Yõllar
Başlangõç veya
bitiş tarihleri
İşkollarõ
İşletme/Şirket/İşyeri/ İşçi
Grubu
Kent
Grevci
Sayõsõ
1 1876 18 Şubat Gemi
yapõmõ
Hasköy tersane işçileri İstanbul
2 1876 28 Şubat Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Haydarpaşa-İzmit
demiryolu
İstanbul
3 1876 20 Mart Dokuma İzmir terzi işçileri İzmir
4 1876 9 Nisan Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul 1.000
5 1876 12 Nisan Metal Darphane işçileri İstanbul
6 1876 18 Nisan Metal Fişekhane işçileri İstanbul 200-
300
7 1876 22 Mayõs Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul 200-
300
8 1876 22 Ağustos Dokuma Feshane işçileri İstanbul 50
9 1878 15 Ekim İnşaat Duvarcõlar İstanbul
10 1878 15 Ekim Deri Ayakkabõcõlar İstanbul
11 1878 15 Ekim Dokuma Terzi işçileri İstanbul
12 1879 10 Mart İnşaat Yapõ işçileri İstanbul 500
59
13 1879 25 Mart Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
Şirket-i Hayriye işçileri İstanbul
14 1879 22 Mayõs Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
Şirket-i Hayriye işçileri861 İstanbul
15 1879 10 Temmuz Ticaret,
büro
Muhasebe bürosu
çalõşanlarõ
Selanik
16 1879 17 Temmuz Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
17 1879
31 Aralõk Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
18 1880 3 Şubat Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
İdare-i Mahsusa işçileri İstanbul
19 1880 27 Şubat Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Haydarpaşa-İzmit
demiryolu işçileri
İstanbul 75
20 1880 13 Haziran Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõk
Haydarpaşa-İzmit
demiryolu çalõşanlarõ
İstanbul
21 1880 24 Kasõm Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
Haliç Vapur Şirketi İşçileri İstanbul
22 1881 30 Temmuz Silah
yapõmõ
Zeytinburnu Fabrika-yõ
Hümayunu
İstanbul 30-40
23 1882 12 Ekim Deri Tatavla kunduracõlarõ İstanbul
24 1885 9 Nisan Ağaç Odunkapõ odun biçme
işçileri
İstanbul
25 1886 1 Şubat Ticaret,
büro
Beyoğlu M. İşçileri İstanbul
26 1886 23 Ağustos Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
27 1888 22 Nisan Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
28 1888 24 Mayõs Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
29 1891 27 Mart Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
İdare-i Mahsusa Fabrikasõ
işçileri
İstanbul
30 1891 25 Haziran Deniz taşõmacõlõğõ
İdare-i Mahsusa işçileri İstanbul
31 1892 26-27 Mayõs Gõda Harman işçileri İstanbul
32 1893 26 Nisan Gõda Cibali Tütün Fabrikasõ
işçileri
İstanbul
60
33 1895 9 Ocak Kimya Çubuklu İspermeçet
Fabrikasõ işçileri
İstanbul
34 1902 Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
35 1902 1 Mayõs Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
İdare-i Mahsusa işçileri İstanbul
36 1903 Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
37 1904 24 Mart Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
38 1904 30 Kasõm Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
39 1904 30 Kasõm Gõda Selanik Reji işçileri Selanik
40 1904 Gõda Tütün işçileri Kavala 8.000
41 1904 Gõda Tütün Rejisi işçileri Selanik
42 1904 Deri Kunduracõ işçileri Selanik 50
43 1904 Deri Kunduracõ işçileri Bitolia
(Manastır)
150
441904 Gõda Fõrõn işçileri Bitolia(
Manastõ
r)
45 1905 Dokuma Dokuma işçileri İstanbul
46 1905 Dokuma Dokuma işçileri Selanik
47 1905 Dokuma Dokuma işçileri Sketcha
