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INSANITYThe Ineffectiveness of the USA Embargo against Cuba
Andrew Nicholas Estevez
INS 566Major Issues in U.S.-Latin American Relations
Dr. Ambler MossFALL 2013
Andrew Nicholas Estevez
Insanity: Doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.
- Albert Einstein
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Andrew Nicholas Estevez
It has been over fifty years since the United States imposed an embargo against Cuba on
February 7, 1962. The intent of the embargo was to constrict development in order to eventually
eradicate communist leadership on the island. Decades later, there has been no improvement
in the quality of life of the Cuban people, and still, the same communist regime reigns. The
embargo has been extremely unsuccessful in fulfilling its purpose, and it would be insane to
allow it to continue another decade expecting different results. It is imperative that we wash
away old ineffective policies and begin considering alternative diplomatic methods of
dethroning the communist government in Cuba.
BACKGROUND
The Spanish-American war culminated in 1898 with the U.S. winning the rights to
Spain’s territories including Guam, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. The U.S. subsequently granted Cuba
its independence, while retaining a perpetual lease on its naval base at Guantánamo Bay. For
the next half-century the two countries were relatively cooperative as the U.S. helped to
suppress rebellions and heavily invested in the economy of its Caribbean neighbor. Cuba
became a hot-spot for Americans looking for a tranquil escape. One of the most famous
American icons of the era was Ernest Hemingway, who lived in Cuba for 22 years and wrote his
masterpiece, The Old Man and the Sea, at his villa just outside of Havana.
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Andrew Nicholas Estevez
A NEW WAVE
The Cuban Revolution changed everything. After several years and many attempts, Fidel
Castro and his band of guerillas successfully overthrew the government of President General
Fulgencio Batista on January 1, 1959. The Eisenhower Administration had supported Castro’s
rebellion by imposing an arms embargo in 1958 against Batista's government. The U.S.
immediately recognized the new regime; in the meantime the CIA began its campaign aimed at
overthrowing the new government.1 In April of 1960, then - Prime Minister Castro, visited the
U.S. and met with Vice President Richard Nixon where they discussed democracy and
dictatorship2. During his tour of America he visited a few universities and spoke at a rally in New
York. In a memorandum published in his memoirs, Nixon said that “it was apparent that as far
as his [Castro’s] visit to the United States was concerned his primary interest was not to get a
change in the sugar quota or to get a government loan but to win support for his policies from
American public opinion.” This was the last moment of perceived alliance between the U.S. and
Cuba.
In 1960, relations were agitated as Castro's government seized private land and
nationalized hundreds of private companies, many of which were American-owned. Cuba
expropriated thousands of acres owned by U.S. sugar companies, and the U.S. responded by
burning tons of Cuban sugar cane fields and bombing sugar mills. Cuba then reached out to the
1 Franklin, Jane. The Cuban Revolution and the United States: A Chronological History. Melbourne, Vic., Australia: Ocean, 1992.
Print, 24.2 Safford, Jeffrey J. "The Nixon-Castro Meeting of 19 April 1959." Diplomatic History 4.4 (1980): 425-31. Print.
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Andrew Nicholas Estevez
Soviet Union and China and established trade agreements to secure their sugar industry.
President Eisenhower followed by canceling Cuba’s sugar quota, ceasing all imports of Cuban
sugar in his first economic sanction against Cuba. A few months later Eisenhower’s
administration declares a partial embargo on all exports to Cuba. Vice President Richard Nixon
described the policy as an “all-out quarantine – economically, politically, and diplomatically –
against the Castro regime.”3 In response, Cuba nationalized all remaining U.S. property in Cuba.
By 1961, the U.S. had severed all diplomatic relations with Cuba, and has arranged for
Switzerland to act as a mediator of communication ever since.
PIGS AND SEASHELLS
The early 1960’s are marked with numerous attempts to overthrow the Castro regime.
