Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics Jesús Jiménez (Universitat...

Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis

in Western Catalan Clitics

Jesús Jiménez

(Universitat de València)

Workshop on Ibero-Romance

Phonology and Morphology,

UCL, London, 18 March 2014

«The system of pronominal (anaphoric) clitics is possibly the most complex

element of Catalan grammar. »

(Wheeler 2005: 341)

I. Contextual variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/:

em passa ‘s/he passes me’ m’ataca ‘s/he attacks me’ me la passa ‘s/he passes it FEM to

passa’ls ‘pass them ACC MASC’ passar-los ‘to pass them ACC

MASC’ passa-mos-els ‘pass them ACC MASC to

Main difficult issues

II. Dialectal variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/:

em ~ me passa m’ataca me la passa

passa’ls ~ -los passar-los passa-mos-els ~ -mos-los ~ -mo’ls …

III. Polysemic forms: Valencian els /l+z/:

els passa cada dia

them ACC MASC

‘s/he passes them every day’

els passa la sal

them DAT

‘s/he passes them the salt’

IV. Non-transparent –syncretic– forms, even in Valencian (mostly compositional):

Standard Valencian: els els passa ‘to them them ACC MASC’

Alternate outcomes (only Valencian ones):

li ‘ls passa lit. ‘to him/her them ACC MASC’

els ho passa lit. ‘to them that’

li ho passa lit. ‘to him/her that ’

li ho’s passa lit. ‘to him/her that PL’

«M’he passat la nit somiant

amb els pronoms febles. »

(Martí, Poble Nou, 1994)

«Last night I had a thousand nigthmares...

about weak pronouns!»

Problems learning pronouns? No wonder

I. Contextual variation

II. Dialectal variation

The ‘choice’ of epenthetic vowels

Main focus of this talk: Variation

The syllabification of pronominal clitics obeys the Economy Principle:

E.g. epenthetic vowels are only inserted when necessary & where necessary.

A variation OT can deal with

Previously studied in a derivational model: Wheeler (1979), Viaplana (1980), Colomina (1985), Mascaró (1986), DeCesaris (1987), Todolí (1988, 1992, 1994), Bonet (1991, 1993), Morales & Prieto (1992), Lloret & Viaplana (1996), Bonet & Lloret (1998a)...

Profusion of OT works: Bonet & Lloret (1995, 1996, 1998b, 2002, 2005), Colina (1995), Jiménez & Todolí (1995), Palmada & Serra (1995), Serra (1996), Jiménez (1997, 1999), Campmany (2008)...

Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

syllable structure

phonological well-formedness conditionssyllable structure

morphological integrity(contiguity)

faithfulness

paradigmatic pressure

faithfulness

/m/ formal iconicity

faithfulness

. . . /m/ formal iconicity

faithfulness

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics (basics) as a conflict between markedness & contiguity constraints

II. Underlying representation of clitics

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

IV. (Morpho)phonologically conditioned allomorph selection

Outline of the presentation

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

/m#pasa/

a. me pása

b. em pása

1. Syllabic well-formedness constraints:

*PEAK/CONS & OTHERS (*σ-STRUC)

*COMPLEXCODA

2. Faithfulness constraints:

REALIZE-MORPHEME

3. Contiguity constraints:

CONTIGUITYSTEM: /stɔp/

CONTIGUITYSTEM/AFFIX: /stɔp+z/, /l+z/

CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC: /m#pasa/, /pasa#m//l#pasa/, /pasa#l//l+z#pasa/, /pasa#l+z/

CONTIGUITYCLITIC/CLITIC: /m#l+a#pasa/

Contiguity over markedness 1: relevant ranking: CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V, ONSET, *CODA

/m#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA

a. me pása *! *

√ b. em pása * * *

/m#ataka/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA

√ a. m atáka

b. me atáka *! * *

c. em atáka * *

Contiguity over markedness 2: ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> *COMPLEX CODA, *CODA

/l#pasa/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL *COMPCODA

a. le pása *!