48 1905 Dokuma Dokuma işçileri Voden
1905 Deri Tabakhane işçileri İstanbul 800
50 1906 Deri Kunduracõ işçileri Veles 150
51 1906 Deri Kunduracõ işçileri Skopie(
Üsküp)
70
52 1906 3 Mart Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
53 1906 Dokuma Kaftancõ işçileri Skopie(
Üsküp)
40
54 1906 29 Mart Gõda Cibali Tütün Fabrikasõ
işçileri
İstanbul 2.000
55 1906 14 Nisan Taşõma Karaağaç ve Bahariye’deki
mavnacõlar
Edirne-
Gümilci
ne -
İskeçe
61
56 1906 Dokuma Terzi işçileri Veles
57 1906 Ağaç Marangoz işçileri Selanik
58 1906 Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri İstanbul
59 1906 Ağustos Basõn,
yayõn
Mürettipler İstanbul
60 1906 Metal Demir işçileri Selanik
61 1906 Deri Kunduracõ işçileri Selanik
62 1906 Çimento,
toprak,cam
Allatini seramik fabrikasõ
işçileri
Selanik
63 1907 29 Haziran Taşõmacõlõk Dersaadet Rõhtõm Şirketi
Hamallarõ
İstanbul
13
64 1907 8 Temmuz Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul 9
65 1907 19 Temmuz Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul 300-
500
66 1908 Mart Gemi
yapõmõ
Tersane işçileri İstanbul
Sources: Güzel, “İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, 1985, p.805/Kırpık, pp.250-253
Table 2: The Strikes of 1908
Grev
No
Başlangõç ve
Bitiş Tarihleri
İşkollarõ İşletme/Şirket/İşyeri/
İşçi grubu
Kent Grevci
Sayõsõ
1 31 Temmuz
( birkaç saatlik )
Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
İdare-i Mahsusa Vapurlarõ
ve mürettebatõ
İstanbul
2 31 Temmuz-14
Ağustos
Gõda sanayi Cibali Tütün Rejisi işçileri İstanbul
3 Ağustos başõ Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Rõhtõm işçileri İstanbul
4 Ağustos başõ Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Rõhtõm işçileri Selanik 800
5 Ağustos başõ Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Rõhtõm işçileri İzmir
6 5 Ağustos Basõn ve
yayõn
Mürettipler İstanbul
7 8 Ağustos Dokuma “carmadon” halõ fabrikasõ
işçileri
İzmir 50
62
8 10 Ağustos Gõda sanayi İncir kutusu imalâthanesi
işçileri
İzmir
9 11 Ağustos Çimento,
toprak, cam
Paşabahçe cam
imalâthanesi işçileri
İstanbul
10 12 Ağustos- 13 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Aksaray, Şişli,
Beşiktaş,Tramvay hatlarõ
işçileri (Dersaadet
Tramvay Şirketi )
İstanbul
11 23 Ağustos Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Aksaray, Şişli, Beşiktaş,
Tramvay hatlarõ işçileri
(Dersaadet Tramvay
Şirketi )
İstanbul
12 2 Eylül
( kõsa bir süre için)
Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Aksaray, Şişli,
Beşiktaş,Tramvay hatlarõ
işçileri (Dersaadet
Tramvay Şirketi )
İstanbul
13 15-16 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Aksaray, Şişli, Beşiktaş,
Tramvay hatlarõ işçileri
(Dersaadet Tramvay
Şirketi )
İstanbul
14 12 Ağustos Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Vapurlara kömür yükleyen
işçiler
İstanbul
15 15-16 Ağustos Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Rõhtõm işçileri Beyrut 105
16 17 Ağustos Gõda Fõrõn işçileri İstanbul
17 22-31 Ağustos Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Rõhtõm işçileri Beyrut 105
18 Ağustos ilk yarõsõ Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Tramvay sürücü ve işçileri İzmir
19 Ağustos ilk yarõsõ
Eylül ortasõ
Ağaç Marangoz işçileri İzmir
20 Ağustos ilk yarõsõ Dokuma “Levant” Sanayi Şirketi
iplikçi ve boyacõ işçileri