By far the most infamous attempt would be what is referred to as The Bay of Pigs. After nearly
decimating the Cuban air force in previous days’ bombings, early in the morning of April 17 th,
1961, approximately 1,400 brigadistas arrived at Playa Girón from Bahia de Cochinos (Bay of
Pigs) on the southern coast of Cuba. The group of Cuban exiles were trained in Guatemala by
the CIA and intended to establish a strong hold at the beach and hold off counter attack until
they linked up with anti-Castro rebels within Cuba. The U.S. had invested millions of dollars to
provide tons of supplies and arms to support what was supposed to seem like a Cuban-led
attack.4 Unfortunately their secret was far from clandestine, and Castro’s military forces
awaited the impending invasion at Playa Girón. Within 72 hours Castro’s army had sunk U.S.
3 Franklin, Jane. The Cuban Revolution and the United States: A Chronological History. Melbourne, Vic., Australia: Ocean, 1992.
Print, 35.4 Rodríguez, Cruz Juan Carlos. The Bay of Pigs and the CIA / by Juan Carlos Rodriguez ; Translated by Mary Todd. Melbourne,
Vic.: Ocean, 1999. 51.
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Andrew Nicholas Estevez
supply ships, and destroyed two B-26 bombers which were later used by Castro to prove that it
was an American attack.5 The CIA’s botched attempt was a horrific failure – from infiltration
teams who had that been captured before battle, to the unexpected lack of upheaval from
rebels within Cuba. Perhaps the biggest losses of the battle were that, for the exile community,
it symbolized their betrayal by the U.S. government from whom they mistakenly expected
military support, and for the Cuban government, it proved its ability to defend itself against the
United States.6
In the following years, Operation Mongoose was composed of a series of increasingly
far-fetched covert attempts on Castro's life. Throughout the 1960s there were at least five plots
to kill or humiliate the Cuban leader. The comical attempts included exploding seashells,
poisoned cigars, and even shoes dusted with chemicals to make his beard fall out.7 The plans
never worked, besides making Castro angry as ever toward the United States.
CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS
The most heated period in the countries' relationship transpired throughout a 12 day
nuclear stand-off beginning on October 15, 1962 when U.S. spy planes discovered evidence that
the Soviet Union was building missile bases in Cuba. This would be forever referred to as the
Cuban Missile Crisis. President Kennedy immediately responded by ordering a naval blockade of
5 Blight, James G., and Peter Kornbluh. Politics of Illusion: The Bay of Pigs Invasion Reexamined. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner
Pub., 1998. 3.6 Blight, James G., and Peter Kornbluh. Politics of Illusion: The Bay of Pigs Invasion Reexamined. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner
Pub., 1998. 119.7 Rodríguez, Cruz Juan Carlos. The Bay of Pigs and the CIA / by Juan Carlos Rodriguez ; Translated by Mary Todd. Melbourne,
Vic.: Ocean, 1999. 146.
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Andrew Nicholas Estevez
the island, but carefully decided to call this action “quarantine” to avoid implementing an act of
war. In 1989, Soviet officials confirmed that there were 20 nuclear warheads in Cuba with 20
others on a ship that turned back because of the blockade.8 The stand-off ended only when
Soviet Prime Minister Nikita Khrushchev and President Kennedy came to terms on an
agreement stipulating that the Soviets would remove their missiles from Cuba if the U.S. ended
the blockade, pledged not to invade Cuba, as well as remove its nuclear missiles stationed in
Turkey.
EL MARIEL
In April 1980, thousands of Cubans rushed to the Peruvian Embassy which began
offering asylum.9 Overwhelmed, they closed their doors and Castro then announced that
anyone who wanted to leave could do so through its northwestern port – Mariel Harbor. Over
the next six months, a mass exodus of over 125,000 Cubans squeezed onto boats and made
their way to the U.S. in a mass flotilla. Taking advantage of the mass exodus, Castro decided to
release over 20,000 criminals and chronically-ill people from hospitals and insane asylums
amidst the migratory wave.10
CUBAN ACTIVISM IN AFRICA
8 Franklin, Jane. The Cuban Revolution and the United States: A Chronological History. Melbourne, Vic., Australia: Ocean, 1992.
Print, 57.9 Franklin, Jane. The Cuban Revolution and the United States: A Chronological History. Melbourne, Vic., Australia: Ocean, 1992.
Print, 147.10 Montaner, Carlos Alberto., and Carlos Alberto. Montaner. Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution: Age, Position, Character,
Destiny, Personality, and Ambition. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Pub., 2007. Print, 118.