√ b. el pása *

/lz#pasa/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL *COMPCODA

a. les pása *! *

√ b. els pása * *

The emergency of the unmarked: relevant ranking: CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC >> ONSET, *CODA >> CONTIGUITYCLITIC/CLITIC

/m#pasa/ CONTHOST/

ONSET *CODA CONTCL/CL

a. me pása *!

√ b. em pása * *

/m#l+a#pasa/ CONTHOST/

ONSET *CODA CONTCL/CL

√ a. me la pása * *

b. em la pása * *! *!

II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

1. Option 1: [e] are the product of a phonological process of epenthesis → the 1st person clitic:

- has a single underlying form, /m/,

- different outputs are derived through the application of processes or constraints.

1. Option 1): The results in m’ataca [m atáka], em passa [em

pása] & me la passa [me la pása] can be derived from the ranking of well-founded principles.

The epenthetic vowel [e] & its peripheral position are the same as the vowels appearing:

in patrimonial words:

centre ‘center’ /sentɾ/ [sentɾe]

batre ‘to hit’ /bat+ɾ/ [batɾe] in loanwords: stop /stɔp/ [estɔO p]

2. Option 2: [e] are present underlyingly →

1st person clitic:

- has 3 different allomorphs: /m/, /em/ & /me/

- which are a) either chosen by mere stipulation or b) derived from independently needed constraints.

2. Option 2b): Markedness constraints *CODA & ONSET

favor the winning candidates m’ataca [m atáka] or me la passa [me la pása].

2. Option 2b): In a form such as em passa [em pása]…

...it’s not possible to resort to syllabification for the choice of the allomorph /em/ nor to ground the choice on contiguity constraints, since the vowel of /me/ is now part of the clitic.

/{m, em, me}#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA

√ a. me pása

b. em pása *! *!

2. Option 2:

Hence, at least in some cases, “the choice of one allomorph over another would have to be a mere stipulation” (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 45).

For all these reasons, forms such as /m/ or /l+z/, without the allegedly epenthetic vowels, have been posited as underlying forms for pronominal clitics (cf. Wheeler 1979, Viaplana 1980, Mascaró 1986, Bonet 2002).

Choice based on:1. Segmental markedness (Palmada 1994):

a) Eastern Catalan: featureless vowel, [ə]

b) Western Catalan: two vowels, [e] & sometimes [a]

2. Positional markedness (Lloret & Jiménez 2008, Jiménez & Lloret 2013).

List of possible vowels:

[i] [u]

[e] [o]

[ɛ] [ɔ]

hierarchy

[i] *PEAK[i]

[e] *PEAK[e]

[a] *PEAK[a]

Peak Unstressed

hierarchy peak hierarchy

[i] *PEAK[i]

[e] *PEAK[e]

[a] *PEAK[a]

Peak Unstressed

[i] *PEAK[i] *UNSTRPK[a]

[e] *PEAK[e] *UNSTRPK[e]

[a] *PEAK[a] *UNSTRPK[i]

Peak & Unstressed

[i] *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPK[a]

[e] *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPK[e]

[a] *PEAK[a], *UNSTRPK[i]

Variety I: Standard Valencian

Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word-level…

Word-initially: [e]stop [e]spaguetis

Elsewhere: centr[e] (cf. centr-al) batr[e] (cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)

Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word-level… & in the clitic group:

Proclisis: [e]m passa m[e]l passa

Enclisis: passar-m[e] passa-m[e]l

Ranking: *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPK[a] >> *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPK[e]

/m#pasa/ *PEAK[i]

*UNSTRPK[a]

*PEAK[e]

*UNSTRPK[e]

a. am pása *!

√ b. em pása * *

c. im pása *!

Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian

(Garcia & Beltran 1994, Beltran 2005)

Epenthetic vowel: at the word-level…

[a] word-initially: [a]stop [a]spaguetis

[e] elsewhere: centr[e] (cf. centr-al) batr[e] (cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)

Epenthetic vowel: in the clitic group…

[a] in proclisis: [a]m passa m[a]l passa

[e] in enclisis: passar-m[e] passa-m[e]l

Among unstressed syllables, initial syllables are considered prominent (i.e. peaks)

We can split the *UNSTRPK[α] ranking in two, depending on the site of the epenthesis, i.e. in proclisis or in enclisis: Proclisis:

*UNSTRPKPR[a] >> *UNSTRPKPR[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[i]

Enclisis:*UNSTRPKEN[a] >> *UNSTRPKEN[e] >> *UNSTRPKEN[i]

And order these sub-hierarchies in different ways w.r.t. the general *PEAK[α] ranking.

Enclitic forms; relevant ranking: *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPKEN[a] >> *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPKEN[e]

/pasáɾ#m/ *PEAK[i]

*UNSTRPKEN[a]

*PEAK[e]

*UNSTRPKEN[e]

a. pasáɾ ma *!

√ b. pasáɾ me * *

c. pasáɾ mi *!

Proclitic forms; relevant ranking: IDENT[low], *PEAK[i] >> *PEAK[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[a]

/m#pása/ *IDENT[low] *PEAK[i] *PEAK[e]

*UNSTRPKPR[a]

√ a. am pása *

b. em pása *!

c. im pása *!

Proclitic forms, with underlying vowels; relevant ranking: IDENT[low], *PEAK[i] >> *PEAK[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[a]

/lez#pása/ *IDENT[low] *PEAK[i] *PEAK[e]

*UNSTRPKPR[a]

a. las pása *! *

√ b. les pása *

c. lis pása *!

IV. Allomorph selection

Case study:

Plural masculine accusative

Data (Standard Valencian):

Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: els porta, vos els porta

Enclisis:

[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los

[els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els

Formal interpretation: the clitic pronoun els has two allomorphs (Mascaró 1986; Todolí 1988, 1992; Jiménez 1997):

/l+z/ ~ /l+o+z/

/o/ is a gender morph → not an epenthetic vowel

Following Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró (2007), we assume both allomorphs (/l+z/ & /l+o+z/) are ordered in the lexical entry:

Accusative plural: {/l+z/ > /l+o+z/}

The selection of the first form is enhanced by the PRIORITY constraint, which «demands faithfulness to this ordering, i.e. favors the choice of the unmarked allomorph» (Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró 2007: 906)

Variety I: Standard Valencian

PRIORITY ({l+z > l+o+z}) >> DEP-V

Data (Standard Valencian):

Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: els porta, vos els porta

Enclisis:

[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los

[els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els

Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z}) >> DEP-V/pasa#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V

√ a. pása ls

b. pása los *!

c. pása les *! *

/pasaɾ#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V

a. pasáɾ els *! *

√ b. pasáɾ los *

c. pasáɾ les *! *

Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z}) >> DEP-V/pasaɾ#m#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V

√ a. pasáɾ me ls * *

b. pasáɾ me los * *! *

/pasaɾ#voz#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V

√ a. pasáɾ voz els * *

b. pasáɾ voz los * *!

Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian

DEP-V >> PRIORITY ({l+z > l+o+z})

Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z})/pasa#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR

√ a. pása ls

b. pása los *!

/pasaɾ#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR

a. pasáɾ els *! *

√ b. pasáɾ los *

Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z})/pasa#m#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR

√ a. pásaɾ me ls * *

b. pásaɾ me los * * *!

/pasaɾ#voz#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR

a. pásaɾ voz els * *!

√ b. pásaɾ voz los * *

Data (Pedreguer Valencian):

Enclisis:

[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after a clitic ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los

(cf. standard portar-vos-els)

Intermediate extension of /l+o+z/

Variety III: Palmera Valencian

PRIORITY inversion

({l+o+z > l+z}) in enclisis

Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V, PRIORITY({L+O+Z > L+Z})/pasa#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR

a. pása ls *!