İzmir
21 Ağustos ilk yarõsõ Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Rõhtõm işçileri Midilli
63
22 Ağustos ilk yarõsõ Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Rõhtõm işçileri Varna
23 Ağustos ortasõ Gõda Tütün ticarethane ve
atölye işçileri
Samsun 1500
24 17 Ağustos Enerji Üsküdar- Kadõköy Su
Şirketi işçileri
İstanbul
25 18 Ağustos Dokuma Yedikule İplik Fabrikasõ
işçileri
İstanbul
26 18 Ağustos Gõda Üsküdar Su Şirketi işçileri İstanbul
27 18 Ağustos Basõn Yayõn Galata’da ismi belli
olmayan bir matbaanõn
işçileri
İstanbul
28 19 Ağustos Çimento Linardos(?) Çimento
fabrikasõ işçileri
İstanbul 24
29 19-20 Ağustos Basõn ve
Yayõn
Galata Bölgesi
Mürettipleri
İstanbul
30 22 Ağustos Gõda İstanbul fõrõnlarõ hamurcu
pişirici ve çõraklarõ
50
31 16 Eylül Gõda İstanbul fõrõnlarõ hamurcu
pişirici ve çõraklarõ
00
32 23 Ağustos Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Şark Demiryollarõ Şirketi
gündelikçi işçileri
Üsküp
34 18-25 Ağustos Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri Selanik
35 Eylül başõ 11 eylül Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri Selanik
36 24-25 Eylül Gõda “Olympos”buz fabrikasõ
işçileri
Selanik
37 25 Ağustos ( yeniden
)
Çimento
toprak cam
“Olympos” buz fabrikasõ
işçileri
Selanik
38 24 Ağustos Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Şark Demiryollarõ Şirketi
gündelikçi işçileri
Selanik
39 24 Ağustos Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Selanik-İstanbul Hattõ
Demiryolu şirketi iskele
işçileri
Selanik
40 24 Ağustos Gõda Fõrõn işçileri Selanik 1000
41 Ağustos Gõda Sabun imalâthaneleri
işçileri
Selanik 500
42 Ağustos Çimento
toprak cam
“Allatini” Biriket ve tuğla
Fabrikasõ işçileri
Selanik 2000
64
43 Ağustos Gõda “Allatini” Un Fabrikasõ Selanik 100
44 Ağustos Konaklama ve eğlence
yerleri
“Olympos” Bira Fabrikasõişçileri
Selanik 120
45 Ağustos Gõda Tütün Rejisi Sigara
Fabrikasõ işçileri
Selanik 500
46 Ağustos Gemi
( yapõmõ)
Tersane İşçileri Selanik 800
47 Ağustos Ticaret,
büro, eğitim
ve güzel
sanatlar
“Orosdi- Back” mağazasõ
postacõ ve komileri
Selanik 95
48 Ağustos Metal “Benforado” teneke
imalâthanesi
Selanik 22
49 Ağustos sonu
9 Eylül
Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Selanik-Manastõr hattõ
demiryolu şirketi işçileri
Selanik ve
Manastõr
50 28 Ağustos
(24 saat)
Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Sirkeci şimendifer
Fabrikasõ işçileri
İstanbul
51 28 Ağustos Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Yedikule şimendifer
Fabrikasõ işçileri
İstanbul 200
52 28 Ağustos
11 Eylül
Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Selanik- İstanbul hattõ
şirketi memur ve işçileri
Selanik
Dedeağaç
İstanbul
( Sirkeci)
1500
53 18 Eylül ( yeniden) Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Selanik- İstanbul hattõ
şirketi memur ve işçileri
Selanik
Dedeağaç
İstanbul
( Sirkeci)
1500
54 31 Ağustos
4 Eylül
Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
İzmir- Aydõn Demiryolu
Şirketi memur ve işçileri
Aydõn ve
İzmir
55 1-4 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
İzmir- Aydõn Demiryolu
Şirketi memur ve işçileri
Aydõn-Dinar Hattõ memur
ve işçileri
Aydõn ve
Dinar
56 5 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Rumeli Demiryolu
çalõşanlarõ
İstanbul
65
57 Eylül’ün ikinci