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In 1975, Castro sent thousands of Cuban armed forces to Angola to support the
communist MPLA movement fighting against South African invasion backed by the U.S.. Castro
stated that the Cuban forces’ successful intervention in Angola was a great crusade in the third
world to help free the people from the misery and oppression that tormented them.11 Their
efforts in Africa were not only a means to satiate the compulsive revolutionary’s devotion to his
cause, but it was also an opportunity to take on the Yankees, and fight against U.S. influence
abroad.
HELMS-BURTON
The United States’ relations with Cuba had begun to thaw somewhat until February
1996, during President Clinton’s administration, when the Cuban military shot down two U.S.
civilian airplanes killing four Cuban exile pilots. Although Cuba claimed that they were flying
over Cuban waters12, the U.S. maintained that they were over international waters, and the
commercial planes flying in the daytime posed no threat to Cuba. This resulted in perhaps the
most assertive move of the United States during the 1990s designed to further isolate Cuba, to
strengthen the trade embargo against it, and to extend U.S. legislation to punish foreign
companies investing simultaneously in the United States and Cuba. Despite vigorous opposition
from the main trading partners of the United States, including the European Union and Canada,
the Helms-Burton Act (also known as the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act) was
signed into law by Congress on March 12, 1996. The law extended sanctions to all non-U.S.
11 Gleijeses, Piero. The Cuban Drumbeat: Castro's Worldview : Cuban Foreign Policy in a Hostile World. London: Seagull, 2009.
Print, 24.12 Cuba says airplanes were in violation of the law (1996). . Washington, D.C., United States, Washington, D.C.: National Public
Radio. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/189883915?accountid=14585.
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companies that did any business with Cuba, and allowed U.S. citizens to sue foreign companies
for dealing in expropriated U.S. property in Cuba.13
CHANGING TIDES
In the last decade we have seen the U.S. give slack to restrictions on Cuba. In the 2001
aftermath of Hurricane Michelle, an agreement to sell food and medicine was put into effect.
Today, the United States is Cuba's main food supplier, with sales reaching $710 million in
2008.14 During President Obama's administration he has lifted remittances and travel
restrictions for those with family in Cuba. This has symbolized a significant change in the U.S.'s
position toward the island. Another significant change in policy was that Obama began allowing
telecommunications companies to expand business to Cuba, which still had roughly the same
number of telephone lines as it did in the 1950s.
Despite the relaxing of sanctions, the most recent case of hostility towards the U.S.
came in late 2009 when Cuban officials arrested Alan Gross, a subcontractor for the United
States Agency for International Development (USAID). He was arrested in Havana while helping
Cuba's Jewish community get better access to the Internet. A Cuban court last year found him
guilty of participating in a "subversive project of the U.S. government that aimed to destroy the
revolution through the use of communications systems out of the control of authorities," and
sentenced him to 15 years in prison. He has languished in a military hospital ever since.15 Cuba
13 "Helms-Burton Act." Gale Encyclopedia of U.S. Economic History. Ed. Thomas Carson and Mary Bonk. Detroit: Gale, 1999. Gale
U.S. History In Context. Web. 5 Dec. 2012.14 Frank, Marc. "U.S. Food Sales to Cuba Soar 61 Percent in 2008." Reuters. Thomson Reuters, 11 Feb. 2009. Web. 02 Dec. 2012.
15 "Release Alan Gross." New York Times, Mar 21, 2012. http://search.proquest.com/docview/929160521?accountid=14585.
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has used Mr. Gross as a bargaining chip in exchange for the “Cuban Five” – a group of five
Cuban spies convicted in 2001 for espionage in Miami, Fl. This was an irrational offer such that
there is no comparison between the crimes of Mr. Gross (if any) and the “Cuban Five”.
Another prime example of Cuban oppression and disregard for human rights can be
examined through the situation faced by Jorge Luis Garcia Perez, aka – Antunez. In 2012,
Antunez was attacked, beaten, and jailed by Cuban security less than a week after testifying via
tele-conference during a Senate Foreign Relations' Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere
Affairs hearing. Following reports that Cuban authorities detained and viciously beat the
freedom advocate and former political prisoner, U.S. Senator Marco Rubio issued a statement
saying that “it is clear that he has been jailed and savagely beaten by criminals working for the
Castro regime because he testified before the Senate last week… all threats and acts of violence
against him and his family must stop, as they should with any Cubans who are simply
demanding their God-given rights.”16
Cuba’s actions throughout history have demonstrated that the Castro regime has no
consideration for the American perspective of their decisions. It seems like every time the U.S.
takes a step towards diplomacy, the Cuban government takes a step in the opposite direction.
