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Argument Structure: typological perspectiveBMA-ANGD-A2 Linguistic Theory
Irina Burukina
irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu
Part II
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 1 / 37
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Overview
The lectures aim to provide an overview of various syntactic phenomena re-lated to argument structure and argument structure transformations from atypological perspective.
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 2 / 37
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Today we will talk about
1. Removal of argumentsMiddleAntipassive III
2. Addition of argumentsCausativizationApplicatives
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 3 / 37
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Removal (deletion) of arguments
Middle
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 4 / 37
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Middle Voice
Middle – (1) the external argument is removed, (2) an internal argument ispromoted.
(1) a. Bad people bribe politicians.b. Politicians bribe easily.
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 5 / 37
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Middle Voice
The external argument is deleted completely!
(2) a. Politicians bribe easily (*by bad people).b. Politicians bribe easily (*to pressure the officials).c. #Politicians bribe easily drunk.← the politicians are drunk, not the one who bribes them
Compare to passive!
(3) a. The ship was sunk with a torpedo.b. The ship sank (*with a torpedo).
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 6 / 37
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Middle: (a) structural representation
VoiceP
Voice′
VP
bookread
Voice0
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 7 / 37
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Dispositional Middle
Some verbs in the middle voice denote a dispositional property of the internalargument:
(4) a. etotthis
xlebbread
*(legko)easily
rezhet-sjacut.3sg-refl
[Russian]
‘This bread cuts easily.’b. This book reads *(easily).
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 8 / 37
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Impersonal Middle
Impersonal middles are dispositional middles constructed from intransitive verbs.
(5) a. Hierhere
schläftsleeps
esit
sichREFL
angenehm.comfortable
[German]
‘It is comfortable to sleep here’ (Schäfer 2007)b. Se
REFLduermesleeps.3S
bienwell
enin
losthe
bancos.benches
[Spanish]
‘One sleeps well on benches.’
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 9 / 37
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Anticausative
(6) a. The cup broke (*by John).b. The ship sank (*by the captain).
Russian:
(7) a. rebjonokchild.m.nom
razbilbroke.m.sg
čašk-u.cup.f-acc
‘The child broke the cup.’b. čašk-a
cup.f-nomrazbila-s’.broke.f.sg-refl
‘The cup broke.’
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 10 / 37
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Reduction (deletion) of arguments
Antipassive III
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 11 / 37
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Antipassive III
Active:External argument (active) = Subject, ERGInternal argument (passive) = Object, ABSAntipassive III:External argument = Subject, ABSInternal argument = deleted.
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 12 / 37
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Antipassive III
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 13 / 37
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Antipassive III: (a) structural representation
The traditional analysis: antipassive (AP) morpheme as an incorporated object(back to Baker (1988)).
VoiceP
Voice′
VP
APV0
Voice
ExtA
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 14 / 37
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Antipassive in the world’s languages
WALS: 146 languages, + antipassive implicit (blue, 18), + antipassive oblique(ref, 30), no antipassive (white, 146).
Link: https://wals.info/feature/108A#2/23.2/148.5
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 15 / 37
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Addition of arguments
Causativization
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 16 / 37
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Causatives
Causative construction – increase of the valency of a predicate by adding aCauser or a Cause.Periphrastic causative in English:
(8) a. The baby slept.b. The mother made the baby sleep.c. His singing made the baby sleep.d. His singing caused the baby to sleep.
Not only with inherently intransitive predicates:
(9) a. The baby drank milk.b. The mother made the baby drink milk.c. Hunger made the baby drink milk.d. Hunger forced the baby to drink milk.
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 17 / 37
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Causatives
Periphrastic causative:Biclausal (note: Song 1996, biclausality as a continuum);The Causer and the predicate of cause must be “foregrounded” (moreprominent), while the Causee and the predicate of effect “backgrounded”(less prominent);The expression of the causer’s action should be without specific meaning(e.g. cause but not order).
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 18 / 37
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Causatives
Periphrastic causative:
(10) Swahili (Vitale 1981: 152)
AhmedAhmed
a-li-m-fanyahe-pst-him-make
mbwadog
a-l-ehe-eat-sbjv
samakifish
mkubwa.large
‘Ahmed made the dog eat a large fish.’
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 19 / 37
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:
(11) Japanese
KanakoKanako
ganom
ZirooZiro
oacc
ik-ase-ta.go-caus-pst
‘Kanako made Ziro go.’