Haftasõnda
( 24 saatlik grev)
Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
İzmir- Aydõn Demiryolu
Şirketi memur ve işçileri
İzmir,Ayd
õn ve
Dinar
58 26 Eylül-7 Ekim Demiryolu taşõmacõlõğõ
İzmir- Aydõn Demiryolu Şirketi memur ve işçileri
İzmir,Ayd õnve
Dinar
59 Eylül başõ Haberleşme Devlet Telgraf İdaresi
memur ve işçileri
Selanik
60 Eylül başõ Gõda Tütün ticarethanesi
işçileri
Selanik
61 Eylül başõ
11 Eylül
Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Elektrikli tramvay Şirketi
işçileri
Selanik
62 Eylül başõ Dokuma “Bouted” Kardeşler İpek
İplik Atölyeleri işçileri
Gevgeli 200
63 2 Eylül Deri Kazlõçeşme
Debbağhaneleri işçileri
İstanbul
64 5 Eylül Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
Şirket-i hayriye Fabrikasõ
işçileri
İstanbul
65 5-9 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
İzmir- Göztepe Tramvay
Şirketi işçileri
İzmir
66 9 Eylül Ticaret Büro
Eğitim ve
güzel
sanatlar
“Errera”mağazalarõ
işçileri
Selanik
67 10-12 Eylül Ticaret Büro
Eğitim ve
güzel
sanatlar
Yunanlõlara ait tüm
bakkal, şarküteri berber
dükkanlarõ çõrak
Kalfa ve işçileri
Selanik
68 10-12 Eylül Konaklama
ve eğlence
yerleri
Yunanlõlara ait tüm
kahvehane birahane otel
lokanta ve gazino işçileri
Selanik
69 Eylül’ün ilk
Yarõsõ
Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
Hamidiye Şirketi İzmir
Körfezi Vapur İşletmesi
İşçileri
İzmir
70 13 Eylül Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri Kavala 12000
71 13 Eylül Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri Drama 2000
66
72 14-18 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Anadolu-Bağdat
Demiryolu şirketi
Memur ve işçileri
İstanbul
Eskişehir
Ankara
Konya
Bulgurlu
(Sadece
İstanbul’d
a
900 grevci
73 14 Eylül Madencilik Zonguldak-Ereğli Kömür Madeni Şirketi İşçileri
Zonguldak ve ere
Ereğli
74 Eylül ortasõ Gõda Tütün Ticarethane
ve atölye işçileri
Samsun
75 14 Eylül Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
Şirket-i hayriye deniz
İşçileri(makinist, tayfa,
kaptan, memur ve işçileri
İstanbul
76 23 Eylül Gemi
(yapõmõ )
Şirket-i Hayriye Hasköy
Tersanesi işçileri
İstanbul
77 15 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
İzmir-Kasaba ve Temdidi
Demiryolu Şirketi işçileri
İzmir ve
Kasaba
78 17 Eylül Deniz
taşõmacõlõğõ
İdare-i mahsusa deniz
işçileri
İstanbul
79 17 Eylül Basõn ve
yayõn
Matbuat işçileri İstanbul
80 Eylül ortasõ Enerji Havagazõ işçileri Selanik
81 Eylül ortasõ Basõn ve
yayõn
Matbaa işçileri Selanik
82 Eylül ortasõ Gõda Şeker imalâthaneleri
işçileri
Selanik
83 Eylül ortasõ Dokuma Deri mağazalarõ işçileri Selanik
84 Eylül ortasõ Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Gümrük yükleme
Boşaltma işçileri
Midilli
85 18-21 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Şark demiryollarõ şirketi
Memur ve işçileri
İstanbul
( Sirkeci )
Edirne
Mustafapa
şa
Selanik
Mitrovitza
Üsküp ve
Zibektşe
3000
67
86 22 Eylül
Ekim başõ
Tecaret büro “Orosdi- Back”mağazalarõ
işçileri
İstanbul 1500
87 22 Eylül
Ekim başõ
Tecaret büro “Orosdi- Back”mağazalarõ
işçileri
Selanik
88 23 Eylül Dokuma Feshane-i Âmire memur
ve işçileri
İstanbul
89 27-29 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Beyrut-Şam Hama ve
Temdidi Demiryolu şirketi
Memur ve işçileri
Beyrut,
Şam,
Rayak,
Halep
90 30 Eylül Genel işler İstanbul belediyesi 1.