Unfortunately, U.S. economic and diplomatic sanctions have had no effect on the decision
making process of the Cuban government to this point. After 50 years of embargo they still
revel at any opportunity to oppose the United States in any way imaginable. Why is that so?
SALTY RELATIONS
16 "Senator Rubio Comments on the Beating of Cuban Freedom Advocate Jorge Luis Garcia Perez Antunez." Targeted News
Service, Jun 11, 2012. http://search.proquest.com/docview/1019853658?accountid=14585.
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It has been said that poverty and rationing are arms used by totalitarian repression.
Through rationing, the government becomes a powerful entity whose kindness, the citizens’
hunger and happiness depend. Rebellious Cubans have lost their ration cards for many different
reasons. Enormous power emanates from controlling the key to the cupboard in a country
where no one can hoard more foodstuffs than are necessary for a 72-hour supply.17 The
strategy of Castro’s communist government has been to control the minds of the masses by
keeping the people hungry. It is nearly impossible to find any published statistics about the
number of Cubans who live in poverty, but there are millions of Cubans who live off less than 20
pesos per month, and 11 million who are subject to food rationing. In Figure 1, you can see how
food rations significantly diminished when Castro’s communist regime assumed power. Cubans
spend their days worrying about where their next meal will come from; they do not have time
nor energy to organize political movements.
The Castro regime has long blamed the U.S. and the embargo for the plight of the Cuban
people and the dilapidated condition of their country. Ironically, what began as an alternative
to war during Kennedy’s administration, has been interpreted a sign of belligerence against the
communist party. In turn it has fostered a significant outcry of dissent from Cuban leaders who
publicly condemn the Yankees, while obsessing about their ardent desires for relations with the
United States. Although mistaken, the Cuban leaders cling to the consolation that relations with
Washington will alleviate the economic situation and bring new prosperity.18 This is the
17 Montaner, Carlos Alberto., and Carlos Alberto. Montaner. Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution: Age, Position, Character,
Destiny, Personality, and Ambition. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Pub., 2007. Print. 77.18 Montaner, Carlos Alberto., and Carlos Alberto. Montaner. Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution: Age, Position, Character,
Destiny, Personality, and Ambition. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Pub., 2007. Print. 169.
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Andrew Nicholas Estevez
explanation provided to Cuban citizens regarding their plight – as if their conditions are the
direct consequence of the U.S. economic resistance which has forced them to live in such poor
circumstances. The fact is that Cuba trades with every other country in the western
hemisphere, and has every opportunity to provide the quality of life that the Cuban people
rightfully deserve. The Cuban government violates the human rights of their people every day
by not allowing them access to the abundance the modern world offers.
SAILING AHEAD
The fate of the embargo rests in the sensitive hands of politicians. For some time
American politicians have supported the embargo in an attempt to win voters. As usual, Florida
was a critical state during the 2000 elections, and no presidential candidate would dare anger
Cuban-American voters or antagonize funders by mentioning a policy revision concerning Cuba.
Although policy experts, academics, business people, humanitarians, and other Cuba experts
who advocate improved relations with Havana dominate intellectual debates, their point of
view was not boosted into the political arena until the immigration case of the boy Elian
Gonzalez.19
There is now a growing majority of people who agree with a change in policy. A 2011
Florida International University survey found that 65% of people surveyed in Miami-Dade
County would like the U.S. to re-establish relations with Cuba.20 That means there are still a
19 Erisman, H. Michael., and John M. Kirk. Redefining Cuban Foreign Policy: The Impact of the "Special Period" Gainesville, FL:
University of Florida, 2006. 317. Print.
20 "2008 Cuba/US Transition Poll." 2008 Cuba/US Transition Poll. Florida International University, 2008. Web. 02 Dec. 2012.
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large number of people out there unaware of the potential positive effects of lifting the
embargo.