√ b. pása los

/pasaɾ#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR

a. pásaɾ els *! * *

√ b. pásaɾ los

Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V, PRIORITY({L+O+Z > L+Z})/pasa#m#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR

a. pasáɾ me ls * * *!

√ b. pasáɾ me los * *

/pasaɾ#voz#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR

a. pasáɾ voz els * *! *

√ b. pasáɾ voz los *

Data (Palmera Valencian):

Enclisis:

[los] after a host ending in V: porta-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in (epenth.) V: portar-me-los [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los

Maximal extension of /l+o+z/

V. Final remarks

In the process of grammaticalization, pronominal clitics tend to become regular affixes & reduce their form to the minimum:

… Independent words

Palmera Valencian

Pedreguer Valencian

Standard Valencian

… Affixes

V. Final remarks

Hence, as regular affixes, they tend to add the default epenthetic vowel:

[e] in Western Catalan

[ə] in Eastern Catalan

Although sometimes the support segments are chosen on positional markedness or on morphophonological grounds: cf., respectively, Pedreguer Valencian [a]ls porta & portar-l[o]s.

V. Final remarks

With regard to the last exceptions to the general pattern, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:

On the one hand, whereas proclitic forms tend to maximally reduce, resorting, if needed, to an epenthetic vowel (cf. Standard Val. [e]ls porta), enclitic forms can retain part of their primordial morphosyntactic independence with the presence of specific gender markers (cf. Standard Val. portar-l[o]s).

V. Final remarks

With regard to these exceptions to the general rule, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:

On the other hand, only proclitic forms usually take vowels whose segmental features replicate the phonological prominence of the initial position, as in Pedreguer Val. m[a]ls porta vs. porta-m[e]ls.

VI. References ALDERETE, John (1995): Faithfulness to prosodic heads. Ms., University of

Massachusetts, Amherst. BARNES, Jonathan (2002): The phonetics and phonology of positional

neutralization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. Published as Strength and weakness at the interface: Positional neutralization in phonetics and phonology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2006.

BELTRAN, Vicent (2005): El parlar de la Marina Alta. 2 vols. Alacant: Departament de Filologia Catalana, Universitat d’Alacant.

BONET, Eulàlia (1991): La morfologia dels clítics pronominals en català i en altres llengües romàniques. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

BONET, Eulàlia (1993): «3rd Person Pronominal Clitics in Dialects of Catalan». Catalan Working Papers in Linguistics 3-1: 85-111.

BONET, Eulàlia (2002): «Cliticització». In: Joan Solà; Maria-Rosa Lloret; Joan Mascaró & Manuel Pérez Saldanya (dir.) Gramàtica del català contemporani. Vol. 1. Barcelona: Empúries, 933-989.

BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1995): Cliticització i sil·labificació. I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).

VI. References BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1996): Variació dialectal i optimitat.

Epèntesi en el grup clític. 6è Col·loqui de Gramàtica generativa, València. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1998a): Fonologia catalana.

Barcelona: Ariel. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1998b): La sil·labificació del grup

clític en català. Novè Col·loqui de la NACS, Barcelona. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2002): «OCP effects in Catalan cliticization». Catalan Journal of Linguistics 1: 19-39.

BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2005): «More on alignment as an alternative to domains: the syllabification of Catalan clitics». Probus 17.1: 37-78.

BONET, Eulàlia, Maria-Rosa LLORET & Joan MASCARÓ (2007): «Allomorph selection and lexical preferences: Two case studies». Lingua 117: 903-927.

CAMPMANY, Elisenda (2008): Diferències fonològiques entre diversos estils de parla al català central septentrional. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Barcelona.

COLINA, Sonia (1995): A Constraint-based Analysis of Syllabification in Spanish, Catalan, and Galician. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana.