Daire temizlik işçileri
İstanbul
91 Eylül sonu Madencilik Balya-Karaaydõn simli
Kurşun madeni işçileri
Balya-
Karaaydõn
92 Eylül sonu Madencilik Ergani Bakõr Madeni
Şirketi işçileri
Ergani
93 Eylül sonu Gõda Sabunhane ve Zeytinyağõ
İmalâthaneleri işçileri
Midilli
94 Eylül sonu Ticaret,
Büro
“Au bon Marche”
mağazalarõ işçileri
İstanbul
95 Eylül sonu Ticaret,
Büro
“Au Lion” mağazalarõ
işçileri
İstanbul
96 Eylül sonu Dokuma Hareke dokuma fabrikasõ
işçileri
Hareke
97 Eylül sonu Gõda Fõrõn işçileri Manastõr
98 Eylül sonu Metal “Singer” şirketi işçileri Üsküp
99 Eylül sonu Gõda Reji Tütün işçileri Ksanthi
100 Eylül sonu Ticaret,
Büro
“Errera” mağazalarõ
işçileri
İzmir
101 Eylül sonu Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Hasan Ağa deposu
işçileri
Ksanthi
102 Eylül sonu Çimento
toprak
Cam
Kireçocağõ işçileri Kireçköy
( Selanik )
103 Eylül sonu Tarõm Pamuk işçileri Adana
104 Ekim başõ Dokuma Yazmacõ çõrak kalfa ve
işçileri
İstanbul
68
105 Ekim başõ Çimento
toprak
Cam
Büyükdere Tuğla
Harmanlarõ işçileri
İstanbul
106 Ekim başõ Dokuma Terzihaneler çõrak ve
işçileri
Midilli
107 Ekim başõ Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri Samsun
108 2-4 Ekim Enerji Beyrut gaz şirketi işçileri Beyrut
109 4 Ekim Gõda Fõrõn İşçileri İstanbul
110 4 Ekim Genel İşler İstanbul belediyesi 6.
Daire temizlik işçileri
İstanbul
111 13 Ekim Konaklama
ve eğlence
yerleri
“Londra” birahanesi
garsonlarõ
İstanbul
112 14-16 Ekim Konaklama
ve eğlence
yerleri
“Tokatlõyan” işletmeci
garsonlarõ
İstanbul
113 16 Ekim Konaklama
ve eğlence
yerleri
“Yani” Birahanesi
garsonlarõ
İstanbul
114 16 Ekim Konaklama
ve eğlence
yerleri
“Pera Palas” garson ve
işçileri
İstanbul
115 20 Ekim-22 Ekim
( yeniden )
Konaklama
ve eğlence
yerleri
“Pera Palas” garson ve
işçileri
İstanbul
116 16 Ekim Konaklama
ve eğlence
yerleri
Beyoğlu kahvehane
garsonlarõ
İstanbul
117 30 Ekim Madencilik Foça maden işçileri Foça
118 5 Aralõk Basõn ve
yayõn
Matbaa işçileri Kudüs
119 20 Aralõk Demiryolu
Taşõmacõlõğõ
Şişli Tramvay hattõnda
çalõşanlar
İstanbul
Sources: Güzel, “İşçi Hareketleri ve Grevler”, 1985, pp.811-815/ Kırpık, pp.256-263
Table 3:The Strikes in 1909-1914
69
Grev nr. Yõllar Başlangõç ve
bitiş tarihleri
İşkollarõ İşletme/ şirket/işyeri/
İşçi grubu
Kent Grevci
sayõsõ
1 1909 20 Mart Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Gümrük hamallarõ İstanbul 8000
2 1909 Mart sonlarõ Cam sanayi Paşabahçe şişe
fabrikasõ işçileri
İstanbul
3 1909 3 Nisan Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Rõhtõm işçileri İstanbul
4 1909 Nisan ortalarõ Gemi yapõmõ Tersane işçileri İstanbul
5 1909 10 Haziran
( 24 saat )
Madencilik Zonguldak- Ereğli
Kömür
Madeni Şirketi
işçileri
Kelik /
Zonguldak
6 1909 3 Kasõm Gõda sanayi Hasan Ağa Tütün
deposu İşçileri
Ksanthi 62
7 1909 Kasõm Ticaret Büro “ Errera” mağazalarõ
işçileri
İzmir 67
8 1910 Mart sonu
Nisan başlarõ
Demiryolu
Taşõmacõlõğõ
Dersaadet Tarmvay
Şirketi çalõşanlarõ
İstanbul
9 1910 18-22 Mayõs Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Dersaadet