ROCKING THE BOAT
Americans may be the last ones on the boat when it comes to seeing things from this
perspective; the international community has called for an end to the embargo for a long time
now – 22 straight years in fact! “On October 29th, 2013 – for the 22nd consecutive year – at the
United Nations, the General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for an end to the economic,
commercial and financial blockade imposed by the United States against Cuba. By a vote of 188
in favour to two against (Israel and the United States) with three abstentions (Marshall Islands,
the Federated States of Micronesia and Palau), the Assembly reiterated its call to the U.S. to
refrain from promulgating and applying laws and measures not conforming with their obligations
to reaffirm freedom of trade and navigation.”21
The echos are finally being heard by both sides within the U.S. political arena as we can
now find congressmen such as Arizona Representative Jeff Flake (Republican) who
enthusiastically speaks out on the issue. As recently as November 2013, while giving a speech at
a fundraiser in Miami, President Obama (Democrat) said that when it comes to our relationship
with Cuba, we have to be creative, we have to be thoughtful, and we have to continue to
update our policies22. His words signal that the tides are finally beginning to change in U.S.
policy.
21 "UN General Assembly Renews Call for End to US Embargo against Cuba." UN News Center. UN, 29 Oct. 2013. Web. 22 "Obama Makes Tepid Call for Change in US Policy on Cuba - Havana Times.org."Havana Timesorg Obama Makes Tepid Call for Change in US Policy on Cuba Comments. Web.
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An end to the political strife will not be summoned by a simple stroke of a pen. Many
people still believe in the embargo’s symbolism as a consequence for the human rights
violations of the Castro Regime. Although American politicians are now beginning to call for an
effective policy shift, that does not mean there will be any political softening in the near future.
As Cuba annually vies for an invitation to the Summit of the Americas, a place at the table will
not be set without U.S. approval. At the 2012 summit in Cartagena, Colombian President Juan
Manuel Santos had to navigate the treacherous issue, and in the end he did not extend an
invitation to Cuba. Instead he offered to make it a “high-level” summit topic.23 President Santos
attempted to gain the U.S.’s approval of allowing Cuba to come to the table, but to no avail.
While Obama hopes a change will come soon, he stood firm beside the Inter-American
Democratic Charter adopted on September 11th, 2001. The charter, established by the
Organization of American States, aims to uphold and strengthen democratic institutions within
the Americas, and excludes Cuba from the OAS until they adhere to the explicit standards set
therein the charter. The event did not go without backlash from outspoken proponents of the
embargo: A press release on Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen’s website expressed her
disappointment with President Santos’ request for U.S. Concessions to the “Brutal” Castro
Regime. The congresswoman proposed that “Instead of the U.S. softening its policy toward
Cuba, it should be the Castro brothers who must end their oppression of the Cuban people.”24
FRIENDLY SEAS
23 Padgett, Tim. "Can Colombias Santos Solve the Cuba Conundrum Comments." TIME World. TIME, 09 Mar. 2012. Web.24 Ros-Lehtinen, Ileana. "Ros-Lehtinen Disappointed That Santos Is Calling for U.S. Concessions to the Brutal Castro Regime." Welcome to Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. 5 Dec. 2013. Web.
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In the minds of many Americans, the embargo is a symbolic middle finger in the face of
Castro and his regime, but maybe it is time to embrace a different idea, and topple the
communist regime with a big bear-hug. Exclusion of the Caribbean island has not prompted
political change, and the U.S. refuses accept Cuba until they live up the standards of democracy.
The half a century long stand-off requires, like President Obama said, a creative solution. Since
“blockade” has been ineffective, then maybe it’s time to try “bombard”. The U.S. has already
begun to bombard Cuba with democracy via the hundreds of thousands of Americans who have
visited Cuba every year since the relaxing of travel restrictions. In the words of United States
Secretary of State, John Kerry, in his remarks on U.S. Policy to the Organization of American
states: “Our people are actually our best ambassadors. They are ambassadors of our ideals, of
our values, of our beliefs.”25 Given a little time, the millions of dollars, and ideas, introduced by
the American travelers will smoothly sail Cuba towards a democratic future.
25 Kerry, John. "Remarks on U.S. Policy in the Western Hemisphere." U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State, 18 Nov. 2013. Web.
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Figure 1
Map of Cuba
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