VI. References COLOMINA, Jordi (1985): L'alacantí. Un estudi sobre la variació lingüística.

Alacant: Institut d'Estudis «Juan Gil-Albert», Diputació Provincial d'Alacant. CROSSWHITE, Katherine (1999): Vowel reduction in Optimality Theory.

Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA. Published in London / New York: Routledge, 2001. DECESARIS, Janet A. (1987): «Epenthesis in Catalan». In: Carol Neidle &

Rafael A. Núñez (ed.) Studies in Romance Languages: Proceedings if the 15th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. Dordrecht: Foris, 79-92.

GARCIA, Josepa & Vicent BELTRAN (1994): El parlar de Pedreguer. Pedreguer: Ajuntament de Pedreguer, Institut d’Estudis Comarcals de la Marina Alta.

JIMÉNEZ, Jesús (1997): L’estructura siŀlàbica del dialecte valencià. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de València.

JIMÉNEZ, Jesús (1999): L’estructura siŀlàbica del català. València, Barcelona: IIFV, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat.

JIMÉNEZ, Jesús & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2013): «Vocalic adjustments under positional markedness in Catalan and other Romance languages». In: Victoria Camacho-Taboada; Ángel L Jiménez-Fernández; Javier Martín-González & Mariano Reyes-Tejedor (ed.) Information Structure and Agreement. (Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 197). Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 319-336.

VI. References

JIMÉNEZ, Jesús & Júlia TODOLÍ (1995): «La forma dels pronoms clítics catalans: condicions sil·làbiques i alineament morfològic». In: Carlos Martín Vide (ed.) Actes del XIè Congrés de Llenguatges Naturals i Llenguatges Formals. Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 429-437.

LLORET, Maria-Rosa & Jesús JIMÉNEZ (1998): «Marcatge posicional i prominència en el vocalisme àton». Caplletra 45: 55-91. LLORET, Maria-Rosa & Joaquim VIAPLANA (1996): «Els clítics pronominals singulars del català oriental: una aproximació interdialectal». Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes XXXII: 273-309.

MASCARÓ, Joan (1986): Morfologia. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana. MORALES, Alfonso & Pilar PRIETO (1992): «Processos d'epèntesi en grups

de clítics en tortosí». In: Actes del Sisè Col·loqui d'Estudis Catalans a Nord-Amèrica (Vancouver, 1990). Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 131-142.

PALMADA, Blanca (1994): La fonologia del català. Els principis actius i la variació. Bellaterra: Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

PALMADA, Blanca & Pep SERRA (1995): La sil·labificació òptima del clítics. Treball presentat al I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).

VI. References

SERRA, Pep (1996): La fonologia prosòdica del català. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Girona.

TODOLÍ, Júlia (1988): Estat actual de la combinació binària de pronoms febles al País Valencià. Master’s Thesis, Universitat de València.

TODOLÍ, Júlia (1992): «Variants dels pronoms febles de 3a persona al País Valencià: regles fonosintàctiques i morfològiques». Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 5: 137-160.

TODOLÍ, Júlia (1994): «Els clítics pronominals de 3a persona a les comarques d'Alacant: interferència lingüística del castellà?». Actes del IXè Col·loqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes, vol. 3. Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 197-209.

VIAPLANA, Joaquim (1980): «Algunes consideracions sobre les formes pronominals del barceloní». Anuario de Filología 6: 459-483.

WHEELER, Max (1979): Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Blackwell. WHEELER, Max (2005): The Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford

University Press.

Thank you for your attention

Jesús Jiménez (jesus.jimenez@uv.es)

Research funded by the Spanish MINECO and the FEDER (FFI2010-22181-C03-02) and by the Generalitat de Catalunya (2009SGR521)

Presentation soon available at: http://www.ub.edu/GEVAD/

Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics Jesús Jiménez (Universitat...

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Beggars Can be Choosers: O n Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics

Clitics in Word Grammar

Introduction to the Choosers Notice