Tramvay
Şirketi işçileri
İstanbul
10 1910 20 Mayõs Dokuma Terzihane işçileri İstanbul
11 1910 Mayõs Gõda sanayii Tütün rejisi işçileri İstanbul
12 1910 Mayõs Deri Kundura
imalâthaneleri
İşçileri
İstanbul 420
13 1910 17 Haziran
1 Ağustos
Deri Kazlõçeşme
debbağhaneleri
işçileri
İstanbul
14 1910 21 Haziran Deri “Recep Aslan “
kundura
imalâthanesi işçileri
Selanik 59
15 1910 8 Temmuz Dokuma Terzihaneler işçileri Selanik 93
16 1910 Temmuz Madencilik Zonguldak- Ereğli
Kömür Madeni Şirketi
işçileri
Zonguldak
17 1910 18 Ağustos Dokuma Bursa ve Bilecik ipek
ve halõ fabrikalarõ
işçileri
Bursa ve
Bilecik
70
18 1910 23 Ağustos Deri Kundura
imalâthaneleri
İşçileri
Üsküp
19 1910 23 Ağustos Deri Kundura
imalâthaneleri
İşçileri
Topolov
20 1910 Ağustos Dokuma “Kazas” İplik
fabrikasõ işçileri
Dihovo
Manastõr
21 1910 30 Ağustos Dokuma İpek işçileri Bursa 3000
22 1910 30 Ağustos Dokuma İpek işçileri Bilecik 1000
23 1911 10 Ekim Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
İstanbul Limanõ
hamallarõ
İstanbul Yaklaşõ
k 2.000
24 1910 11 Ekim Madencilik Zonguldak- Ereğli
Kömür
Madeni Şirketi
işçileri
Zonguldak 500
25 1910 Ekim sonu Metal Şemsiye atölyeleri
işçileri
İstanbul
26 1911 Ocak Basõn ve
yayõn
Samardziev”Matbaas
õ işçileri
Selanik
27 1911 Mart sonu
Nisan başõ
Gõda Drama ve Kavala
Herzog Mağzalarõ
işçileri
Drama ve
Kavala
28 1911 Mart sonu
Nisan başõ
Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri Selanik
29 1911 Mart sonu
Nisan başõ
Gõda Cibali Tütün rejisi
işçileri
İstanbul 2300
veya
3000
30 1911 Nisan Metal “ Augsburg”
fabrikasõ işçileri
İstanbul
31 1911 Mayõs Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri İskece 5000
32 1911 Haziran Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
Şark Demiryollarõ
Şirketi işçileri
İstanbul
(Sirkeci) Mustafapaşa
33
1911 22 Temmuz Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
İzmir-Kasaba ve
temdidi
Demiryolu Şirketi
İşçileri
İzmir
Kasaba
Afyonkarahi
sar
1500
34 1911 3 Eylül Gõda İstanbul un fabrikasõ
işçileri
İstanbul
71
35 1911 Kasõm başõ Basõn ve
yayõn
Selanik matbaa
işçileri
Selanik
36 1911 Kasõm ortasõ Madencilik Zonguldak-Ereğli
Kömür
Madeni şirketi işçileri
Zonguldak 120
37 1912 9 Mayõs Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri Drama 2000
38 1912 Temmuz İnşaat Yol inşaatõnda
çalõşan
İşçiler
İznik
39 1912 Ağustos Gõda Tütün rejisi işçileri İstanbul
40 1913 6 Eylül Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Liman işçileri
vapurlara
Kömür yükleyen
işçiler
İzmir
41 1913 Eylül Demiryolu
taşõmacõlõğõ
İzmir-Aydõn
Demiryolu
Şirketi işçileri
İzmir
42 1913 Eylül Ardiye ve
antrepoculuk
Yemiş çarşõsõ
sandalcõlarõ
İzmir
43 1914 Şubat Madencilik Zonguldak- Ereğli
Kömür
Madeni şirketi işçileri
Zonguldak 10000
Sources: Güzel, “İşçi Hareketi ve Grevler,” p.818 / Kırpık, pp.265-267
Table 4: The Strikes between 1919 and 1922
72
Source: Güzel, “Türkiye’de İşçi Hareketleri”, 1996, pp.111-112
73
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