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 20 / 37
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:Monoclausal;The Causer occupies a grammatically more ‘prominent’ position than theCausee;The expression of the causer’s action, be it an affix or a separate(auxiliary) verb, should be without specific meaning.
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 21 / 37
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 22 / 37
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:vP
v′
VP
V′
V0
Causee
vCAUS
Causer
Additional reference: work by Heidi Harley
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 23 / 37
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:(white, 23 – no morphological causative, red/violet, 278 – morphological caus-ative)
Link: https://wals.info/feature/111A#2/16.6/148.5
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 24 / 37
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Causatives
Not considered to be non-periphrastic, morphological causative:
(12) Tuvaluan (Besnier 2000: 325)
tethe
paalakingfish
enpst
tasione
nepst
saoescape
ia Aaifooubecause.of Aifou
‘The kingfish got away because of Aifou.’
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 25 / 37
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Causatives
Inchoative-causative alternation in English*inchoative – become, change of state / cf. ’anticausative’wake up, change, finish, break, melt, turn, burn, roll, freeze, open, develop,dissolve, close, connect, begin, boil, improve, dry, gather, spread, stop, sink ...← anticausativizaton or causativization?
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 26 / 37
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Causatives
Compare English to the morphological anticausativization in Russian:katat’-sja ‘roll (intr.)’ <Theme>katat’ ‘roll (tr.)’ <Agent, Theme>
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 27 / 37
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Addition of arguments
Applicatives
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 28 / 37
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Applicatives
Applicative – the number of object arguments selected by the predicate is in-creased by one.Often: introducing a usual adjunct as an argument-like participant.Usually: a Benefactive, a Malefactive, or a Goal (Recepient).Cf. in English: She baked a cake – She baked Oscar a cake. (Benefactive)← typically, we call those constructions applicative where the addition of anobject is overtly marked on the predicate.
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 29 / 37
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Applicatives
Applicatives from a transitive base only – Japanese
(13) a. Taroo-gaTaro-NOM
Hanako-niHanako-DAT
tegami-oletter-ACC
kaita.wrote
‘Taro wrote Hanako a letter’b. *Taroo-ga
Taroo-NOMHanako-niHanako-DAT
hasitta.run-PAST
‘Taro ran for Hanako’c. *Taroo-ga
Taro-NOMHanako-niHanako-DAT
kanojo-noshe-GEN
kaban-obag-ACC
motta.held
‘Taro held Hanako her bag’
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 30 / 37
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Applicatives
Low applicative analysis(Pylkkänen 2002 for low vs. high applicatives)
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 31 / 37
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Applicatives
Aplicatives from an intransitive base
(14) Kichaga: high benefactive applicativea. Nailyi-i-a
he-eats-APPLmkawife
kelyafood
‘He is eating food for his wife’b. Naizric-i-a
he-runs-APPLmbuyafriend
‘He is running for a friend’
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 32 / 37
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Applicatives
High applicative analysis:
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 33 / 37
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Applicatives
“high applicatives”can appear on intransitivesno relation between NPseither “object” can be affected by passive
“low applicatives”restricted to transitive verbsrelates ApplObj and Theme (often possessive)only the applicative object can passivize
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 34 / 37
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Applicatives
white, 100 – no applicative, others, 83 – applicative
Link: https://wals.info/feature/109A#2/21.9/147.8
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 35 / 37
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Selected references
Aldridge, Edith. 2004. Ergativity and word order in Austronesian languages.PhD diss, Cornell University.Baker, Mark C. 1988. Incorporation: A Theory of Grammatical Function Chan-ging. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Bruening, Benjamin. 2013. By phrases in passives and nominals. Syntax 16:1–41.Collins, Chris. 2018. Is the passive by-phrase an adjunct. Ms. NYU.Harley, Heidi. 2005. On the causative construction. Ms. University of Arizona.
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 36 / 37
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Selected references
Labelle, Marie. 2008. The French reflexive and reciprocal se. Natural Language& Linguistic Theory 26. 833-876.Legate, Julie Anne. 2008. Morphological and abstract case. Linguistic Inquiry39: 55–101.Polinsky, Maria. 2017. Antipassive. In Coon, Jessica, Diane Massam, and LisaDemena Travis (eds.), The Oxford handbook of ergativity, 308–331. Oxford:Oxford University Press.Pylkkänen, Liina. 2008. Introducing arguments. MIT Press.Reinhart, Tanya and Tal Siloni 2005. The lexicon–syntax parameter: reflexiv-ization and other arity operations, Linguistic Inquiry 36.3, 389–436.
Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 37 / 37
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